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.L5\ 


THE  CHINESE  CLASSICS. 

VOL.  Y. 

THE  CHlUN  TS'EW,  with  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


以文 

害齓不 

以辭害 

士 I 以意 
逆士  I 是 


爲得之 


THE 


CHINESE  CLASSICS： 


WITH 


A TRANSLATION,  CRITICAL  AND  EXEGETICAL  NOTES, 
PROLEGOMENA,  AND  COPIOUS  INDEXES. 


JAMES  LEGGE,  D.D.,  LL.D., 

OP  THE  LONDON  MISSIONARY  SOCIETY. 


IN  SEVEN  VOLUMES. 


VOL.  V.-PART  I., 

CONTAINING 

DUKES  YIX,  HWAX,  CHWANG,  MIN,  HE,  WAN,  SEUEN  AND  CH1NG； 

AND  THE  PROLEGOMENA. 


HONGKONG：  LANE,  CRAWFORD  & CO. 

LONDON：  TRUBNER  & Co.,  60,  PATERNOSTER  ROW. 

1872. 


HONGKONG： 

Printed  at  the  London  Missionary  Societies 
Printing  Officb. 


PREFACE. 


The  author  is  glad  to  be  able  to  publish  his  fifth  volume  in  less 
than  twelve  months  after  the  publication  of  t.lie  fourth.  There 
remain  now  only  the  Le  Ke  and  the  ^ ih  King  to  be  translated  and 
annotated,  and  then  the  task  which  he  undertook  will  be  fully 
accomplished.  As  he  must  return  to  England  in  the  course  of  next 
year,  he  cannot  say  when  the  publication  of  those  two  \Yorks  may 
be  looked  for.  He  will  certainly  not  allow  anything  to  interfere 
with  the  completion  of  his  labours  upon  them ; but  the  Le  Ke  is  so  very 
voluminous,  and  the  Yih  King  is  so  entirely  sui  generis^  tliat  this  ■svill 
yet  require  some  years.  It  will  then  have  to  be  considered  whether 
he  can  get  them  printed  in  England,  or  must  return  once  more  to 
Hongkong  for  that  purpose.  Moreover,  the  publication  of  them  must 
depend  in  a good  measure  on  the  sale  whicli  the  volumes  already 
issued  may  continue  to  have. 

The  present  volume  contains  not  only  the  Chcun  Ts{ew  of  Confu- 
cius, but  also  the  Commentary  on  it  by  Tso  K4ew-ming.  Had  the 
author  been  content  to  publish  merely  the  text  of  the  Classic,  with 
a translation  of  it,  the  volume  would  have  been  of  small  compass. 
But  withont  the  narratives  of  Tso  the  annals  of  the  Sage  would 
have  given  a most  meagre  ancl  unsatisfactory  account  of  the  period 
covered  by  them.  He  did  not  therefore  shrink  from  the  great  addi- 
tional labour  required  to  translate  the  whole  of  Tso's  Work；  and  he 
believes  it  will  be  acknowledged  that  he  has  thereby  rendered  an 
important  service  to  st  udents  of  Chinese  literature  and  to  liis  readers 
generally.  From  the  narratives  of  Tso  there  may  be  gathered  as  full 
and  interesting  an  account  of  the  history  of  China,  from  b.c.  721  to 
about  460,  as  we  have  of  any  of  the  nations  of  Europe  during  the 
Middle  Ages. 


VI 


PREFACE. 


The  translation  of  the  Ch^un  Ts4ew  itself  may  be  made  by  an 
ordinary  Chinese  scholar  currente  calamo;  but  it  is  not  so  with  the 
translation  of  the  Tso  Chuen.  And  the  author  had  not  the  benefit 
of  the  labours  of  previous  translators  with  either  of  them.  In  pre- 
paring his  former  volumes,  he  did  his  work  in  the  first  place 
■without  reference  to  those  who  had  traversed  the  same  fields  before 
him,  but  he  afterwards  found  it  occasionally  of  advantage  to  com- 
pare his  versions  with  those  of  others.  This  lie  has  not  been  able 
to  do  in  the  present  case.  If  any  Sinologue  be  at  times  inclined  to 
differ  from  him  in  the  rendering  of  a passage  of  Tso,  the  author 
would  ask  him  to  suspend  his  judgment  for  a little.  Prolonged 
study  may  perhaps  show  him  that  the  meaning  has  seldom  been 
mistaken.  To  have  introduced  notes  vindicating  his  renderings, 
where  the  meaning  was  not  immediately  evident,  would  have  greatly 
increased  the  size  of  the  volume,  already  sufficiently  large.  His 
object  lias  alwa};s  been  to  translate  faithfully,  without  resorting  to 
paraphrase,  which  he  considers  a slovenly  and  unscholarly  practice; 
yet  he  hopes  that  his  versions  are  not  in  language  that  can  be 
represented  as  uncouth,  or  unpleasant  to  read. 

He  has  received  the  same  assistance  as  in  the  case  of  the  fourth 
volume  in  reading  most  of  the  proofs.  And  his  obligations  to  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Chalmers  have  been  even  greater  than  before.  Not  only 
did  he  prepare  the  indexes  of  Subjects  and  Proper  Names,  but  the 
author  is  indebted  to  him  for  the  valuable  maps  of  China  in  the 
Chcun  ls'ew  period,  for  the  chronological  table  of  the  lunar  months 
during  it,  and  for  various  assistance  on  other  points. 

Hongkong,  September  2fith,  1872. 


CONTENTS. 


I.  THE  PROLEGOMENA. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CU‘UN  T8‘EW. 

SECTION  PAGE 

I.  Disappointment  of  the  expectations  raised  by  the  earliest  accounts  of  the  Ch{ua 

Ts-ew  1 

II.  The  Sources  of  the  Ch4«n  Ts*ew.  and  its  Nature.  Did  Confucius  allow  himself 

any  liberty  of  addition  or  retrenchment  in  the  use  of  his  authorities? 6 

III.  Recovery  of  the  Clrun  "I's'ew  during  the  Han  dynasty.  Was  this  indeed  the 

Ch'un  Ts4ew  of  Confucius? 16 

IV.  The  three  early  Commentaries  on  the  Clrun  Ts^w 22 

V.  The  value  of  the  Clrun  Tskew 38 

APPENDIX 

I.  Specimens  of  the  Commentaries  of  Kuncr-yan*;  and  Kuh-lean? ••••  54 

II.  A letter  questiouiug  the  Coufucian  authorship  of  the  Cli  ua  Ts4ew,  by  Yuen  Mei....  81 

CHAPTER  II. 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  TIIE  CH*UN  T8lEW. 

SECTION 

I.  The  chronology  of  the  Text; 一 with  tables  of  solar  eclipses,  and  of  the  lunar 

months  for  the  wliole  period 85 

II.  The  dates  in  the  I'so  Cluien 97 

III.  Lists  of  the  kings  of  Chow,  and  of  the  princes  of  the  principal  fiefs,  from  the 

beginning  to  the  close  of  the  Cliow  dynasty 102 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW  PERIOD: — CONSIDERED  IN  RELATION  TO  ITS  TERRITORIAL 
EXTENT：  THE  DISORDER  WHICH  PREVAILED；  THE  GROWTH  AND  ENCROACHMENTS  OF 

THE  LARGER  STATES；  AND  THE  BARBAROUS  TRIBES  WHICH  SURROUNDED  IT 112 

CHAPTER  IV. 

LIST  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  WORKS  WHICH  HAVE  BEEN  EMPLOYED  IN  THE 
PREPARATION  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 

SECTION 

I.  Chinese  Works ; with  brief  notices  of  them 136 

II.  Translations  and  other  Foreign  Works 117 


via 


CONTENTS. 


II.  THE  BODY  OF  THE  VOLUME. 


BOOK 

I Duke  Yin 

II „ Hwan. … 

III  „ Cliwnng. 

IV  ，，  Min 

V „ He  ••••••• 

VI „ Wan  •… 

VII ,,  SeutMi.... 

VIII „ Ching … 

IX „ Sean*?  ... 

X „ C^lraou  . 

XI „ Tiinr •••••• 

XII ,,  Gae 


Supplement  of  Tso 

III.  INDEXES. 

I.  Index  of  Subjects 

II.  Index  of  Proper  Names 

III.  Index  of  Cliinese  characters  and  phrases 


1 

35 

72 

123 

132 

227 

284 

336 

411 

568 

742 

792 

838 

865 

876 

888 


1 KRA  1A. 


IX 


EHRATA. 


IN  THK  CI1INESB  TEXT  OF  THE  CI^CX  T6*EW. 


Column 

Column 

8, 

6'  f°r 繫彳1 需1 履输 

163, 

4, 

after  dele,  comma. 

ti 

6 J 6/  〇l.y  女 货 ” 

221, 

5, 

Jele  fiifi- 

i* 

7, ，，帛 ，，伯 • 

29!, 

2 

for 改丨 、，牛 •reiul 玫卜 

22, 

5，  after  dele  comma. 

471, 

7, 

，，脚  rend  成- 

46, 

4，  ^成  reafl  卿 

742, 

2 

，，着 王， read 春 ，王. 

13 今 

8X 雨 ^ read  雨. 

More  tlian  one  half  of  the  above  are  merely  errors  as  regards  the  text  of  the  K*ang-he  Ch*ua 
and  hare  arisen  from  the  compositors  gathering  the  characters  from  copies  in  which  the 
Ztexfc  of  Tso-she  was  altogether  iulliered  to.  In  the  same  way  is  to  be  explained  tlie  occasional 

occurrence  of  for  于 in  the  text,  and  of  于 for  in  the  Chuen. 


II.  IN  THE  CHINESE  TEXT  OF  THE  CIIUEN. 


29 


Page  Column 

20.  11.  foi •落  read  蕴. 

”夏五  should  begin  a column. 

,， 庚午  do.  do. 

before  立 insert  季 
dele  〇 beside 

for  緊 read  潔. 

”巳 ，，已 
，，卒 砌， ，，卒 ，成 !!• 


128 

135 

143 

204 

259 

380 


”螫 ，，蝥 


Page  Column 
418,  8, 

for 詣 

reail  詔 • 

451, 

8, 

，，臧 

” 藏. 

643, 

646, 

7,  l 
7,  j 

，，凟 

” 瀆. 

679, 

4, 

，，微 

” 徵 

721, 

12, 

，，其 矣 

，，矣 其_ 

776. 

11, 

” 取 

，，  敗 

815, 

10, 

，，蘇 

>. M- 

822, 

15, 

，，梁 

” 粱. 

823, 

10, 

ITT1 

” 模 

” 檟- 

III.  CHINESE  CHARACTERS  IN  THE  NOTES. 


Page  Column  Line 


4, 

30, 


59, 

77, 

219, 

237, 

287, 

291, 


2, 

1, 

2, 

2, 

2, 

1， 


8,  for  read 
32,  insert  Rung  and  Kuh  have 

® for  M- 

40,  ” Rung  has  ^ for  J^JJ. 

8，  ，， Kunghas  衣 jj ，， 虛. 

6,  ,,  Kung  and  Kuh  have 

響心享 . 

67,  ” Kuh  has  於 f。! •于. 

30， for  求 read 
8,  insert  Kung  has  棚 J for  祟. 
10，  ，， Kung  has  美棒  for 

夷臬 


Page  Column  Line 
305，  1 

335 
427 


455 

595 

688 

791 

806 

829 


5,  insert  寛 after 
12,  „ Rung  lias  S for  旅 

U， foi *勝咖(1滕. 

3，  ，， pp  ，， 台 

7,  insert  Kung  and  Kuh  have 

雪 for 雹- 

72,  for  白 read  伯. 

35, ，，少 ，，小 . 

4， ，，花 ，， 5£. 

18,  insert  Kung  lias  丄寧  forgJJ. 


IV.  CHINESE  CHARACTERS  IN  INDEX  III. 


Page  Col.  LI. 

卿， 32,  32,33,  for  柏丘  read  杵白. 


Page  Col.  LI. 

898，  2,  47,  for  read  7^. 


X 


errata. 


JX  THE  PKOLEGOilEXA. 


\ote：s 
P … je  Lint 

8，  7, 


12, 

21, 

站， 


12, 

11, 

2, 


25,  4, 


after  iffi  insert 

fcr 無水 read 無 水 
，，掏 《md 狗. 

，，價 ，，賈 

，， 4 學 read 左氏學 • 


Notes 
Pa</e  Line 

126，  1,  for  read 

t>4,  Col.  2,  L.  2,  for  浹 read  決 

U8-  J>  8’  籍”藉 . 

79,  ”1,  „ J8,  after  ^ insert^. 


VI.  IN  THE  TRANSLATION. 


I-  iv.  4,  for  invaked  read  invaded. 

II.  ii.  6;  vii.  3,  „ T‘ang,  „ Tang. 

III.  xxvii.  l；e^a/.,s^e,  „ Ke(^^j)  „ Kfe. 

V.  ix.  2,  „ Tsaou  „ Ts*aou. 

„ xxix.  4,  for  great  fall  a „ a great  fall. 

VI.  ii.  1.  1.  2,  „ he  „ the 

VIII.  ii.  9,  „ Kung-ts^  „ Kung-tsze. 


IX.  xvi.  7, 
，’  xxii., 

X.  ii.  4, 

” vii.  8， 

” xiii.  4, 

„ xix.  2, 

„ xx.  4, 

XI.  xiv.  15, 


for  Ts;e  read  Tsin. 

thirty-second  ，，  twenty-second. 


K4e-sun 
Ling 

T4iig-K‘i:\v 
She 
Ch‘i  叫 
Slioo 


Ive-sun. 
Seang. 
P^ng-k^w. 
Clio. 

Cli.hu 

Choo. 


Nearly  all  the  above  errors  might  be  corrected  from  Index  111. 


VII.  IN  THE  NOTES. 


Page  Column  Line 

Pfif/e  Cohnt 

n Line 

15, 

1, 

1; 

etal,  for  Ke  read  K4e.  The 

119, 

2 

12, 

for  5 

rend  fi. 

account  of  K‘e’s  capital  in  the 

125, 

1; 

l(j, 

v Koo-lnli 

” Loh-koo. 

par.  is  also  wrong ; but  tliis 
and  some  other  geographical 

199, 

1, 

31, 

„ dis.  of 

Kwei-chow  n*nd 

Kwei  Chow. 

mistakes  in  the  notes  can  be 

214, 

1, 

15, 

，， 2 

read  3. 

corrected  from  Index  III. 

217, 

2, 

15, 

，，  3 

,，  4. 

23, 

2, 

30, 

for  5 read  4. 

304, 

2 

】0, 

，，  3 of  last  read  2 of  7fh. 

42, 

1， 

40, 

dele  dis.. 

305, 

1: 

4, 

after  K ill  insert  K4wan. 

50, 

1, 

13, 

for  a marquisate  read  an 

357, 

1, 

47, 

lor  3 read  4. 

earldom. 

” 

» 

51, 

，， Par.  4 ，， 

Par.  3. 

»» 

2, 

2, 

for  earldom  read  marquisate 

” 

57, 

，，  ^ ，， 

13： 

61， 

2, 

35, 

,, 8 ” 3. 

372, 

2, 

6, 

，， . L ，， 

90, 

2, 

20, 

,, Yen-cliow  ” T‘ae-gan. 

404, 

1， 

8, 

” Jin-shin  ,， 

Jin-yin. 

112, 

1， 

47, 

„ Yuen-chung  read  Yuen 

581, 

650, 

2 

30, 

n charistH 

cliHri〇(9. 

Chung. 

2 

62, 

yj  〇 ，， 

90. 

VIII.  IN  THE  PROLEGOMENA. 

Page 

Line 

Page  Line 

dele  comma. 

2, 

1,  note,  for  Pt.  i.  read  Ft.  ii. 

43, 

22, 

after  9 th 

15， 

8, 

after  thing  insert  a comma. 

44， 

37, 

>» 

Ch*ing 

，， ]. 

21， 

17, 

for  sufficint  read  sufficient. 

45, 

22, 

” 

remonstrances  n comma. 

23, 

30, 

after  period  dele^. 

79， 

17,  col.  1,  for  appiont  read  appoint. 

23， 

5,  note,  carry  2 over  to 

88， 

112, 

9,  note, 
8， 

，， Mouments 
，， Cli‘nn 

,t  Moiiumenl.s. 
„ Clrui». 

page  24. 

118, 

15, 

after  States  insert  a comma. 

24, 

10， 

for  title  read  title' 

122, 

20, 

before 

commerce  insert  of. 

25, 

> 

, King  „ king. 

PROLEGOMENA 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH4UN  TS4E\V. 

APPENDIXES.— 

I.  SPBCIMKNS  OF  THE  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KCTH-LKANG. 

II.  A LEITEK  QUESTIONING  THE  CONFUCIAN  AOTHORSHIP  OF  THE  CHUN  l'S'ENV  BY  YUEN 
MEI  OF  THE  PRESENT  DYNASTY. 

SECTION  I. 

DISAPPOINTMENT  OF  THE  EXPECTATIONS  RAISED  BY  THE  EARLIEST 
ACCOUNTS  OF  THE  CH'UN  TS^EVV. 

1 In  the  prolegomena  to  vol.  I.,  on  page  1,  I have  said  that  of 
the  five  King  or  classical  works,  the  authorship,  or  compilation 
rather,  of  which  is  loosely  attributed  to  Confucius,  1 the  Ch4un  Ts£ew 

Was  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘ew  腳 rfe}  is  the  only  one  which  can  rightly  be  described 
by  Confucius?  ^ as  of  his  own  making.'  If  I had  been  as  familiar 

with  the  Chcun  Tscew  in  1861  as  I am  now,  instead  of  appearing, 
as  in  that  judgment,  to  allow  that  it  is  an  original  Work  of  the 
sage,  I should  have  contented  myself  with  saying  that  of  it  alone 
has  the  making  been  claimed  for  him.  The  question  as  to  what  he 
really  did  in  the  matter  of  this  Classic  is  one  of  great  perplexity. 

2.  The  earliest  authority  who  speaks  on  the  subject  is  Mencius. 
No  better  could  be  desired;  and  the  glowing  account  Avliich  he  gives 

Mencius’ account  of  the  i 〇f  the  Work  excites  our  liveliest  expectations. 

Chnin  Ts'ew.  ^ His  language  puts  it  beyond  doubt  that  in  his 

time,  not  far  removed  from  that  of  Confucius,  there  was  a book 
current  in  China,  called  the  Ch^m  Ts4e\v,  and  accepted  without 
question  by  him  and  others  as  having  been  made  by  the  sage. 


rK〇LEG〇3iENA.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH4UN  TS*EW. 


[CH.  I. 


a The  world/'  lie  says,  6 was  fallen  into  decay,  and  right  principles 
had  d wind  led  awny.  Perverse  discoar.ses  and  oppressive  deeds  were 
again  waxen  rife.  Cases  were  occurring  of  ministers  who  murdered 
their  rulers,  and  of  sons  who  inurderecl  their  fathers.  Confucius 
was  afraid,  and  made  the  Chcun  Ts^ew/1  He  describes  the  work  as 
of  equal  value  witJi  Yu  s regulation  of  the  waters  of  the  deluge,  and 
the  duke  of  (/liow^s  establishing  his  dynasty  amid  the  desolations  and 
disorder  which  had  been  wrought  by  thelatersovereignsof  thedynasty 
of  Shang.  { Confucius  completed  the  Ch'un  Ts4e\v,  and  rebellious 
ministers  and  villainous  sons  were  struck  with  terror/2  Going  more 
particularly  into  tlie  nature  of  the  Work,  and  fortifying  liimself  with 
the  words  of  the  Master,  Mencius  says,  4Tlie  subjectsof  tlieCh4un  Tsle\v 
are  Hwan  of  Tsce  and  Wan  ofTsin,  and  its  style  is  the  historical.  Con- 
fucius said,  u Its  righteous  decisions  I ventured  to  limke/  *3  And 
again,  4 What  the  Ch'un  Ts^ew  contains  ore  matters  proper  to  the 
s〇j4  of  Heaven.  On  this  account  Confucius  said,  u Ves!  It.  is  the 
Clicun  Ts'ew  which  will  make  men  know  me;  and  it.  is  tlie  CliHm 
Ts^evv  which  will  make  men  condemn  Tlie  words  of*  Mencius, 

that  c Confucius  made  the  Ch'un  Ts^w/  became  tliereafter  part  of 
the  stock  plmiseolo^ry  of  Chinese  scholars.  If  the  Work  itsolf  had 
not  been  recovered  under  the  Han  dynasty,  after  the  efforts  of  the 
tyrant  of  Ts4iu  to  destroy  the  ancient  liionuinents  of  literature, 、vc 
sliould  have  regretted  its  loss,  thinking  of  it  as  a history  from  tlie 
stylus  of  the  sage  of  China  in  which  had  been  condensed  the  grandest 
utterances  of  his  wisdom  and  the  severest  lessons  of  liis  virtue. 

3.  The  making  of  a history,  indeed,  is  different  from  the  making 
of  a poein,  the  development  of  a philos〇i)hy,  and  other  literary 

1 Mencius,  III.  Pt.  i.  IX.  7,  8: 一 lit 衰道微 邪說暴 行有作 ，臣 弒其 

君 者有之 ，子 弑其夂 老有之 ，孔 子備而 作春秋  ‘2  ""， 
昔者禹 抑洪水 ，而天 下平周 公兼 夷狄驅 猛獸而 
百姓审 ，孔子 成春秋 ，而 亂臣 賊子他 • 〇 Men.,  IV.  I»..h.  XX  f. 

3: -其 事則齊 桓晉文 ，其 文則史 I 孔子曰 ，其 義則 丘竊取 

• We  must  suppose  that  II  wan  of  Ts4e  ami  Wfln  of  Tsin  are  here  adduced  as  two  of  the  most 
ronmrkal)k»  persona in  the  Cli'un  Ts*c\v,  hikI  tlut  the  first  clause  is  not  intended  to  convoy  tlie 
that  tin*  Work  was  all  al)〇ut  them.  I have  mused  often  and  long  over  the  other  parts  of  the 

paragraph.  其 文則史  might  be  translaUnl : 一 4 Tlie  text  is  from  the  liistoriograpliers.’ 
lint  whore  then  would  ihere  l)t»  any  room  for  * the  righteous  lU'riisioiis 1 of  Confucius  himself?  I 
must  hol<l  to  the  vtM*8ion  I have  given  uf  the  ohservation  quoted  from  the  sage,  and  it  seems  to 
ri*(|uirc  tlie  iranslalion  of  tlu*  previous  clause  as  I Imve  publishcil  it.  Julion  has: — Ejus  sti//ust  time 
historirus.  ( 'on/)n  ms  iih/ntt,  I /nr  hi  nr.  nftt  K/iirou  /trirntim  suin/psi  ilium'  4 III.  Pt.  i.  IX. 

^春秋 ，天子 之事也 . 足 故孔 卞 曰加 我名其 惟春秋 f， 
我我者 其惟 春秋手 


SKrT. ].] 


DISAPPOINTMENT  WITH  THE  WORK. 


[rROI.EG  OMKNA. 


acliievements  in  which  we  expect  large  results  of  original  tliou<ilit. 

What  we  are  to  expect  in  a history.  Ill  tllOSG  \VG  l〇〇k  for  11CNV  Combinations 

of  the  phenomena  of  human  character,  and  new  speculations  on 
the  divine  onler  of  the  universe, — things  unat tempted  yet  in 
prose  or  rhyme.1  But  from  the  historian  all  that  we  are  entitled 
to  require  is  a faithful  record  of  facts.  If  he  would  win  our 
special  approval,  he  must  weave  his  facts  into  an  interesting  nar- 
rative, trace  their  connexion  with  one  another,  and  by  unfolding 
the  motives  of  the  actors  teach  lessons  that  may  have  their  fruit  in 
guiding  and  directing  the  course  of  events  in  future  generations. 
rJ'he  making  of  history  should  be  signalized  by  the  vigour  and 
elegance  of  the  composition,  arul  by  the  correct  discrimination,  im- 
partiality, and  comprehensiveness  of  the  autliors  judgments. 

When,  with  these  ideas  of  what  a history  should  be,  we  look  into 
the  Cl^un  Tslew,  we  experience  immediately  an  intense  feeling  of 

Our  disappointment  in  reading  with)  disappointment.  Instead  of  a history 
such  expectations  ti.e  Ch'un  Ts*ew.  ) 〇f  events  woven  artistically  together, 

we  find  a congeries  of  the  briefest  possible  intimations  of  matters  in 
which  the  court  and  State  of  Loo  were  more  or  less  concerned, 
extending  over  242  years,  without  the  slightest  tincture  of  literary 
ability  in  the  composition,  or  the  slighest  indication  of  judicial 
opinion  on  the  part  of  the  writer.  The  paragraphs  are  always 
brief.  Each  one  is  designed  to  commemorate  a fact;  but  whether 
that  fact  be  a display  of  virtue  calculated  to  co\ninand  our  admira- 
tion, or  a deed  of  atrocity  fitted  to  awaken  our  disgust,  it  can 
hardly  be  said  that  there  is  anything  in  the  language  to  convey  to 
us  the  shadow  of  an  idea  of  the  authors  feeling  about  it.  The 
notices,  for  we  cannot  call  tliem  narratives,  are  al)solutely  unimpas- 
sioned. A base  murder  and  a shining  act  of  heroism  are  chronicled 
just  as  the  eclipses  of  the  sun  are  chronicled.  So  and  so  took 
place; — that  is  all.  No  details  are  given;  no  judgment  is  expressed. 
The  reader  may  be  conscious  of  an  emotion  of  delight  or  of  indigna- 
tion according  to  the  opinion  whicli  he  forms  of  the  event  mentioned, 
especially  when  he  lias  obtained  a fuller  account  of  it  from  some 
other  quarter;  but  there  is  nothing  in  the  text  to  excite  the  one 
feeling  or  the  other.  Whether  the  statements  found  in  the  Ch^n 
Ts4ew  be  all  reliable,  and  given  according  to  the  truth  of*  the  facts, 
is  a point  of  the  utmost  importance,  wliicli  will  be  duly  considered 
by  and  by.  I am  at  present  only  concerned  to  affirm  that  the 
Work  is  riot  at  all  of  the  nature  which  've  should  from  om、 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  Cll^UN  TS*EW.  [CH.  i. 

previous  conception  of  it  as  a history  by  a great  man,  and  from  the 
accounts  given  of  it  by  Confucius  himself  and  by  Mencius.1 

4.  If  I have  given  in  these  remarks  a correct,  though  brief^  idea 

of  what  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘ew  is， we  kno'v  not  'vhat  to  make  of  the  state- 

The  saying  of  Confucius  tliat  lie  liad  made!  merit  of  ConfucillS  quoted  by  Men- 

the  right 圆 如郝咖  in  the  ch‘unT 押 w.  tcius,  that  he  had  himself  ventured 
to  make  the  righteous  decisions  contained  in  it.  Whether  the  book 
Avliich  we  now  have  be  that  which  Confucius  is  said  to  have  made, 
or  another,  we  examine  it  in  vain  for  any  4 righteous  decisions, ' for 
any  decisions  indeed  of  any  kind,  on  the  events  which  are  indicated 
in  it.  This  difficulty  is  a Gordian  knot  which  I do  not  see  any  way 
of  untying,  and  I have  often  wished  that  I could  cut  it  by  denying 
the  genuineness  of  the  present  Ch(un  Ts(e\v  altogether.1  But,  as 
■will  by  and  by  appear,  the  evidence  Avhich  connects  and  identifies 
the  existing  Work  with  that  made,  whatever  be  the  sense  in  which 
■\ve  are  to  take  that  term,  by  the  sage,  cannot  be  rebutted.  The 
simplest  way  of  disposing  of  the  matter  is  to  set  the  testimony  of 


1 It  is  amusing  to  read  the  following  account  of  the  Cl^un  Ts^ew  given  by  the  writer  of  the 
treatise  4 On  the  Antiquity  of  the  Chinese/  on  pp.  47,  48  of  the  1st  vol.  of  the  ^lemoires  Con- 
cernant  les  Chinois:’ —— 

4 Le  Tchun-tsieou  est  un  livre  ecrit  de  genie.  Notre  Socrate  y manie  THistoire  en  lionime 
d'Etat,  en  Citoyen,  en  Pliilosoplie,  en  Savant,  et  en  Moraliste.  Son  laconisme  naif  et  sublime  le 
force  k serrer  sa  narration,  pour  presenter  les  faits  tout  nouds  et  detaches,  pour  ainsi  dire,  de  la 
ebaine  des  ev^nemens ; mais  ils  sont  dessines,  colores,  ombres  et  points  avec  tant  de  force  et  de 
feu,  q i^on  sent  d'abord  pourquoi  et  jusqu^u  ils  sont  dignes  de  louanges  ou  de  blame.  Nous  no 
connaissons  point  de  livre  en  Europe,  ou  Ton  voit  si  bien  le  commencement,  le  progrbs,  le  denoue- 
ment, et  le  remede  d〇9  revolutions  dans  TEtat  et  dans  les  moeurs  ； les  vrais  signes  de  roideur  ou 
de  mollesse,  de  tyrannie  ou  de  discredit,  de  moderation  simulee  ou  cVinconsequence  dans  le  Gou- 
vernement ; les  differences  du  talent,  da  gdnie,  de  Texperience,  de  la  profondeur  des  vues,  de  la 
bont6  da  coup-d'ceil,  et  des  ressources  d'un  esprit  fdcond  dans  levs  Princes  et  dans  leur  ministres, 
Timposant  cFune  administration  bruyante  et  le  faux  cVune  politique  pateline,  les  souterrains  de 
la  trahison  et  les  mane^e3  (le  la  negociation,  les  premieres  etincelles  (rune  revolte  qui  commence 
et  les  derniers  eclats  (Tune  ligue  epuisee；  la  maniere  enfin  (lont  le  Chang-ti  (l)ieu)  dirige  le  cours 
des  evdnemens,  j)〇ur  elever  ou  renverser  les  Trones,  et  punir  ou  recompenser  tour-k-tour  lc»  Sujets 
par  leurs  Princes  et  les  Princes  par  leurs  Sujets.  Le  Tchun-tsieou,  envisage  sous  ce  point  de 
vue,  est  le  moilele  do  toutes  les  Ilistoires.  Confucius  a un  style  qui  ne  va  qu*k  lui.  II  scmble 
que  chaque  caractere  ait  etc  fait  pour  l'endroit  uu  il  le  place.  Plus  il  est  avare  de  mots,  plus 
ceux  quMl  emploie  sont  elairs  et  expressifs/ 

The  aboye  is  certainly  of  a piece  with  the  estimate  of  the  ancient  odes  of  China  which  I quoted 
from  the  same  article  in  the  prolegomena  to  vol.  IV.,  pp.  114,  115.  Dr.  Williams  (Middle  King- 
dom, vol.  I.,  p.  512)  ^ivos  a more  fair  account  of  the  Cl^un  Ts'ew,  but  even  lie  thinks  that  it 
contains  much  good  matter  of  wliich  we  find  no  trace: 一 4 It  is  but  little  better  than  a dry  detail 
of  facts,  enlivened  by  few  incidents,  but  containing  many  of  those  practical  observations  which 
(listiiiKuish  the  writings  of  tlie  sfige.’  Anyone  who  looks  into  the  body  of  this  volume  will  see 
that  the  text  connists  of  nothing  but  a dry  detail  of  facts  or  incidents,  without  a sinyle  practical 
obnervution^  Confucian  or  non~Confucian. 

1 There  have  been  Chinese  scholars  wlio  have  taken  up  this  position.  Wanp：  Taou,  in  a mono- 
graph on  the  subject,  places  Ma  fJ'wan-lin  among  them；  but  this  is  more  than  Ma*s  words,  quoted 

in  the  tliird  section,  will  sustain.  With  more  reason  he  giv〇9  the  name  of  Iloh  King 
of  the  Ming  dynasty,  who  contends  that  the  Ch^n  T84ew  of  Confucius  wns  not  transmitted,  ^nd 
that  we  lm vc  only  fragments  of  it  in  Tso-she.  Wanj?  also  snys  tlmfc  according  to  Tung  Chung- 
alioo  and  Szo-nm  'rs^eon  the  text  consisted  of  several  myriads  of  characters,  in  several  tliousand 
paragraphs,  whoreas  Clian^  Gan  of  the  T*anpf  dynasty  found  in  it  only  18000  diameters.  But 
there  enn  bo  no  doubt  tho  present  text  is  substantially  the  same  as  that  known  in  the  Ilan 
dynasty.  See  Appendix  II. 


SECT.  1.] 


DISAPPOINTMENT  WITH  THE  WORK. 


[prolegom  I：SA. 


Mencius  on  one  side,  tliough  tlmt  method  of  proceeding  can  hartlly 
be  vindicated  on  critical  grounds. 

There  can  be  no  doubt,  however,  that  the  expression  in  Mencius 
about  Hlie  righteous  decisions,  has  had  a most  powerful  and  perni- 
cious influence  over  the  interpretation  of  the  Classic.  Cluiou  Kle,  the 
earliest  commentator  on  Mencius,  explains  the  passage  as  intimat- 
ino-  that  the  sase  making  the  Ch4uu  Ts'iiw  exercised  his  preroga- 
tive  as  *the  unsceptred  king.'  A subject  merely,  and  without  any 
order  from  his  ruler,  he  yet  made  the  Work  on  his  own  private 
authority;  and  his  saying  that  he  ventured  to  give  his  own  judg- 
ments on  things  in  it  was  simply  aii  expression  of  his  humility.2 
Chaou  gives  the  same  explanation  of  those  words  of  Mencius,  that 
Svhat  the  Ch'un  Ts^cw  contains  are  matters  proper  to  the  son  of 
Heaven/  ‘Confucius，’  says  the  commentator,  4 made  the  Ch‘uu 
Ts{e\v  by  means  of  the  Historical  Records  of  Loo,  setting  forth  his 
laws  as  au  unsceptred  king,  wliicli  are  what  Mencius  calls  u the 
matters  of  the  Son  of  Heaven.  3 

Hundreds  of  critics,  from  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang  downwards, 
have  tried  to  interpret  the  Classic  on  tlie  principle  of  finding  in 
almost  every  paragraph  some  4 righteous  decision  ；'  and  in  my  notes 
I have  in  a hundred  places  pointed  out  the  absurdities  in  which 
such  a method  lands  us.  The  same  peculiarity  of  the  style,  such  as 
the  omission  of  a clan-name,  becomes  in  one  passage  the  sign  of 
censure  and  in  another  the  sign  of  praise.4  The  whole  Book  is  a 

2 孔子自 謂竊取 之以爲 素王也 ，孔 子人& 不受 君命， 
私作之 ，故 W 竊 ，亦聖 人之謙 辭爾. 3 孔子 懼王道 
滅故作 春秋因 魯史記 ，設素 王之法 ，謂 天子之 事也 

4 It  may  be  well  here  to  give  the  discussion  of  one  notable  case,  the  occasional  omission  of  the 

term  king  taken  from  Chaou  Yih's  一 

* Every  year  should  commence  with  uIn  the  spring,  in  the  king's  first  month, or  if  there  was 
nothing  to  be  recorded  under  the  first  month， “in  tlie  spring,  in  the  king’s  second  month,”  or 
<4  In  the  spring,  in  the  king*s  third  month  the  object  being  thereby  to  do  honour  to  the  king. 
In  the  9th  and  11th  years,  however,  of  duke  Yin,  we  have  only  44  In  the  spring/*  and  in  all  the  years 
of  duke  Hwan  but  four  tlie  expression  ; the  king's  * is  omitted.  Too  Yu  holds  that  in  those  years 
the  king  had  not  issued  the  calendar；  but  seeing  the  prime  intent  of  the  Ch'un  Ts4e\v  was  to 
honour  the  king,  is  it  likely  that  for  such  an  omission  the  classic  would  have  denied  the  year  to 
be  the  king’s?  Moreover,  such  omission  was  most  likely  to  occur  when  the  court  was  in  confusion, 
as  in  the  troubles  occasioned  by  the  princes  T4uy,  Tae,  and  Chaou；  and  yet  we  find  the  years  of 
those  times  all  with  the  regular  formula.  How  unlikely  that  the  calendar  should  have  been  given 
out  in  seasons  of  disorder,  and  neglected  when  all  was  tranquil  in  the  times  of  Yin  ana  Hwan! 
Too's  explanation  is  inadmissible. 

4Ch*ing  E-cliluen  says,  uDuke  Hwan  succeeded  to  Loo  by  the  murder  of  his  predecessor,  and 
in  his  first  year  the  author  wrote  4 the  king’s,’  thereby  by  a royal  law  indicating  his  crime.  The 
same  expression  in  the  second  year  in  the  same  way  indicates  the  crime  of  Tuh  of  Sung  in  murder- 
ing his  ruler.  Its  omission  in  the  third  year  shows  that  Hwan  had  no  [fear  of  the]  king  before 
his  eyes/*  But  this  is  very  inconsistent.  If  we  say  that  the  omission  of  “ tlie  king’s”  sliows  that; 
Hwan  had  no  fear  of  the  king,  surely  it  ought  to  liave  been  omitted  in  his  first  year,  when  lie  was 
guilty  of  such  a crime.  If  we  say  that  its  occurrence  in  the  first  year  is  to  indicate  his  crime. 

5] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CIPUX  TSlEW. 


[CH.  I. 


collection  of  riddles,  to  which  tl»ere  are  as  many  answers  as  tliere 
are  guessers.  It  is  hardly  possible  for  a Chinese  to  cast  off  from  liis 
mind  the  influence  of  this  1 praise-and-censure ! theory  in  studying 
the  Classic.  He  has  learned  it  wlien  a child  by  committing  to  memo- 
ry at  school  the  lines  of  the  1 Primer  of  Three  Characters, ，5  and  it,  has 
been  obtruded  upon  him  in  most  of  his  subsequent  reading.  Even 
a foreigner  finds  himself  occasionally  casting  about  for  some  such 
way  of  accounting  for  the  ever  varying  forms  of  expression,  unwill- 
ing to  believe  that  the  changes  have  been  made  at  random.  I 
proceed  in  another  section  to  give  a fuller  idea  of  t.he  nature  of  tlie 
Work,  and  to  consider  what  were  its  sources,  and  whetliei1  we  have 
reason  to  think  that  Confucius,  in  availing  himself  of  them,  made 
additions  of  his  own  or  retrenchments. 

are  we  to  infer  that  wherever  it  occurs  it  indicates  the  crime  of  the  ruler?  Wliat  had  Loo  to  do 
with  Tuh  of  Sung’s  murdering  lii3  ruler?  Is  it  reasonable  that  historiographers  should 

have  constructed  their  annals  to  punish  him? 

4 Ho  Hew  says, 一 uIn  [Hwan's]  lOtli  year  we  find  4 the  king's/  bec.mso  ten  is  the  completion  of 
numbers,  and  we  find  it  in  his  18th  year,  because  that  was  the  last  of  his  ride.”  According  to 
this  we  ought  to  find  u the  king^^  only  in  the  year  of  a ruler's  accession,  in  liis  tenth  year,  and 
the  year  of  his  death ; but  the  practice  in  the  Ch4ua  Tssew  is  quite  different  from  this.  Ho 
Hew^  remark  is  unintelligible. 

4 It  may  be  said  that  since  the  Chow  commencement  of  the  year  was  not  universally  followed 
during  tlie  Cli-un  Tskew  period,  some  States  reckoning  by  the  1st  month  of  Yin  and  others  by 
that  of  Ilea,  although  Loo  generally  held  to  the  ritual  of  Chow,  yet  its  irregularities  in  the  matter 
of  intercalation  show  that  it  did  not  keep  to  the  first  month  of  Chow.  Perhaps  the  historio- 
graphers did  so  sometimss,  and  tlien  Confucius  wrote  uthe  king's  first  month, **  by  way  of  distinc- 
tion, while  he  left  the  cases  in  which  they  made  the  year  begin  differently  unmarked  by  such  a 
note, — thereby  condemning  them/  This  last  is  poor  Cliaou  Yih's  own  explanation  of  the  phseno* 
menon,  not  a whit  better  than  the  devices  of  others  which  he  condemns!  It  shows  the  correctness 
of  my  remark  that  it  is  next  to  ioipossible  for  a Chinese  scholar  to  shake  off  the  trammels  of  the 

creed  in  which  he  has  been  educated.  5 詩旣亡 春秋作 ，寓 褒贬 屬善 

惡; -see  the  三 字經， U.  79,  80_ 


SECTrON  II. 

TMR  SOURCES  OF  THE  CH'UN  TS'IiVV,  AND  ITS  NATURE.  DID  CONFUCIUS 
ALLOW  HIMSELF  ANY  LIBERTY"  OP  ADDITION  OR  liETRENCIIMENT 
IN  THE  USE  OF  IIIS  AUTHORITIES? 

1.  What  were  Confucius'  authorities  for  the  events  which  he 
lias  chronicled  in  the  Ch'un  Ts'iiw?  In  proceeding  to  an  inquiry 
into  the  Sources  of  the  Work,  it  will  be  well  to  give  at  tlie  com- 

mcncrmont  an  explaiintiori  of  its 


8tcr.  n.]  MEANING  OF  THE  NAME.  [ikolkgomlna. 

The  two  characters,  translated  literally,  simply  mean  Sj>ring  and 
Autumn.  'Anciently/  says  Maou  K'e-ling,  4 the  historiographers,  in 

Meaning  of  the  name, — the Cl^un Ts*cnv.  recording  eVUllt.S,  (li(l  SO  with  the 

specilication  of  the  day,  the  montli,  the  season,  and  the  year,  to 
\vhich  eacli  event  belonged;  and  to  the  \vhole  they  gave  the  mime 
of  annals.  It  was  proper  that  under  every  year  there  should  be 
written  the  names  of  the  four  seasons,  and  the  entire  record  of  a 
year  went  by  the  name  of  and  Autumn^  two  of  the  seasons, 

being  a compendious  expression  for  all  the  four.1  4 Spring  and 
Autumn’  is  tlms  equivalent  to — Annals,  digested  under  the  seasons 
of  every  year.  An  inspection  of  the  Work  will  prove  that  this  is 
the  proper  meaning  of  its  title.  Ev^en  if  there  were  nothing  to  be 
recorded  under  any  season,  it  was  still  necessary  to  make  a record 
of  the  season  and  of*  the  first  inoiitl)  in  it.  Entries  like  that  in  the 
6tli  year  of  duke  Yin, — ‘ It  was  autumn,  tlie  7th  month，’  'vhere  tlie 
next  paragra[)h  begins  with  'In  winter/  arc  frequent.  If  now  and 
then  a year  occurs  in  which  we  do  not  find  every  season  specified, 
we  may  be  sure  the  omission  is  owing  to  the  loss  of  a character 
or  of  a j)urngra])h  in  the  course  of  rime.  Clmou  Iv;e  explains  the 
title  in  the  same  way,2  and  so  does  Too  Yu  in  the  preface  to  his 
edition  of  the  Tso  Cliuen.8  Other  accounts  of  the  name* are  only 
creations  of  fancy,  and  have  arisen  from  a misconce])tion  of  the 
nature  of  the  Work.  Flius  I)r.  Williams  says,  cTlie  spring  and 
autumn  annals  are  so  called,  because  , u their  commendations  are  life- 
giving  like  spring,  and  their  censures  are  life-withering  like 
autuinn.*4  Tiiu  Han  scholars  gave  forth  this,  and  otlier  accounts 
of  a similar  kind,  led  away  by  their  notions  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
AVork  on  which  I have  touched  in  the  preceding  section.  Not 
even,  as  I liave  said,  in  the  Work  itself  do  we  find  such  censures  and 
coimneiHlations;  und  much  less  are  they  trumpeted  in  the  title  of  it. 

i 古凡史 官記事 ，必先 立 年月， FJ， 時而 後書 事于其 
下 ，謂 之記年 故每 歲所書 ，四 時必備 ，然而 祗名春 秋者， 
春可 以該夏 ，秋可 以該冬 也;- 春秋毛 民 傳， theIntr()duetOTy  diaPter. 
2 _ 軚 ，以始 舉四時 ，記 萬事 之名; - 。" Men. m. pt. iL  XXI. 3. 
3 記爭者 ，以 事繫日 ，以日 繫月以 月繫時 ，以時 繫年， …… 
故史之 所記， 必表年 以首事 ，年 有四時 ，故錯 舉以爲 

所記 之名也  On  this  passage  K4ung  Ying-tali  quotes  the  following  words  from  Ch'ing 

K%ul!;-Shiiig:- 春 秋猶言 四時也  ; and  then  he  adds  himself,  是舉 春秋足 

包四時 之義也  4 The  Middle  Kingdom,  v〇l.  I.,  p.  512.  See  to  the  same  effect 

Du  Raided  k Description  de  TEmpire  (le  la  Chine,  et  de  hi  Tartarie  Chinoise?,  v〇l.  II.  p.  318. 

7] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TbEW. 


[CH.  I. 


2.  That  Ave  are  not  to  seek  for  any  deep  or  mystical  meaning  in 
the  title  is  still  more  evident  from  the  fact  that  the  name  was  in 

The  隨】巧  civun  TS‘gw  was  in  use  before  it  was  given  to  the  compik- 
before  the  time  of  Confucius.  > tion  of  Confucius.  The  first  narrative 

of  the  Tso  Chuen  under  the  second  year  of  duke  Ch4aoii,  when 
Confucius  was  only  eleven  years  oltl,  shows  that  this  was  the  case 
iu  Loo.  Then  the  principal  minister  of  Tsin,  being  on  a visit  to 
the  court  of  Loo,  examined  the  documents  in  the  charge  of  the 
grand-historiographer,  and  (saw,'  we  are  told,  4 the  Yih  with  its 
diagrams  and  the  Cl^iin  Ts4ew  of  Loo.'1 

But  the  records,  or  a class  of  the  records,  of  every  State  in  the 
kingdom  of  Chow  appear  to  have  been  called  by  this  nmne  of 
Spring  and  Autumn.  In  the  Narratives  of  the  States,5  the  appoint- 
ment, of  Shuh-heang  to  be  tutor  to  the  heir-apparent  of  the  State 
of  Tsin  is  grounded  on  4 his  acquaintance  Avitli  the  Chlun  Ts4e\v.'2  I 
take  the  name  there  as  equivalent  to  history  in  general, — the 
historical  suminarics  made  in  the  various  States  of  the  kingdom. 
Shuh-heangs  appointment  was  made  in  b.c.  568,  about  twenty  years 
before  Confucius  Avas  born.  In  the  same  NaiT；itivos,  nt  a still  earlier 
date,  it  is  laid  down  as  a rule  for  the  heir-apparcut  ot  the  State 
of  Ts{oo,  that  he  should  be  taught  the  Chcun  Ts'ew.3  According  to 
Mencius,  the  annals  of  Loo  went  by  the  name  of  the  Ch4un  Ts4e\v, 
•\vliile  those  of  Tsin  were  called  the  Shing,  and  those  of  Ts4oo  the 
T‘aou-、vuli.4  All  these,  however,  he  says,  were  books  of  the  same 
character;  and  though  the  annals  of  different  States  might  have 
other  and  particular  names  given  to  them,  it  seems  clear  that  they 
might  all  be  designated  Clilun  Tslew.  Thus  we  have  a statement 
in  Mih  Teih  that  he  Miad  seen  the  ChHin-ts^w  liistories  of  a 
hundred  States'；5  and  elsewhere  we  find  him  speaking  of  the  Chlun 
Tslew  of  Chow,  the  Chlun  Ts4ciw  of  Yen,  the  Cl^un  Ts4ew  of  Sling, 
and  the  Chlun  of  Tsfc.6 

1 觀書 於太史 H 見 邊象與 魯卷秋 • In  _slation  °f  "lis  pas- 

sage  on  p.  583,  I have  oniitfcc(l  ina【lvertcmly  to  ren(k、r  the  見 ftiul  tlie  wlmlc  川 iglit  l>e 
taken  ns  if  4 llie  Clrun  'I'.s'ew  of  I^oo*  were  not  one  nf  the  (locuim'nls  in  the  keopin^  of  the  liisto- 

nograpluT.  2 羊古肸 f? 於养伙 ，乃 他傅九 •_ 子蹈丨 國詰， 
晉詰 ，七， nt  the  e"( 丨. 3 教 之 _ 私; -知1、 tiR.  _ r 治 ，楚語 ，上， art  L Thc 

prince  to  bo  taught  was  the  son  of  king  C lnvang,  >vlio  diinl  \i.  c.  51)1).  -I  Mlmi  IV.  l*t.  ii.  XXF. 

2 晉之乘 ，避 之檮桃 K# 秋一也  5 吾 • M A 國葬秋 

Sec  the  -J--  njiiti'iuk'd  to  (Ik.1  I5lli  l»onk  of  liis  Wurks.  (>  In  liis  l|JJ 


SECT.  II.] 


THE  SOURCES  OF  THE  WORK. 


[mOLEGCMLNA. 


4.  The  Ch^iii  Ts4c\v  of  Loo  supi)lied,  it  seems  to  me,  the  materi- 
als for  the  sages  Work； — if,  indeed,  he  did  any  thing  more  than 

TiieCU'un  Ts*ew  of  Loo  supplied  the)  copy  out  what  was  ready  to  his  hand- 

materials  for  the  existing  Cli-un  Ts-ew.  I jj〇  t|1(J  falll〇us  Han  editor  of 

Kmig-}angs  commentary  on  it,  in  liis  introductory  notes  to  the 
first  ) enr  of  duke  Yin,  quotes  from  a Min  Yin  to  the  effect  that 
Confucius,  having  received  the  command  of  Heavren  to  make  his 
("li^in  Ts>ke\v,  sent  Tsze-hea  and  others  of  his  disciples,  fourteen  men 
iu  all,  to  seek  for  the  historical  records  of  Chow,  and  that  they  got 
the  precious  books  of  120  States,  from  which  he  i)roceeck*d  to  make 
his  chronicle.1  This,  liowever,  is  one  of  the  wild  stnteinents  which 
we  lind  in  many  writers  of  the  Han  and  Tsin  dynasties.  1 here  is 
nothing  in  the  Work  to  make  it  necessary  to  suppose  that  any  other 
records  were  consulted  but  those  of  Loo.  This  is  the  view  almost 
universally  entertained  by  the  scholars  and  critics  of  Clnnfi  itself， as 
in  the  statement  given  from  Chaou  Iv4e  on  p.  5.  rl  he  omission, 
moreover,  of  many  events  which  are  narrated  in  the  Chuen  of  Tso- 
she  makes  it  certain  to  my  mind  that  Confucius  confined  himself  to 
the  tablets  of  his  native  State.  Whether  any  of  his  disciples  were 
associated  with  him  in  the  labour  of  compilation  we  cannot  tell.  Pan 
Koo， in  the  chapter  on  the  Literary  History  of  tlie  early  Han 
dynasty,  says  that  Tso  K'ew-ming  was  so.2  How  this  was  will  be 
considered  when  I come  to  speak  of  Tso^  commentary.  Sze-ma 
Ts^een^  account  would  rather  incline  us  to  think  that  the  whole 
was  done  by  Confucius  alone,  for  lie  says  that  when  the  Work  was 
completed  and  shown  to  the  disciples  of  Tsze-hea,  they  could  not 
improve  it  in  a single  character.3 

5.  The  Chcun  Ts4ew  of  Loo  then  was  the  source  of  the  Chcun 
Ts4ew  of  Confucius.  The  chronicles  or  annals  which  went  by  this 


1 閔 因栽云 ，昔孔 子受端 門之命 制春秋 之義, 使子夏 
等十四 人求周 史記得 百二十 國寶書 . 2 以 魯周公 
乏 _， 禮爻 備物史 官# 故與左 丘明觀 其史記 … 

note,  to  Lew  Hin^  catalogue  of  the  tablets  of  the  Ch'un  Ts4ew  and  Works  on  it,  — 

十藝文 ，志 第十  Yen  P iing-tsoo,  another  scliolar  of  tlie  early  Han  dynasty,  givts 
ratlier  a different  form  to  Tso’s  association  with  Confucius  in  the  Work, _ tliat  they  went  together 
to  Chow  examine  the  Books  in  the  keeping  of  the  liistoriograpliers  at  the  royal  court: — 

嚴 彭祖曰 ，孔子 將#  _ 枚 與左 丘明秦 如肩， _ 丨參 於周 

史 Quoted  by  K4ung  Ying-tali  on  rI'oo  Yu's  Preface  to  the  Tso  Chuen.  3 至於爲 

春秋 ，筆 則拿削 則创子 夏之徒 不能贊 -- 辭;- the 史記 
tit 家 ，卷 十七孔 子世家 


prolegomena.}  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH^UN  TS4EW. 


[cii.  i. 


T^we〇fathrs°tat^^^^^  name  were  tlie  work  of  the  historiographers  or 

recorders,  who,  we  know,  were  attached  to  the  royal  court  and  to 
the  courts  of  tfre  various  feudnl  princes.  1 have  spoken  of  those 
officers  in  the  prolegomena  to  vol.  III.  p.  11,  and  in  those  to  vol. 
IV.,  pp.  24—26.  Pan  Koo  in  the  same  chapter  lroin  which  I have 
made  a quotation  from  him  in  the  preceding  paragraph,  says  that 
the  historiographers  of  the  Left  recorded  words,  that  is,  Speeches, 
Cliarges,  &c.,  and  those  of  the  Right  recorded  affairs；  that  the  words 
formed  the  Shoo,  and  the  affairs  the  Ch4un  Ts^ew.1 

But  if  we  are  to  judge  of  what  the  Ch4un  Ts^w  of  the  States 
were  from  what  the  one  Chcun  Ts4ew  preserved  to  us  is,  the  state- 
ment that  they  contained  the  records  of  events  cannot  be  admitted 
without  considerable  modification.  There  can  have  been  no  details 
in  them,  but  only  the  briefest  possible  compends  of  the  events,  or 
references  to  them. 

Tlmt  there  were  the  records  of  events,  kept  in  the  offices  of 
hi^toriogrnphy,  must  be  freely  admitted,  and  it  will  nppcar,  wlien  I 
<;ome  to  speak  of  the  coimnentary  of  Tso  K'ew-ming,  that  to  them 
xve  are  mainly  indebted  for  the  narratives  which  import  so  much 
interest  to  his  Work.  But  the  entries  in  the  various  Cficun  Ts4e\v 
were  not  made  from  them, — not  made  from  them  fairly  and  honestly  as 
when  one  tries  to  give  in  a very  few  words  the  substance  of  a narrative 
which  is  before  him.  Those  entries  related  to  events  in  the  State 
itself,  at  the  royal  court,  and  in  other  States  with  which  it  maintained 
friendly  relations.  Communications  about  remarkable  and  ominous 
occurrences  in  one  State,  and  about  important  transactions,  were  sent 
from  it  to  others,  and  the  receiving  State  entered  them  in  its  Chcun 
Ts'ew  in  the  terms  in  which  they  were  made  out,  without  regard 
to  whether  they  conveyed  a correct  account  of  the  facts  or  not. 
Then  the  great  events  in  a State  itself, — those  connected  with  the 
ruling  House  and  tlie  principal  families  or  clans  in  it,  its  relations 
Avith  other  States,  and  natural  pha3nomena  supposed  to  affect  the 
general  wellbeing,  also  found  a place.  Sometimes  these  things  were 
recorded  under  the  special  direction  of  the  ruler;  at  other  times  we 
irmst  suppose  that  the  historiographers  coinmittedthcmtotheir  tablets 
as  a part  of  their  official  duty.  How  far  truth,  an  exact  conformity  of 
the  record  'vith  tlie  circuinstaii 削， 、vas  observed  ill  these 
the  internal  affairs  of  a State,  is  a point  on  wliicli  it  is  not  competent 
for  me  at  this  point  of  the  inquiry  to  pronounce  an  opinion. 

1 左史 記昏右 史記事 ， V 爲 养秋曹 爲尙書 

K>] 


tȣCT.  U.J 


FULLER  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  NATUKK  OF  TH1£  WORK,  [pboi.egome.sa. 


6.  Ill  the  prolegomena  to  vol.  IV.  p.  2.5,  referring  to  the  l^rief 
account  which  we  have  in  the  official  Book  ot  Chow  af  the  duties 
of  the  historiographers  of  the  Exterior  at  the  royal  court,  1 have 
made  it  appear  tliat  they  had  charge  oi  tlie  Histories  of  all  tlie 
States,1  reiulei.ing  the  character  cAe  l>y  4 Histories. ， M.  Biot,  in  his 
translation  of  the  Official  Book,  has  clone  the  same;  but  Maou  K4e- 
ling  contends  tluvt  those  die  were  the  Chlun  Ts'ew  of  tlie  different 
States,  or  the  brief  notices  of  which  they  were  made  up.2  I have 
failed,  however,  to  find  elsewhere  any  evidence  to  support  his 
view;3  and  when  he  goes  on  to  argue  that  three  copies  of  those 
notices  were  always  made, — one  to  be  kept  in  tlie  State  itself,  one  for 
tlie  royal  coui，t， iuid  one  t.o  be  sent  to  tlie  liistoi，iogniplit*i，s  of  the 
various  feudal  courts  witli  which  the  State  was  in  the  habit  of  ex- 
dianging  such  notifications, — the  single  passage  to  wlik'li  lie  refers 
by  no  means  bears  out  the  conclusion  which  he  draws  from  it  ;4  and 
indeed,  as  many  copies  must  have  been  made  as  there  were  States  to 
which  the  notice  was  to  be  sent.  In  other  respects  the  account 
which  he  gives  of  those  notices  is  so  instructive  that  I subjoin  a 
summary  of  it. 

They  were  merely,  he  says,  ^lips  of  subjects/  and  not  Sum- 
maries' or  synopses, — containing  barely  the  mention  of  the  subject  to 


which  each  of  them  referred.5  It 
was  necessary  there  should  be  nothing 
in  them  inconsistent  with,  or  contradictory  to,  the  fuller  narratives, 


Maou  K^-ling^s  account  of  the  contents 
of  the  Ch4un  Ts4ew  of  the  States. 


濾卷 mi 售 I 告說 #，!!1«|置 


也_ 


3 Compare  the  use  of  志，  in  Mencius,  III.  Pt.  i.  II.  3,  and  Pt.  ii.  I.  1.,  and  in  the 


Tso  Chuen  on  VI.  ii.  1 ; vi.  3 : VII.  xii.  2 : VIII.  iv.  7 ; et  al.  4 From  tlie  國語， 魯語， 
I , Art.  7, 一 at  the  end.  5 Acc.  to  Maou,  the  contents  of  the  ancient  Ch4un  Tscew  might 
all  be  arraDged  under  twenty-two  heads  ： 一 1st,  tlie  changing  of  the  first  year  of  a ruler  ; 

2d,  the  new  rulers  solemn  accession  (卽位 birth  of  a son  to  tlie  ruler  ; as 

in  II.  vi.  5)  ； 4th,  the  appointment  of  a ruler  in  another  State  ( ； as  in  I.  iv.  7) ; 5th,  court 

and  complimentary  visits  (阜 in  the  various  forms  of  朝; 來朝; 聘; 來聘; 歸脤; 
錫命 ^ 6th,  covenants  and  meetings  (盟  in  the  various  forms  — ; 盟; 來盟; 

航盟; 不盟; 逃盟; 遇; 胥命； 平； 成 〕 ； 7th， ineursi<)ns  and invasicms， （ 侵 
_ 取師; 棄師; 戰; 次; 追; 胳; 放; 敢績; 潰； 獲; 師還; 、歸俘 

; 8tli， the  removal  and  extinction  of  States  in  the  various  forms — 遵; 滅 

纖; 墮; 亡 ); 9th，  marriages  (昏觀 in  the  various  forms- 秘 J 幣； 逆女； 逆婦 
求婦; 歸 :送; 致女; 來勝: 婦至; (I,)；  lOtli,  entertainments  and  condolences 

11] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS4EW. 


[CH.  II. 


but  they  themselves  gave  no  indication  of  the  beginning  or  end  of 
the  events  to  which  they  referred,  or  of  the  various  circumstances 
which  marked  their  course.  For  instance,  suppose  the  subject  was 
going  from  Loo  to  tlie  court  of  Tsin. — In  VIII.  xviii.  4,  we  are  told 
that  4tlie  duke  went  to  Tsin,1  the  occasion  of  his  doing  so  being  to 
congratulate  tlie  new  marquis  of  Tsin  on  liis  accession;  whereas,  in 
IX.  iii.  2,  we  have  a notice  in  the  same  characters  about  the  child- 
marquis  Seang,  his  going  to  Tsin  being  to  present  himself  to  that 
court  on  his  own  accession  to  Loo.  Suppose,  again,  the  subject  to  be 
a meeting  between  the  rulers  of  Loo  and  Ts4e. — In  III.  xiii.  4,  we 
are  told  that  it  is  said  that  4duke  Chwang  had  a meeting  with  the 
marquis  of  Ts£e,  when  they  made  a covenant  in  Ko/  the  object 
being  to  make  peace  bet\veen  the  two  States  after  the  battle  of  Shing- 
k(ew;  whereas,  in  xxiii.  10,  we  have  the  notice  of  a meeting  and 
covenant  between  the  same  princes  in  Hoo,  having  reference  to  an 
alliance  by  marriage  which  they  had  agreed  upon. 

After  further  illustrating  the  nature  of  the  notices,  Maou  observes 
correctly， that  to  look  in  them  for  slight  turns  of  expression,  such 
as  the  mention  of  an  individuaFs  rank,  or  of  his  clan-name,  or  the 
specification  of  the  day  when  an  event  occurred  without  the  month, 
and  to  find  in  the  presence  or  absence  of  these  particulars  the 

(享  P 言 ） ； lltli， deat 丨丨 s nrul  burials  (喪 葬， in  the  various  forms  of  ; 卒； 葬 ； 

會葬； 歸索; 奔喪; 賵; 賻; 含 i 敗; 求金！ 錫命 ) ； 12th， saeHfiees  ( 祭 
硫， hi  tl 丨 e various  ff^ms  of 播; 嘗; 蹄; 郊 ; 社 ; 望 ; 零; 作主; 有事; 大事; 

朝廟; 告朔; P 朔; 釋; 鲜 ，祀; 獻; 离 〉 ; 13th， — ( 龜特; iu  the  various 

forms  uf  氣;; ^守; 觀; 爽; .觀社 ; 大 閲〕; ⑷丨】， building  ( 典伟， in  t 丨 ic  vnrious  forms 

立宮； 榮臺； 作 門觀; 丹楹; 刻桷； 屋壊; 毁臺; 新廠; 榮 

城; 城郛; 浚渠; 榮 ; 15tht  military  arrangements  ( 甲兵  in  the  forms  of 
甲兵； 作丘 申； 作 三軍； 舍中 軍 lGt 丨丨， military  taxation  (田赋 ’ in  the 
f_s  of 稅献； Jjj  [jj 赋； 求車； 假田； 取田； 歸 田）； 17th， good  years 
— 豐凶， in  the  forms  of  有年; 饑; 告糴^ 麥苗; 無麥禾 
ominous  occurrences  ( 災祥， in  thu  ftmns  & R 食; 螺; 愈嫌; 雨雪; 雷電; 

雳; 雹 •，星 限; 大水; 無水; 災火; 惑; 蜚; 多麋; 眚; 不雨; 沙 
鹿崩； 山崩； 旱； 地震； 星孛; 六龈 退飛; 隕霜 殺菽; 隕霜 
方 救韋; 曾丨 | 總 來巢; 獲麟 则丨， one’8  city  or  state  ( 出國， in  the 

forms  of 

如; 樣; 出奔; 出; 大去 ) ; entering a city °r stnt 。(入 國，  in  the  forms 
of  至; A ; “ ; 歸; 知歸; 復歸; 來; 來奔; 逃歸; 21st， rufflnn8  and  murdera 

( 盗狱， "s  «，f 盜殺; 盗; 斌; 殺 m punishments  ( Jf|J  in  the  forms  of 

殺; 細; 妝; 放; 孰; 歸;） H ; 釋; V 厂潍眚 ). This  a "办 8is  °f  1 丨丨 e Ch ‘丨丨 n ,IVi；w 

i«  ingenious  ； but  it  is  nil  based  on  the  Ch*un  rl8*cw  ot  Confucius.  Some  of  the  subjects  may  be 
CfilliH]  in  quoHlion,  as,  e.  </.,  tho  i3d.  In  (lie  12  Imoks  of  tin*  Spring  and  Autumn  only  one  such 
birth  is  chronicled. 

】2] 


WHETHER  CONFUCIUS  ALTERED  HIS  AUTHORITIES.  [i»rolkgomf.xa. 


i*xpivssion  of  [)raise  or  blame,  is  no  bettor  than  the  groping.s  of  a 
man  in  a dream.  In  this  I fully  agree  with  him,  but  as  lie  has  said 
tliat  the  ^lip-notices  of  the  Chlun  Tslcw'  should  not  be  inconsistent 
with  the  facts  in  a detailed  narrative  of  the  events  to  which  they 
refer,  l>e  seems  to  push  the  point  as  to  the  colourlessness  of  the 
notices  to  an  extrcMne,  wlien  lie  adds  tlie  following  illustration  of  it 
on  the  authority  of  a brother  of  his  own： — lTlie  deatlis  of  princes 
and  great  officers  recorded  in  the  Clilun  Ts'ew  took  place  in  various 
ways;  but  they  all  appear  under  the  same  form — “(lied.”  Thus  in 
V.  xxiv.  5 it  is  said  that  uE-\voo,  marquis  of  Tsin,  died;’’  the  fact 
being  that  lie  was  slain;  in  X.  viii.  2 it  is  said  that  uNeih,  marquis 
of  Ch^in,  died,"  the  fact  being  that  he  strangled  liimself;  in  II.  v.  1 it 
is  said  that  uPaou,  marquis  of  Chlin,  died,"  the  fact  being  that  he 
went  mad  and  died;  in  XI.  xiv.  6 it  is  said  that  uK\vang,  viscount 
of  Woo,  died,”  the  fact  being  that  he  did  so  of  wounds  received  in 
buttle;  in  XI.  iii.  2 it  is  said  that  uCh4uen,  viscount  of  Woo,  died,” 
the  fact  being  that  he  burned  himself  to  death；  in  III.  xxxii.  3 it  is 
said  that  uthe  Kung-tsze  Ya  died,'5  the  fact  being  that  he  was  com- 
pelled to  take  poison；  in  X.  iv.  8 it  is  said  that  t4Shuh-sun  Pcaou 
diecV， the  fact  being  that  lie  was  starved  to  death;  in  X.  xxv.  7 it  is 
said  that  uShuh-sun  Sha)r  died,"  the  fact  being  that  he  did  so  in 
answer  to  his  own  prayers;  and  in  X.  xxix.  3,  it  is  said  that  uShuh  E 
died,"  the  fact  being  that  he  did  so  without  any  illness.  The  one  word 
<ldiecl,"  is  used  in  such  a variety  of  cases,  and  it  is  only  one  who  knows 
profoundly  the  style  of  the  text  who  can  explain  the  comprehensive 
meaning  of  the  term.'5  But  there  is  no  meaning  in  the  term  beyond 
that  of  dying,  and  the  conclusion  of  the  mind  is  that  the  death  in- 
dicated by  it  was  a natural  one.  It  is  not  history  in  any  proper  sense 
of  the  term  which  is  given  in  such  an  undiscriminating  style. 

7.  The  reader  lias  now  a sufficiently  accurate  idea  of  wliat  all 
the  annals  that  went  under  the  name  of  Ch'un  Tsce\v  were,  of  what 
especially  the  Ch4un  Ts^ew  still  existing  and  with  which  we  have  to 
do  is.  It  only  remains  for  me  in  this  section  to  inquire  whether  we 

Did  Coufuciusiu  compiling  his  Ch‘unTs‘s'v|_  ha' e leason  to  believe  that  Con- 
add  to  or  take  from  his  authorities?  > fucius  made  any  changes  in  the 

style  of  the  Ch^n  Ts£ew  of  Loo. 

On  this  point,  as  on  so  many  others  connected  with  the  Work, 
we  have  not  sufficient  evidence  to  pronounce  a very  decided  opinion. 
We  are  without  a single  word  about  it  from  Confucius  himself,  or 
from  any  of  his  immediate  disciples;  and  from  later  scholars  and 

1:3] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  ANI)  VALUE  OF  TliE  CU‘UN  TSE'V. 


[CH.  I. 


critics  we  have  the  most  conflicting  utterances  regarding  it.  I have 
quoted  a few  words  on  p.  9,  from  Sze-nia  Ts^eens  account  of  the 
Ch{un  Ts4ew,  but  I now  give  the  whole  of  it: — 1 The  master  said, 
No!  No!  Tlie  superior  man  is  distressed  lest  his  name  should  not 
be  honourably  mentioned  after  death.  My  principles  do  not  make 
■way  in  the  world  ; — liow  shall  I make  myself  kno'vii  to  future  ages?” 
On  this,  from  the  records  of  the  historians  he  made  the  Clicun  Ts4ew, 
commencing  with  duke  Yin,  coming  down  to  the  14th  year  of  duke 
Gae,  and  thus  embracing  the  times  of  tAvelve  marquises.  He  kept 
close  in  it  to  [tlie  annals  of]  Loo,  showed  his  affection  for  Chow, 
and  purposely  made  the  three  dynasties  move  before  tlie  reader. i 
His  style  was  condensed,  but  his  scope  was  extensive.  Thus  the 
rulers  of  Woo  and  Tsloo  assumed  to  themselves  the  title  of  kinjj; 
but  in  the  Chcun  Tslew  they  are  censured  by  being  only  styled 
viscounts.  Tlius  also  the  son  of  Heaven  was  really  summoned  [by 
the  marquis  of  Tsin]  to  attend  the  meeting  at  Tseen-t'oo  (V.  xxviii. 
8),  but  the  Ch(un  Ts^w  conceals  the  fact,  and  saj^s  (par.  16)  that 
the  king  by  Heaven's  grace  held  a court  of  inspection  in  Ho-yang.M 
Such  instances  serve  to  illustrate  the  idea  of  the  master  in  the  cen- 
sures and  elisions  which  he  employed  to  rectify  the  ways  of  those 
times,  his  aim  being  that,  when  future  kings  should  study  the  work, 
its  meaning  should  be  appreciated,  and  all  rebellious  ministers  and 
villainous  sons  under  the  sky  become  afraid.2  When  Confucius 
was  in  office,  his  language  in  listening  to  litigations  was  what 
others  would  have  employed,  and  not  peculiar  to  him  ; but  iu 
making  the  Ch(un  Ts^ew,  he  wrote  what  he  wrote,  and  he  retrenched 
what  he  retrenched,  so  that  the  disciples  of  Tsze-hea  could  not 
improve  it  in  a single  character.  When  liis  disciples  received  from 
him  the  Ch‘un  Ts4ii、v， he  said,  “ It  is  by  the  Ch‘uu  TVii'v  that  after 
ages  will  know  me,  and  also  by  it  that  they  will  corideinn  me.”  ’3 


i 據魯 ，親周 •故殷 蓮之三 代.  I shall  be  glad  if  any  Sinologue  can  make 
out  the  meaning  of  this  passage  more  clearly  than  I have  done.  Chang  Show-tseeh  官 fj), 

the  gl〇88ari8t  of  Sze-ma  Ts^en  under  the  T*ang  dynasty  (His  preface  is  dated  in  the  8th  month 

of  a.d.  736)， says  on  the  last  clause — 殷中也 ，又 中蓮夏 殷周之 事也. 

2 Here  again  Sze-ma's  style  is  involved,  and  far  from  clear:  IM  4ff- 

埤 之義# 有王 者璀 而開之 ，春秋 行丨 則天下 k 臣 

見戌 丨| 丨標焉 • 3 Liiw  lie  (Proleg.  to  vol.  III.,  p.  205)  has  a strange  note  on  this  utter- 

ance  of  Confucius:- 知者 ，行売 舜之道 ‘罪者 ，在 王公 之位見 

*Thc  knowers  would  bo  those  who  practised  the  principles  of  Yaou  and  Shun；  tlie 
condemners  would  be  kin^s  and  dukes  in  office  wlio  were  censured  and  condemned  [by  tlie  sage's 
righteous  decisions].'  This  is  ingenious,  but  far-fetched. 

14] 


SECT,  n.]  WHETHER  CONFUCIUS  ALTERED  HIS  AUTHORITIES,  [prolegomena. 


A thousand  expressions  of  oj)inion,  modelled  upon  that  of  Sze-ma 
Tsleen,  might  easily  be  adduced,  all,  it  seems  to  me,  as  I liave  said 
already,  ])rompted  by  an  endeavour  to  reconcile  the  existing  Work 
with  the  accounts  of  the  Ch4un  Ts'ew  given  in  Mencius.  As 
we  come  down  the  course  of  time,  we  find  the  scholars  of  China 
less  positive  in  the  view  that  Confucius  made  any  change  in  the 
text  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘ii'v  of.  Loo.  Choo  He  says,  l，l'he  entries  in  the 
Ch;un  Tslew,  that,  for  instance,  uSucli  a man  did  such  a thing  are 
according  to  tlu*  old  text  of  the  historiographers  of  Loo,  come  down 
to  us  from  the  stylus  of  the  sage,  transcribing  or  retrencliing. 
Now-a-clavs,  ]>eople,  when  they  see  the  Cli4un  Tsle\vr,  are  sure  to 
say.  uSuch  and  such  a character  has  its  stigina  for  such  and  such  a 
man,”  so  tlmt  Confucius  thus  took  it  on  liiin,  according  to  liis  pri- 
vate views,  to  dispense  Avitliout  authority  his  praise  or  blame. 
But  Confucius  simply  wrote  tlie  thing  correctly  as  it  was,  and  the 
good  or  evil  of  it  was  manifest  ol"  itself.  If  pe〇|)le  feel  that  they 
must  express  themselves  as  I liiive  said,  we  must  get  into  our  hands 
the  old  text  of  the  historiographers  of  Loo,  so  that,  comparing  it 
Avitli  what  we  now  have,  the  difference  and  agreement  between 
them  would  be  apparent.  But  this  is  110'v  iiupossiblc*.’4 

Chaou  Yili  adduces  two  paragraphs  from  the  ^Annals  of  the 
Batnhoo  Books,"  which,  he  thinks,  may  be  tlie  original  form  of  two 
in  the  ChMm  ls'ew.  The  one  is  — 1 Duke  Yin  of  Loo  and  duke 
Clnvang  of  Choo  made  a covenant  at  Koo-meeli,'5  coiTesponding  to 
I.  i.  2,  lIn  tlie  tliird  month,  tlie  duke  and  E-tbo  of  Choo  made  a 
covenant  in  Meeli.，  The  other  is — 1 Duke  Heen  of  Fsin  united 
with  the  army  of  Yu,  and,  attacking  Ivwoli,  extinguished  Hea- 
yaii.ii,’6  corresponding  to  V.  ii.  3,  4 An  army  of  Yu  and  an  army 
of  Tsin  extinguished  Hea-yang.'  (Tliese  two  cases,'  observes  Chaou, 
^sliow  that,  the  style  of  the  liistoviograpliers  of  tlie  States  was,  we 
may  say,  similar  to  that  of  the  Cli^m  Ts'iiw,  and  that  Confucius  oil 
deliberation  only  altered  a few  characters  to  lodge  in  others  of  his 
own  liis  praise  or  censure'.7  But  to  make  these  two  instances 
exact lv  to  the  point,  it  would  be  necessary  that  they  should  occur 
in  the  annals  of  the  State  of  Loo,  somehow  preserved  to  us.  Besides, 

4 See  the  K*ang-he  Ch4un  Ts*ew,  綱領， P 18:— 春 秋所書 ，如某 人爲某 

5 See  the  proleg.  to  vol.  III.,  p.  160.  6 lb.,  p.  163.  7 此可見 

當時國 史其文 法大槪 本與春 秋相似 ，孔 子特 酌易數 
字 以寓褒 貶耳; ―伽 陔餘叢 考卷二 the 春 秋底本 

15] 


I-ROLEGOMEXA.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  TIIE  TJSEW. 


[ClI.  1. 


the  expressions  (cluke  Chwang,  and  ^duke  Heen  ' are  retrospective, 
and  not  after  the  manner  of  the  Chcun  Tscew. 

With  regard  to  the  entry  in  III.  vii.  2,  that  4at  midnight  tliere 
was  a fall  of  stars  like  rain/  referring,  we  must  believe,  to  a grand 
appearance  of*  meteors^  Kung-yang  tells  as  that  the  old  text  of  the  his- 
toriographers was  — 4 It  rained  stars  to  within  a foot  of  the  earth,  when 
they  re-ascended9?  Certainly  the  text  was  not  altered  here  by  Confu- 
cius to  express  either  praise  or  censure.  And  if  Kung-)  ang  was  able 
thus  to  quote  tlie  old  text,  it  is  strange  he  should  only  have  done  it 
in  this  solitary  instance.  If  it  had  been  so  different  from  tlie  present, 
with  his  propensities  he  would  not  have  been  slow  to  adduce  it 
frequently.  I must  doubt  his  correctness  in  this  case. 

After  the  first  entry  under  tlie  14th  year  of  duke  Gae,  with  which 
according  to  all  Chinese  critics  the  labours  of  Confucius  terminated, 
Tso-she  gives  no  fewer  than  27  paragraphs,  brin〇ing  the  history 
down  to  the  deatli  of  the  sage  in  Gaels  16th  year.  Those  paragraphs 
were  added,  it  is  said,  from  the  Chcun  Ts4ew  of  Loo  by  Confucius' 
disciples;  and  I can  see  no  difference  between  the  style  in  them,  and 
in  the  more  tlian  a tliousand  which  passed  under  the  revision  of  tlie 
master. 

Is  it  a sign  of  my  having  iinVibed  son 他 hing  of  the  prejudice  of 
native  scholars,  of  which  I spoke  in  the  end  of  last  section,  tliat  I do 
not  like  to  express  my  opinion  that  Confucius  did  not  alter  a charac- 
ter in  his  authorities?  Certainly  he  made  no  altcM'ations  to  convey 
his  sentiments  of  praise  or  blame; — the  variations  of  style  wliere 
there  could  be  no  change  of  sentiment  or  feeling  underlying  them 
forbid  our  supposing  this. 

SECTION  III. 

RECOVERY  OF  THE  CHlUN  TSlEW  DURING  TIIE  HAN  DYNASTY.  WAS 
THIS  INDEED  TIIE  CII'UN  TS'EW  OF  CONFUCIUS? 

1.  Lew  Hin's  catalogue  of  the  Works  in  the  imperial  library  of 
the  early  Ilan  dynasty,  prepared,  as  I liave  shown  in  tlie  prole<^.  to 
vol.  I.,  p.  4,  about  the  commencement  of  our  Christian  era,  begins, 

Evidence  of  Low  llin*8  Catalogue)  0,1  tllG  CIl'llll  Ts^CW,  with  two  collections 
of  the  Han  imperial  library  > of  tl)C  te.vt  of  tllC  Classic  ： — • 'TllC  〇l(l  text 

of  tlie  Ts4cw  in  twelve  pLcr/i  ; and  text  oi  tlie  (Mi'un 


ftLCT.  III.] 


Tilt：  l'liXTSs  IN  nil：  iiAN  UAl'ALOOLE. 


[riiOLLuUML.NA. 


Ts‘ii'v  iu  eleven  h 财 w 01， Books..1  This  is  followed  by  a list  of  the 
Cliuen,  or  Commentaries,  of  Tso,  lvung-yang,  Kuh-leang,  Tsow, 
and  Keali；2  so  that  at  this  early  time  the  text  of  the  Classic  was 
known,  and  there  were  writings  of  five  different  masters  in  illustra- 
tion of  it,  the  greater  portion  of  wliich,  the  Cliuen  namely  of  Tso, 
Kung-yan^,  and  Kuli-leang,  remain  to  the  present  clay.  A dozen 
other  Works  follow,  mostly  by  Kung-)^ang  and  Kuh-leimg  or  tlieir 
followers,  showinp：  how  the  Classic  and  tlie  commentators  on  it  had 
ulready  eiigage«l  the  attention  of  scholars. 

2.  Were  the  texts  mentioned  in  the  Han  catalogue  derived  from 
tlie  conmieiitnries  of  Tso,  Kung-)7an〇：,  and  Kuh-le；m<;,  or  from  some 
otlier  indepemlent  source?  In  a note  to  the  entry  about  them,  Yen 

Tlie  texts  in  the  Han  Catalogue.  Sze-k〇0  〇f  the  TSlllg  dynasty  SajS  that 
they  were  taken  from  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang.  Many  scholars 
continu  liis  reinai'k  to  tlie  second  collection,  and  it  gives  some  coun- 
tenance to  this  view  that  the  cominentaries  of  those  two  masters 
were  then  in  eleven  Books;  but  it  is  to  be  observed  on  the  other 
hand  tliat  with  the  differences  which  exist  in  their  texts  they  could 
hardly  luive  been  formed  into  one  collection. 

With  regard  to  the  first  entry — ‘the  old  text  in  twelve  p^een  —— it 
is  the  general  opinion  that  tliis  was  the  text  as  taken  from  tlie  Work 
of  Tso.  And  there  can  be  110  doubt  that  during  the  Han  dynasty  the 
text  and  the  commentary  were  kept  separate  in  that  Work,  for  Too 
Yu  tells  us  that  in  his  edition  of  it,  early  in  the  Tsin  dynasty,  he 
4 took  the  years  of  the  text  and  arranged  them  along  with  the  cor- 
responding }Tears  of  the  commentary.’1  Moreover,  in  the  Han 
dynasty,  Tso^  school  and  that  of  Kung-yang  were  distinguished  as 
the  old  or  ancient  and  the  new  or  modern.2  To  myself,  however, 
the  more  natural  interpretation  of  4 the  old  text  * in  the  entry  appears 
to  be — the  text  in  the  ancient  character；  and  if  there  were  evidence 
to  show  that  there  was  an  edition  of  the  text  in  Lew  Hin's  time, 
independent  of  that  derived  from  the  three  commentaries,  the  result 
would  be  satisfactory.  Yuen3  Yuen  was  the  first,  so  far  as  I know,  to 

1 春秋 古經十 二篇; 經十 一卷. 2 左 氏傳三 十卷; 公 
羊傳十 一卷; 榖梁傳 ，十 一卷; 鄒氏 傳十 一卷; 夾氏傳 
+ —卷 

1 分 經之年 與傳之 年相附  2 左氏先 著竹帛 ，故 漢時 
謂 < 古學 ，公羊 漢時乃 興：^1 ^謂之 4 學^ e & 十 三經策 

at  the  beginning.  3 yQ'： 一 see  the  proleg.  to  vol.  I.,  p.  133. 


^kolegomenv  3 KATUKE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CIi4UN  TSlEW. 


[ch.  I. 


do  this,  in  the  present  century.  In  the  preface  to  liis  ^Examination  of 
the  text  of  Tso^  Coininentarv  and  K;ung  Ying-tah's  Annotations  on 
it/4  he  calls  attention  to  the  lact  that  amon^  tlie  discoveries  of  old 
tablets  in  the  wall  of  Confucius,  liouse5  there  were  those  of  tlie 
Chcun  Tscew.  Pan  Koo  indeed  omits  to  mention  them  in  his 
appendix  to  Lew  Hin?s  catalogue  of  the  Shoo  and  Works  on  it, 
where  he  speaks  of  the  Shoo,  the  Le  Ke,  the  Lun  Yu,  and  the  Heaou 
King  as  having  been  thus  found;  but  Hen  Shin,  in  the  preface  to  his 
dictionnry,  the  Slnvoh  Wan,  published  a.d.  100,  adds  to  the  tablets 
of  these  Works  tliose  of  the  Chcun  Ts'ew.6  I am  willing  therefore 
to  believ(3  that  it  was  this  copy  of  the  (ext  of  the  Chcun  Ts4ew  in 
the  ancient  cliaracter  which  headed  the  catalogue  of  Lew  Hin;  and 
if  it  were  8〇,  all  question  as  to  the  genuineness  of  our  present 
Classic  inay  be  considered  as  at  an  end. 

8.  There  i 价議 liy  ol  the  K.holars  of  C liim),  ulio 、vruW 

concur  with  me  in  this  view,  and  prefer  to  abide  by  the  opinion  of 
which  very  full  expression  lias  been  given  by  ]\Ia  rrwan-iin.  He 

view  on  the  subject  of  Ma  Twan-iin.  says,  6Altl»ougl)  there  appears  in  tlie 
catalogue  of  tlie  Han  dynasty  uThe  old  Text  of  the  Cli^m  Ts'ew/1 
yet  the  original  text,  as  corrected  by  tlie  muster,  was  never  discovered; 
and  the  old  texts  compiled  in  the  Han  dynasty  and  subsequently 
have  all  been  taken  from  the  three  commentaries,  and  called  by 
the  name  of  uThe  correct  text.^  But  there  are  many  differences  in 
the  texts  which  appear  in  those  commentaries,  and  it  is  impossible 
for  the  student  to  decide  between  them.  For  instance: — in  I.  i.  2 
Tso  gives  the  meeting  between  the  marquis  of  Loo  and  E-foo  of 
Choo  as  having  taken  place  in  Meeh  (^),  wlule  Rung  and  Kuh 
give  the  name  as  so  that  we  cannot  toll  'which  of  these  charac- 
ters the  master  wrote.  So  Mei  in  III.  xxviii.  4,  appears  ia 

Kung  and  Kuh  as  微， and  Keiieh-yi 丨丨 （厭愁 )， in  X.  xi.  7， appears 
in  Kung  and  Kuh  as  屈銀. Instances  of  this  kind  are  innumerable, 
but  they  are  genernlly  in  the  names  of  places  and  unimportant. 
In  I.  iii.  3， however,  we  Imve  in  Tso-she  the  entry  君 氏辛， 'vhidi 
would  be  tlie  notice  〇(*  the  dearl)  of  Sliing  Tsze,  the  mother  of  duke 
Yin,  whereas  in  Kung  and  K I 山 've  read  尹 氏卒， referring  to  the 
death  of  a high  minister  of  Cliow；  so  that  we  cannot  tell  Avhose 
death  it  was  that  the  master  chronicled  as  having  taken  place  on 

4 养秋左 傅注疏 梭勘記 • 5 S。。 prulrg.  voi.  I.,  pp.  12,  13.  6 壁中 

書者 ，魯共 王壊孔 子宅而 得禮記 .尙 書春秋 ，論語 ，孝經 • 

is] 


SCCT.  1!!.] 


MA  TWAN  LIN  ON  THK  HAS  TEXTS. 


[l*HOLKOCMEMA. 


the  day  Sin-muou  of  tl»e  4th  month  of  the  third  year  of  duke  Yin.i 

4 And  not  only  so.  In  the  21st  year  of  duke  Seang,  both  Kung- 
yang  and  Ivuh-leaiig  have  an  entry  to  the  effect  that  Confucius 
wns  then  bom.  But  in  the  Ch^m  Tsle\v  only  the  births  of  tlie 
heir-sons  of  tlie  rulers  of  States  were  entered,  as  in  II.  vi.  5.  In 
other  cases,  the  births  even  of  hereditary  nobles,  who  exercised  an 
all-powerful  sway  in  the  government  of  their  States,  like  the  members 
of  the  Ke  lamily  [in  Loo],  did  not  find  a place  in  tlie  tablets;  and 
though  tlie  master  be  tlie  teacher  of  emperors  arxl  kings  for  myriads 
of  ages,  vet  at  his  birth  lie  was  only  the  son  of  the  coininandiint  of  the 
citv  of  Tsow.  Tl>e  historiographers  of  Loo  would  not  make  a record 
of  that  event,  and  to  say  that  he  himself  fifterwartl  entered  it  in  the 
classic  ■which  he  prepared,  is  in  the  highest  degree  absurd. 

4 Moreover  Tso,  after  the  capture  of  the  lin  in  the  14th  year  of  duke 
Gae,  has  further  protracted  tlie  text  to  the  4th  month  of  the  16th 
year,  when  the  death  of  Chung-ne  is  recorded; which  even  Tso 
Ching-nan  considered  to  be  r.ot  far  from  an  act  of  forgery. 

4 Thus  there  are  not  only  additions  in  the  tliree  coinment.aries  to 
the  proper  text  of  the  Ch4un  Tscew  of  things  which  are  strange  and 
partly  incredible,  but  the  authors  of  them  ttdded  [to  the  text]  and 
suppressed  [portions  of  it]  according  to  their  pleasure.  In  what 
the)'  write  under  the  21st  year  of  Seang,  Kung  und  Ivuli  added  to 
the  text,  to  (lo  honour  to  the  master  from  whom  they  had  received 
it,  and  Tso  made  his  addition  in  the  16th  year  of  Gae,  to  show  his 
grief  for  the  death  of  the^  master； — neither  addition  was  in  the 
original  text  of  the  Ch£un  Ts£e\v.  Tlie  three  writers  made  their 
commentaries  according  to  what  "was  current  in  mei^s  mouths,  and 
what  they  heard  with  tlieii*  ears,  in  tlieir  time,  and  each  of  tliein 
thrust  in  whatever  addition  he  desired  to  make.  Subsequent  scholars 
again  have  adopted  what  they  found  in  the  three  coinmentaries?  one 
favouring  this  and  another  that,  and  trying  to  make  it  clear;  but 
that  they  have  attained  to  the  mind  of  the  sage  in  the  use  of  his 
stylus^  now  writing  down  and  now  retrenching,  a thousand  yeam 
before  them,  is  what  I am  not  able  to  believe.'2 

1 See  my  note  on  the  passage  in  question,  wliere  I approve  of  a different  interpretation  of  the 
text  of  Kung  and  Kuh  from  tliat  which  Ma  Tsvan-liu  mentions.  M)r  Chinese  text  in  that  passage 
is  that  of  Kung  and  Kuh,  and  I take  tliis  opportunity  to  say  that  the  text  throughout  is  gathered 
from  the  Kkang-he  edition  of  the  Classic.  The  editors  generally  follow  Tso-slie  ; but  occasionally , 
as  ia  this  case,  they  adopt  the  text  of  Kung  or  Ivuli.  They  have  not  told  us  by  what  principles 
they  were  guided  in  the  formation  or  preference  of  that  which  they  have  given. 

2 春秋古 經雖漢 藝文志 有之， 然夫子 所修 之春秋 ，其 
本文世 所不見 ，而 自漢以 來所編 古經， 則俱自 三傳中 

19J 


prot.egomexa.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CII  UX  TSEW. 


£cn.  i. 


4.  I have  given  the  whole  of  Ma's  remarks,  because  of  the 
weight  of  liis  authority  and  the  freedom  with  which  he  has 
expressed  his  views.  The  points,  however,  on  which  he  insists  do 
Ma's  conclusions  seem  overstrained,  not  make  so  unfavourable  an  impression 
on  my  mind  against  the  integrity  of  our  present  text  as  they  did 
upon  his.  That  there  was  not  in  the  Han  dynasty  a text  of  the 
Classic  besides  the  texts  found  in  the  three  commentaries  is  not 
so  certain  as  he  makes  out.  Very  possibly,  as  I have  shown  in 
the  second  paragraph,  a distinct  text  was  found,  as  related  by  Heu 
Shin,  in  the  year  b.c.  153.  But  if  we  base  the  text  simply  on  what 
is  given  in  the  commentaries,  we  must  feel  that  we  approximate  very 
nearly  to  what  it  was  when  they  made  their  appearance,  to  what  it 
had  been  before  the  t}7rant  of  Ts^in  fancied  that  he  had  made  an 
end  of  it.  Tliere  is  no  evidence  that  anyone  of  them  suppressed 
portions  of  the  text  as  Ma  affirms ; and  the  additions  of  which  he 
makes  so  much  are  only  two,  one  by  Ivung-yang  and  Ivuh-leang 


取出 經文， 名之曰 正經耳 ，然 三傳所 載經文 ，多有 異同， 
則學 者何所 析衷如 必及邾 儀文盟 於蔑， 左氏以 爲蔑， 
公穀 以爲昧 ，則不 知夫子 所書者 ，曰 蔑乎， 曰昧乎 ，榮眉 II， 
左氏 以爲顧 ，公 榖以爲 微則不 知夫子 所書者 ，曰 郿乎， 
曰微乎 ，會 於厥想 ，必 穀以 爲屈銀 則不知 夫子所 書者， 
曰厥恝 乎曰屈 銀乎， 若是者 ，殆 不可勝 數蓋不 特亥豕 
魯 魚之偶 誤其一 二而已 ，然此 特名字 之訛耳 ，其 事未 
嘗背馳 於大義 ，尙 無所關 也至於 君氏卒 ，則 以爲 聲子， 
魯之夫 人也尹 氏卒， 則以爲 師尹 ，周之 卿士也 ，然 則夫 
子所 書隱三 年夏四 月辛卯 之死者 ，竟爲 何人乎 ，不寧 
惟是 ，公羊 榖梁於 襄公二 十一年 皆書孔 子生， 桉春秋 
惟國君 I1L 子生則蒈之，子同生是也，其餘世卿擅_政， 
如季氏 之徒其 生亦 未嘗書 之於册 ，夫子 萬世帝 王之 
師 ，然: U: 始生 乃鄹邑 大夫之 子耳， 魯史未 必書也 ，魯史 
所不書 ，而 頷夫子 自紀其 生之年 於所修 之經决 無是 
理也而 左於 京 公十 四年獲 麟之後 ，又 復引經 以至十 
六年四 月蕺仲 M 卒杜征 南亦以 埝近 誣然則 荐秋本 
文其附 M 於三 傳者不 特乖 興未可 盡信而 三 子以意 
增损蠢 有之矣 ，蓋 蹉二 十一年 所書者 公穀尊 其師授 
而噌 # 之也 .哀十 六年所 書者左 氏楠 其師亡 而增書 
之也 ，俱非 养秋之 木文也 ，三 I1 者以當 時口耳 所傅受 
者 ，各自 爲傅， 又以其 意之 所欲咐 益者槐 入之 ，後 世諸 
懦， 復櫞其 兄於三 子之# 老互 荀所左 右而發 明之而 
以® 得聖 人筆削 之 意於千 載之上 吾未之 能信也 

20] 


•P.CT.  III.] 


MA'S  OBJECTIONS  OVKRSTR AINEI). 


[rROT.EGOMF.XA. 


(with  a variation,  however,  to  which  lie  does  not  advert),  and  one 
bv  Tso,  for  we  may  consider  all  tlie  jmnigraplis  that  follow  tlie 
account  of  the  capture  of  tlie  lin  as  one  addition,  l'hey  were  both 
very  natural,  and  I should  suppose  were  intended  originally  as 
notes  rather  than  additions  to  the  text.  i'he  various  readings 
a^ain  in  the  tliree  are  really  not  of  great  importance.  Occurring 
mostlv  in  tlie  naines  of  men  and  places,3  they  need  not  trouble  us 
more  than  different  ways  of  spelling  unusual  words  in  different  edi- 
tions of  an  English  book  would  do.  The  most  important  variation 
of  another  character  between  tfiein  is  that  on  which  Ma  insists  so 
strongly, — 君氏  and  尹氏  in  I.  iii.  3.  This  is  not  what  we  may 
compare  to  an  error  of  orthography,  arising  from  writing  the  same 
sound  in  dilferent  ways; — it  is  evidently  an  error  of  transcription. 
Tso,  I am  of  opinion,  copied  do'vn  君 instead  of  尹， and  then  tried, 
ingeniously  l>ut  unsatisfactorily,  to  account  in  his  commentary  for 
the  unusual  combination  of  君氏.  Kung  and  Kuh  copied  尹 
correctly,  but  their  historical  knowledge  Avas  not  suflficint  to  enable 
them  to  explain 、vlio  尹氏  'vas.  Ma  has  altogether  overlooked  the 
consideration  of  the  value  attaching  to  the  various  readirigs  as  showing 
the  independence  of  t.he  three  recensions.  Adding  to  them  the  two 
of  Tsow  and  Keah  which  soon  perished,  we  have  five  different  texts 
of  the  Ch{un  Ts4e\v  in  existence  in  the  second  century  before  our 
era.  Tso， Kung-yang,  and  Kuh-leang,  had  each  his  school  of  ad- 
herents, who  sought  to  exalt  the  views  of  their  master  above  those 
of  his  rivals.  It  is  still  competent  to  us  to  pronounce  upon  their 
respective  views,  and  weigh  the  claims  which  they  have  to  our 
consideration;  but  the  question  at  present  is  simply  about  their 
texts.  Notwithstanding  the  differences  between  these,  there  is 
no  doubt  in  my  mind  that  they  floAved  from  a common  original, 

3 The  following  passage  from  Woo  Ch'ing  漠灸; A.D.  1249-1333),  may  be  considered  as 
decisive  on  this  point.  I adduce  it  in  preference  to  others,  because  he  touches:  oil  some  other 
matters  which  will  interest  some  of  my  readers. 一 春秋經 十二篇 ，左氏 ，公 羊， 

穀梁各 有不同 ，昔乐 子刻易 ，書 ，詩 ，春秋 ，於臨 ’潭郡 ，春 
秋一經 ，止 用左 氏經文 ，而曰 ，公 Sf 二經 ，所 以異者 ，類 
多人名 地名而 非大 意所繫 ，故不 能悉具 ，竊謂 三傅得 
失， 先儒固 曹之矣 ，載事 ，則 左氏詳 於公穀 ，釋經 則公穀 
精 於左氏 ，意者 左氏必 有案據 之書而 公榖多 是傳聞 
之說況 人名地 名之姝 ，或 因語 音字畫 之舛此 類一從 
左氏 可也， 然有考 之於義 ，確然 見左氏 爲失而 公穀爲 
得 者則又 豈容以 偏徇哉 

21] 


pkolhgomt-xa.]  MATURE  AN1)  VALUE  OF  THE  CIMX  TS4EW. 


[〇H.  I. 


—— an  original  which  must  have  been  compiled  by  Confucius  from 
the  Cl^un  Tsce\v  of  Loo.  On  the  subsequent  preservation  of  that 
text  it  is  not  necessary  to  enter,  excepting  in  so  far  as  the  early 
history  of  the  tliree  commentaries  is  concerned.  When  the  authori- 
ty of  tliem  Avas  once  established,  there  was  a succession  of.  scholars 
■who  from  dynasty  to  dynasty  devoted  themselves  to  the  illustration 
of  tliem,  the  Works  of  hundreds  of  whom  are  existing  at  tlie  present 
day.  It  may  not  be  possible  for  us  to  determine  the  exact  reading, 
of  names  especially,  in  every  paragraj^h,  and  there  may  be  lacuna 
in  other  paragraphs,  and  some  paragraphs  perhaps  were  lost  before 
the  three  texts  were  transcribed ; but  the  text  as  formed  from  them 
must  in  my  opinion  be  considered,  notwithstanding  its  various  read- 
ings, as  a fair  reproduction  of  what  Confucius  wrote,  a sufficient 
copy  of  the  Work  by  which  he  felt  that  posterity  would  juHge  him. 

I proceed  in  the  next  section  to  describe  the  three  early  comment- 
aries, after  which  we  shall  be  prepared  to  estimate  the  value  of  the 
Work  itself. 

SECTION  IV. 

THE  THREE  ExVRLY  COMMENTARIES  ON  THE  CII'UN  TS'EW. 

1.  Of  the  three  early  commentaries  the  first  which  made  its 
appearance  in  the  Han  dynasty,  and  incomparably  the  most 
Tlie  commentary  of  Tso.  important,  was  that  of  Tso,  or  of  Tso-k4ew,  for 
the  opinions  of  scholars  differ  both  as  to  the  surname  and  the  name 
of  the  author.1  The  account  of  it  given  by  Pan  Koo  is — that  Tso 

1 It  is  a common  opinion,  which  Mr.  Wylie  (General  Notes  on  Chinese  Literature,  p.  6) 
endorses  without  hesitation,  that  tlie  1 Narratives  of  the  States  * was  by  the  same  author  a9  tlie 
Commentary  about  which  we  are  inquiring;  and  we  liave  the  testimony  of  Sze-ina  Ts4een*s  auto- 
biographical letter  to  a friend  没書 六十二 司馬髦 ，傅笫 三十二 〕 … 
his  surname  being  Tso-k^w,  and  name  Ming  (左 丘失明 ，厥有 _ 語; mid  a_， 左 
丘 明無目 )•  Our  Tso  would  then  have  the  surname  of  Tso-k4c\v.  This  is  still  held  by  many. 
Choo  E-tsun  particularly  insists  on  it  as  a point  4 exceedingly  clear/  and  explains  the  dropping  of 
the  K(ew  ( or  from  a superstitious  feeling  not  to  be  always  repeating  the  name  of  the 
Master  (^\j  Koo  appears  to  have  considered  the  simple  Tso  to  be  the  surnAine  and 

K^w-minf?  the  name;  and  there  arc  nmny  wlio  concur  with  him.  Otiici-8  mnintnin  tlwit  the  sur- 
name was  simply  Tao,  and  that  tho  name  luis  been  lost.  So  it  is  virtually  now,  for  the  Work  is 
simply  called  the  Tao  ('huen.  On  these  disputes  ftbout  the  surnnme  nnd  name,  H>van>!  Tsih 

( 貪灌; Yuen  (lynn8ty) 叫’8  with  truth:- i 邱明 ，或調 姓左邱 ，名明 ，非 

傳 春秋者 ，傅莽 秋者蓋 姓左而 失 其名愚 _ 去古旣 遠， 
此以 爲是彼 以爲非 .又焉 有定論 

22] 


SECT.  IV.] 


COMMENTARY  OF  TbO. 


[rKOLKCOMKNA. 


Kfcew-ining  was  a discipleof  the  sage,  whoconsulted  along  with  him  the 
historical  records  of  Loo,  before  making  Iiis  great  ^ ork;  that  when 
it  was  made,  it  was  not  advisable  to  publish  it  because  of  the  praise 
and  censure,  the  concealments  and  suppressions,  wliich  abounded  in 
it,  and  that  therefore  he  delivered  it  by  word  of  mouth  to  the  (liscij)les, 
who  thereupon  withdrew  and  gave  different  accounts  of  the  events 
referred  to  in  it;  that  K ew-ming,  in  order  that  the  truth  miglit  not 
be  lost,  made  his  commentary,  or  narratives  of  those  events,  to  make 
it  clear  tliat  the  master  had  not  in  his  text  used  emj)ty  words;  and 
finally,  tliat  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  kwp  his  work  concealed, 
to  avoid  the  })ersecutions  of  the  powerful  rulers  and  officers  Avhose 
conduct  was  freely  and  fully  described  in  it.2  Pan  Koos  account 
is  correct  thus  far,  that  we  have  in  Tso  s Work  a detailed  account 
of  most  of  the  events  of  which  the  text  of  Confucius  gives  only 
hints.  The  Cli4un  Ts4e\v  may  be  loosely  compared  to  the  headings 
or  summaries  of  contents  which  are  prefixed  to  the  chapters  in  muny 
editions  of  our  13iblcs,  and  Tso  s coininentaries  to  tlie  chapters  them, 
selves.  But  we  shall  find  that  they  contain  more  than  this. 

2.  Who  Tso  was  it  is  not  easy  to  say.  In  the  Analects,  Y. 
xxiv.,  Confucius  says,  c Fine  words,  an  insinuating  appearance,  and 

who Ts〇 was.  excessive  respect; — Tso-kce\v  ]Ming  was  ashamed  of  such 
things,  and  I also  am  ashamed  of  them.  To  conceal  resentment  against 
a person,  and  appear  friendly 'with  him; — 'Fso-k'ew  Ming  was  ashamed 
of  such  conduct,  and  I olso  am  aslmmecl  of  it.1  Cliaou  K4e  says,  on 
the  authority  of  K'ung  Gan-kwoli,  that  the  person  ^vhom  Coniucius 
spoke  of  thus,  was  the  gi'and-liistoriographer  of  Loo,  but  adds  nothing 
as  to  his  being  contemporary  with  the  sage,  or  of  an  earlier  time. 
The  critics  generally  hold  that  he  was  some  Worthy  ot*  an  earlier  age, 
on  the  ground  that  Confucius  only  drew  comparisons  between  him- 
sdt  and  men  of  a former  period.2  I am  not  fully  convinced  by  their 
reasonings.  The  Chinese  text  of  the  Analects  is  not  so  definite  as 
the  English  translation  of  it.  What  Confucius  says  about  Tso-kcew 
Ming  might  be  rendered  in  the  present  tense  in  the  same  way  as 
Avhat  he  sa}rs  about  himself.  Nothing,  however,  would  be  gained 
by  discussing  a text  on  which  it  is  not  possible  to  arrive  at  a 

1 Chaou  K‘wang (趙 匡 ; of  the  T‘ang  dynasty}  says  :― 論語 左邱明 耻之， 

丘 亦耻之 ，夫子 自比皆 引往人 , 故曰竊 比於 我老彭 ，又 
說伯夷 等六人 ，云 我則異 於是, 竝非同 時人也 ，邱 明者 
蓋夫 子以前 賢人如 史佚遲 任之流 ，見 稱於當 時爾. 
2 趙襄子 


23] 


rR〇LL0UMKNA.]  NATUKE  AND  VALUL  Of  iilE  CII'UN  TbEW. 


fcH.  I. 


positive  decision.  At  the  same  time  I may  say  that,  the  "view  that 
Tso  was  a disciple  of  the  master  lias  very  formidable  difficulties  to 
encounter.  The  Classic  stops  in  the  14th  year  of  duke  Gae,  b.c. 
480,  but  Tsos  commentary  extends  to  the  4th  year  of  duke  Taou, 
Gae's  successor,  b.c.  4(i3.  In  tlie  last  paragraph  of  it,  moreover, 
there  is  an  allusion  to  the  ruin  and  death  of  Seun  Yaou  or  Che  Pill,  a 
great  officer  of  Tsin,  Avliich  took  place  in  452,  27  or  28  years  after 
the  close  of  the  Clicun  Tsle\v.  Not  only  so.  The  Head  of  the 
Chaou  family  is  mentioned  in  the  same  paragraph  by  his  posthu- 
mous or  honorary  title,  and  of  course  lie  could  not  have  received  it 
till  after  his  death,  which  took  place  in  b.c.  424,  56  }'ears  after  the 
capture  of  the  lin,  and  54  years  after  tlie  death  of  the  sage.  Is  it 
possible  to  believe  that  one  so  much  younger  than  Confucius  was 
among  his  disciples  and  possessed  his  confidence  to  the  extent  which 
the  commonly  received  accounts  of  the  making  of  the  Ch^n  Ts4e\v 
suppose? 

3.  Leaving  these  speculations  about  the  name  and  person  of 
Tso,  we  find  that  his  commentary  made  its  appearance  soon  after 

First  appearance  and  subsequent)  1 ISfc!  of  tllC  Hdll  lUlSty.  Hell  Sllitl 
history  of  his  commentary.  } ^-〇  }jjs  acc〇U|)t  〇f  the  discovery  of  the 

Ch4un  Ts{ew  in  the  wall  of  Confucius  house,  quoted  on  p.  18,  sub- 
joins the  statement  that  Chang  Ts4ang,  marquis  of  Pih-p4ing  pre- 
sented the  commentary  of  Tso  written  in  the  old  characters  of  the 
Chow  dynasty.1  Now  this  Chang  Ts^ang  had  been  in  office 

under  the  Tslin  dynasty,  in  charge,  it  would  appear,  of  the  imperial 
library.  Having  joined  the  party  of  the  duke  of  P^i,  the  foundur 
of  the  Han  dynasty,  he  became  at  last  a favourite  with  him,  and 
was  placed  in  various  positions  of  the  greatest  trust.2  His  appoint- 
ment to  be  marquis  of  Pih-pcing3  took  place  in  b.c.  200,  about  fifty 
years  before  the  discovery  of  the  text  in  the  wall  of  Confucius’ 
house.  Heu  Shin  says  that  ^Chang  presented'  the  Work,  meaning, 
I suppose,  that  he  did  so  to  the  first  emperor  of  Han,  who  was  too 
much  occupied,  however,  with  the  establishment  of  Ins  dynasty  to 
give  much  attention  to  literary  mattei*s.  But  after  the  time  of 
Chang  Ts^ng  wc  never  lose  sight  of  Tso's  commentary.  From  him 
it  passed  to  KSa  E,  of  whom  we  have  many  notices  as  a famous 

i 北平侯 張蒼獻 春秋左 氏傅 郡國亦 往往于 山川得 
鼎 _ ，其銘 卽前代 之古文 . 2 ^ w 漢書 .四十 二 f 專够 

十二， the  first  memoir.  3 lMli-p'inp：  embraced  tho  i>rc8〇nt  ik-partmont  of  Yung-pking, 
Chili-le,  and  sumc  tadjaccnt  territory. 


SIX  I.  IV.] 


TI1E  COMMENTARY  OF  TSO. 


fmOLLCOMl.NA. 


scholar  mid  statesman  in  tlie  reign  of  the  emperor  ^Vun  (b.c.  1 78 — 
l.)6).4  He  published  a Work  of  liis  own  upon  it;6  and  then  it 
j)assed  on  to  liis  grandson  Kea  Kca,G  and  Kwan  Kung,7  a great 
scholar  ut  the  court  of  King  Heen  of  lIo-keen,tf  through  whom  an 
attempt  was  made  to  obtain  for  it  the  imperial  recognition,  'vliich 
Avas  defeated  by  the  friends  of  the  coimnentarv  of  Kung-yang. 
This,  thougli  later  in  making  its  appearance,  had  iilready  found  a 
jilace  in  the  imperial  college.9  Kwan  Kung  transmitted  his  treasure 
to  his  youngest  son,  named  Chang-k'ing,10  and  troin  him  it  went  on 
to  Cliang  Ch^ing11  and  Chang  Yu,12  both  fiimous  men  of  their  time. 
To  one  of  tlicMn,  no  doubt,  belonged  the  4Niceties  of  tlu*  Ch^m 
Ts4e\v,  ljy  Cliang-slie,'  mentioned  in  Lew  II in's  catiilogue.13  Yu 
was  intimate  with  Siiaou  Wang-che,14  perhaps  the  most  dis- 
tinguished man  of  the  time,  whom  he  interested  in  the  Work 
of  Tso,  so  that  he  called  the  attention  to  it  of  the  emperor 
ScMien  (b.c.  72-48),  and  it  might  now  have  boen  fonn;illy  recog- 
nized but  for  Yu's  death.  The  names  of  Yin  Kaiig-ch‘e15  and 
liis  son  Yin  Hiien,16  of  Teih  Fang-tsin,17  Hoo  Chang,18  and  Kca 
Hoo19  lead  us  from  Yu  to  Lew  Hill.20  Hin's  connexion  with  Tso's 
AVork  may  be  considered  as  forming  an  era  in  its  history.  1 Raving 
found,1  weare  told  in  hisbiography,  4in  the  imperial  librnr)^  the  Cli^in 
Ts^w  and  Tso's  Chuen  in  the  ancient  characters,  he  became  very 
fond  of  them.  At  that  time  Yin  Heen,  a secretary  of  the  prime 
minister,  being  well  acquainted  with  Tso-she,  examined  along  with 
Hin  the  text  and  commentary.  Hin  took  his  opinion  in  some 
particulars,  and  sought  to  learn  tlie  correct  interpretation  and  great 
aim  of  the  Works  by  application  to  the  prime  minister  Teih  Fang- 
tsin.  Before  tliis,  because  of  the  many  ancient  characters  and 
ancient  sayings  in  Tso's  Chuen,  students  had  contented  themselves 
•with  simply  explaining  their  meaning;  but  when  Hin  took  it  in  hand, 
he  quoted  the  words  of  the  commentary  to  explain  the  text,  and  made 


4 漢書 ，四 十八傅 第十八  5 賈誼春 秋左氏 傅訓故 . 

6 賈嘉  7 貫公  8 See  the  proleg.  to  vol.  IV.  p.  11.  9 K4ung  Ying-tah, 

in  his  preface  to  Too  Yu*s  edition  of  tlie  Tso  Chuen  says： 一 漢武帝  (b  c.  139—86)  時 ，河 

閒 獻左氏 ，議立 左學公 羊之 徒上書 詆左氏 ，左 氏之學 
石立. 10 萇卿. 11 張傲. 12 張萬 _ 13 張氏春 赛微， 

十*  14  ^j1  There  is  a long  and  interesting  memoir  of  liim  in  the 、) 篆 

七十八  We  find  him,  on  his  first  introduction  to  the  emperor  Seuen,  appealing  to  a passage 


in  the  Ch4un  Ts4ew.  15  尹更始  16 尹咸. U 翟方進 . 18 胡 

常 19 賈護. 2。 劉散 


25] 


MIOLEGOMENA.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CirUN  TSEW. 


[CH.  I. 


tlieia  throw  li^ht  on  each  otlter,  and  from  this  time  the  exhibition 
of  them  in  paragraphs  and  clauses  was  cultivated.  Hin  preferred 
Tso  to  Kung-)riing  and  Kuh-lcang,  considering  that  he  agreed  in  his 
likings  and  dislikings  with  the  sage,  and  that  he  liad  hiniself  seen 
the  master,  — a very  different  case  from  that  of  Kung  and  Kuh  who 
were  subsequent  to  the  seventy  disciples ，21  The  history  then  relates 
the  disputes  between  Hin  and  his  father  Heang,  who  was  an  adherent 
of  the  commentary  of  Kuh-leang,  and  how  he  made  ati  attempt  to  get 
the  emperor  Gae  (b.c.  5 — a.d.)  to  give  Tso  a place  in  the  imperial 
college  along  Avith  Kung  and  Kuh,  which  was  defeated  by  the  jealousy 
of  their  supporters.  From  this  time,  however,  the  advocates  ofTso-she 
became  more  numerous  and  determined  to  have  justice  clone  to  their 
master.  They  were  successful  for  a short  time  in  the  reign  of  the 
etnperor  P4ing  (a.d.  1 — 5),  but  Tso's  Work  was  again  degraded  as 
of  less  authority  than  the  other  two  commentaries；  and  tlioagh  Kea 
Kwei22  presented  an  argument  oil  forty  counts  to  prove  its  superi- 
ority, whicli  was  well  received  by  the  emperor  Cluing  (a.d.  7G — 88), 
it  was  not  till  a.d.  99,  under  the  empm-oi'  Llo,23  that  the  footing  of 
Tso  in  the  imperial  college  was  finally  establislied.  The  famous  CliMn^ 
K^ang-shing  (a.d.  127 — 199)  tiaving  replied  to  three  Works  of'  Ho 
Hew,24  theinaintainer  of  the  authority  of  Kung-yang,  against  Tso  and 
Kuh-leang,  and  shown  the  superiority  of  Tso,  the  other  two  comment- 
aries began  from  this  time  to  sink  into  neglect.  It  is  melancholy  to 
read  the  list  of  writers  on  Tso  during  the  second  and  third  dynasties 
of  Han,  of  whom  we  have  only  fragmentary  sentences  remaining;  but 
in  a.d.  280,  Too  Yu  or  Too  Yuen-k^ie,  a scholar  and  general  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Tsin  dynasty,25  completed  a great  Work  undc-r 
the  title  of  4 Collected  Explanations  of  the  Text  and  Cominentnr)'  of 
Tso-she  on  the  Ch4un  Ts4cw,  in  thirty  chiipters.'26  This  Work  still 
remains,  and  will  ever  be  a monument  of  the  scholarship  and  pains- 
taking of  the  writer. 


21  See  the 漢書三 十六， 楚元王 ，傅 狼六  I have  carefully  rend  over 
the  Work  of  黎 J 、凄  jjt 条 of  the  present  dynasty,  included  in  the  and  called 

>n  ''  labours  to  upset  all  tlic  testimony  about  Lew  Hin,  but  it 


IX 


23  Luh  Tili  niing  and  otlibrs  say 


is  quite  inconclusive  and  unsatisfactory.  22 

this  took  place  under  IIo,  in  the  J l(h  year  of  the  period  But  that  period  lasted  only  ono 

year.  'TQ  must  be*  ;i  mistake  24  ^||J  see  further  on.  25 

秋左 fe 傅集船 三十 #_by 杜 狼 8l)led 元凯 Hc  is  nla。 <allu  1 

^lf  ^ru,n  ni^^ar-y  ^P^nitions  in  Ihu  South,  as  in  tlu*  (iiiotation  from  Ma  Twan-lin  un  p. 


ly.  lie  was  born  a.d.  222,  and  ili^d  in  281. 


SECT.  IV.] 


THE  COMMENTARY  OF  TSO. 


fPRO.LEGO.VE\  V. 


4.  Nothing  net 乂 1 be  saicl  on  the  liistory  of  tlie  (.oinineiitiii.y 
of  Tso  since  tlie  beginning  of  the  Han  dynasty.  Some  of  the 
scholars  of  that  age  traced  it  back  from  Chang  Ts^ng  to  nearly  the 

Attempt  to  trace  Tso*s  Work t tinie  〇f  CoilfudllS,  and  KllUlg  Yillg-tnll  ill 
nearly  to  the  time  ot  Confucius. ) [jj,,  pj*〇face  <；〇  T〇0  S Work  CJUOtCS  tlie 

following  from  a production  of  Lew  He；mg  (n.c.  80 — !))  which  is  now 
lost  Tso  Kcew-ming  delivered  his  Work  to  Tsiing  Sliin.  Sliiit 
transmitted  it.  to  Woo  K{e；  AVoo  K4e  to  his  son  K'e ; K4e  to  Toll 
Tseaou,  a native  of  Ts4oo,  who  copied  out  selections  from  it  in  8 
books;  Toll  Tseaou  to  Yu  K ing,  who  made  9 books  of  selections 
from  it  ； Yu  Kling  to  Seun  Ivling  ； and  Seun  Kling  to  Chang 
TVang.’1  I Avish  we  had  different  and  more  autliority  for  this  state- 
ment, as  Heang  was  not  himself  an  adherent  of  Tsos  Work.  In 
liis  son  Ilin's  catalogue  wliich  I have  already  referred  to,  two 
AVorks  are  mentioned  hv  Toli-slie  and  Yu-slie,  hut  there  is  nothing 
in  their  titles  to  connect  them  with  Tso  ；2  and  Sze-ina  Ts^een  says 
nothing  in  his  memoir  of  Seun  K'ing  about  any  connexion  that  lie 
had  with  the  ti'ansmission  of  the  commentary.3  Tsang  Shin  was 
t.lie  grandson  of  Tsang  Sin,  one  of  Confucius’  principal  disciples, —— 
the  Tsang  Se  of  Mencius,  II.  Pt.  i.  I.  3.  Tso’s  committing  his 
AVork  to  him  would  agree  with  what  I have  said  in  par.  2,  and  cast 
a doubt  on  liis  being  a contemporary  of  the  sage  liimself. 

5.  I have  said  that  generally  we  have  in  the  Work  of  Tso  the 
details  of  the  events  of  which  we  have  but  a sliadow  or  the  barest 

The  nature  of  Tso's  Work,  intimation  in  the  text  of  the  Ch(un  Ts4ew; 
but  we  have  more  than  this.  Of  inultitmles  of  events  that  during 
the  242  years  of  the  Cli4un  Ts4ew  period  took  place  in  Loo  and 
other  States,  to  which  the  text  makes  no  allusion,  we  have  from. 
Tso  a full  account.  Where  he  got  his  infonnation  he  does  not  tell 
us.  Too  Yu  is  probably  correct  when  he  says  that  Tso  was  himself 
one  of  the  historiographers  of  Loo.1  Whatever  of  the  history  of 
that  State  was  on  record  he  Avas  familiar  with.  If  the  records  of 
other  States  were  also  collected  there,  lie  had  studied  them  equally 
'vit.li  those  of  his  o、vn.  If  he  did  not  liucl  them  there,  he  must 

1 劉向 別錄云 ，左 邱明授 曾申申 授吳起 起授其 子期， 
期授楚 人鐸淑 ，椒 作杪撮 八卷， 授虞卿 ，卿作 杪撮九 
卷授 荀卿卿 璦張蒼  2 鐸氏微 三篇; 虞氏 微傅二 
3 See  the  史記七 十四列 溥第十 四_ 

1 身爲 國史躬 覽載籍 ，必廣 記而備 W 之 

27] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH*UN  TS;EW. 


[CH.  I. 


liave  gone  in  search  of  them,  for  he  is  as  much  at  home  in  the 
events  of  Chow,  Tsin,  Tsle,  Sung,  Ch‘ing,  Ts‘oo,  and  other  States, 
as  he  is  in  those  of  Loo.  And  not  only  (Toes  he  draw  from  the 
records  about  the  ruling  Houses  of  the  States,  but  also  from  the 
histories  of  the  principal  families  or  clans  and  the  chief  men  in. 
them.2  Fi-oin  whatever  quarter,  in  whatever  Avay,  lie  got  I113 
information,  he  has  transmitted  it  to  us.  The  events  and  the  cha- 
racters of  the  time  pass  as  in  reality  and  life  before  us.  In  no 
aticient  history  of  any  country  have  we  such  a vivid  picture  of  any 
lengthened  period  of  its  annals  as  we  have  from  Tso  of  the  270 
years  which  he  has  embraced  in  his  Work.  Without  liis  Cliuen  the 
text  of  the  sa〇;e  would  be  of  little  value.  Let  the  former  be  preserved, 
and  we  should  have  no  occasion  to  regret  the  loss  of  the  latter. 

To  myself  it  appears  plain  that  Tsos  Work  was  compiled  on  a 
twofold  plan.  First,  he  had  reference  to  tlie  text  of  the  Cl^un 

Tso’s  Work  c〇 叫) iie(i  〇n  a tw〇-f〇id  plan.}  Ts  , and ish(  d to  gi'  e tlic  details 

He  wished  first  t〇  explain  tiie  text.  > of  the  events  which  were  indicated 


in  it.  Occasionally  also  he  sets  himself  to  explain  the  words  of 
that  text,  being  sometimes  successful  and  sometimes  not.  He  lavs 
down  canons  to  regulate  the  meaning  and  application  of  certain 
characters,  but  it  can  hardly  be  said  that  we  find  him  under  the 
influence  of  the  4 praise-and-censure ! theory.  In  this  respect  he 
differs  remarkably  from  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang;  and  I have 
sometimes  fanciecl  that  tlie  characteristic  is  an  evidence  that,  he  lived 


before  Mencius,  arid  liad  never  read  the  accounts  of  the  Classic 
which  we  find  in  him.  His  object  evidently  was  to  convey  to  his  read- 
ers a knowledge  of  the  facts  given  in  the  masters  paragraphs  as 
if  independent  and  isolated  in  their  connexion  with  one  another. 
Hence  he  often  mentions  new  facts  which  are  necessary  for  that 

2 The  following  passage  from  Tan  Tsoo  (P^  of  the  T'ang  dynasty  sets  forth  correctly  this 


cliaracteristic  of  Tso?s  work,  and  I adduce  it  without  referem：e  to  Tsoo*8  peculiar  opinions  about 

our  au—:— 左氏 傳自周 ，晉 ，齊 ，朱 ，楚 ，鄭 等國之 事最詳 ，晉， 
則每 出一師 ，具 列將佐 ，宋 ，則每 因典廢 ，備 舉六卿 ，故 
知史 m 之文每 國各異 ，左 氏得此 躲國之 史以授 門人， 
義則 口傅, 未形竹 項， 後 代學者 乃演 而通之 ，總而 合之， 
編 次年月 ，以爲 傅記又 廣采當 時文错 ，故兼 與子產 ，晏 
子 ，及 諸阈 卿佐 家傅. 幷卜禪 及雜 占霄 ，縱 橫家 小說諷 
諫等 ，雜在 其中敁 叙事 雖多釋 意甚 少垣非 交錯混 
然雛證 ，其大 略皆是 左认 菸意故 比餘傅 ，其功 最高傅 
采 諸家， 叙事允 備能令 0 代 之下頗 兒本末 


28] 


SECT.  IV.] 


TIIE  COMMENTARY  OF  TSO. 


[prolegomena. 


purpose.  As  he  genorally  introducus  tlunn  clironologioallv,  at  the 
time  of  their  occurrence,  lie  seems  at  times  merely  to  increase  the 
muss  of  indigested  matter;  but  b)^  and  by  we  find  what  he  has  thus 
related  to  staml  in  the  relation  of  cause  to  sometlting  subsequently 
clironicled.  But  Ins  method  witli  these  ncUlitions  to  the  text, 
which  are  yet  connected  with  it,  is  very  various.  As  Too  Yu  says, 

‘NTo\v  he  anticipates  the  text  to  show  the  origin  of  an  affair;  110'v 

lie  comes  after  the  text  [with  his  narrative]  to  bring  out  fully  the 
meaning;  now  he  lies  alongside  the  text  to  discriminate  the  princi- 
ples in  it;  and  now  he  a[)pears  to  cross  the  text  to  bring  together 
tilings  that  differ: — thus  various  accordin〇r  to  wluit  he  considered 

O g 

the  requirements  of  the  case.'3  What  is  very  surprising  is  that  he 

tlous  not. 吧心1.  to  l>e  conscious  of  fi.cqiiuiit  tlistTepaiicies  b 小 

the  details  of  his  narratives  and  the  things  as  stated  by  Confucius. 
Now  and  thon,  as  on  A I.  xviii.  6,  he  says  that  the  text  conceals  the 
nature  of  the  fact;  but  generally  he  seems  insensible  of  the  untrust- 
worthiness of  the  represcMitation  in  it. 

Let  it  be  understood,  however,  that  Tso  does  not  give  the  details 
of  every  event  which  the  Classic  briefly  indicates.  We  must  suppose 
that  where  he  does  not  do  so,  his  sources  of  information  failed  him, 
and  he  was  obliged  to  leave  the  notice  of  the  text  as  it  was.  There 
is  the  erroneous  or  defective  entry  in  III.  xxiv.  9, — 1 The  duke  of 
Kwoh.’  On  it  Tso  says  nothing.  So  on  the  five  paragraphs  of 
Chwang's  26tli  year  lie  has  nothing  to  sa)^  while  he  introduces  brief 
narratives  of  two  other  things,  for  the  latter  of  which  only  we  can 
account  as  being  given  with  ail  outlook  into  the  future.  Generally 
speaking,  the  inforniation  given  in  the  Chuen  is  scanty  or  abundant 
in  proportion  to  its  distance  from  or  nearness  to  the  era  assigned  to  its 
compilation.  The  18  years  of  duke  Hwan,  b.c.  710 — 693,  occupy  in 
the  following  Work  37  pages;  the  15  years  of  duke  Ting,  b.c.  508 — 
494,  50  pages.  The  32  years  of  Chwang,  b.c.  692 — 661,  occupy  59 
pages；  the  32  of  Ch^ou,  b.c.  540 — 509,  173  pages.  This  certainly 
gives  us  for  the  AVork  one  attribute  of  verisimilitude.4 

3 If 先經以 雄事， 声後經 以終義 或俅經 以辯理 ，或錯 

系莖  異 -， 而發 — see  Too^  preface.  4 I take  the  opportunity  to  advert 

here  to  a question  whicli  has  produced  no  end  of  speculation  and  discussion  among  the  scholars 
of  China. — Why  does  the  Clrun  Ts4ew  begin  witli  duke  Yin?  Might  we  not  have  expected  the 
sage  to  go  back  to  the  first  origin  of  the  State  of  Loo?  I believe  that  the  only  reasonable  answer 
to  these  inquiries  is  this, — that  the  annals  of  the  State  previous  to  duke  Yin's  rule  had  been 
altogether  lost,  or  were  in  such  a miserable  state  of  dilapidation  and  disarrangement  that  notliing 
could  be  made  of  them.  We  might  have  expected  a sentence  or  two  from  the  sage  to  enlighten 
us  on  the  subject;  hut  his  oracle  is  dimil).  Neither  does  the  Chuen  say  anything  about  it.  How 
different  tlie  practice  of  writers  of  history  in  the  West! 

29] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CII*UN  TSEW. 


r〇H. 


But  while  Tso  intended  his  Work  to  be  a commentary  on  the  text 
of  the  Cl^un  Ts4ew,  I believe  that  he  had  in  view  another  tuid  higher 

rp,  , . t . ,、 object,  and  wished  to  give  lus 

丄 he  second  view  of  rso; — to  fjivc  a general ) 0 〇 

view  of  the  history  of  China  during  the  cirun  - readers  a general  view  of  the  liis- 

Ts4ew  period.  ) r ^ , . . . 

tory  ot  the  country  throughout  all 
its  States  during  the  Cl^un  Ts^w  period.  Tlie  account  of  tlie  Chuen 
quoted  above  from  Too  Yu  carries  us  a considerable  way  to  this 
conclusion.  Tso  shows  the  origin  and  issue  of  many  events,  one 
phase  of  which  merely  is  mentioned  in  the  text.  Tlie  unconnected 
entries  of  the  classic  are  thus  woven  togetlier,  and  a history  is  made 
out  of  them.  But  tlie  new  matter  introduced  by  him  is  so  very  much, 
and  often  having  no  relation  to  anything  stated  in  the  text,  yet 
calculated  to  bring  the  whole  field  of  the  era  before  us,  and  to 
indicate  the  progress  of  events  on  towards  a different  state  of  the 
kingdom,  that  we  must  suppose  this  to  have  been  a prominent  object 
in  the  authors  mind.  This  characteristic  of  tlie  Work  lias  not 
escaped  the  notice  of  native  scholars  themselves.  As  early  as  the 
Tsin  dynasty,  Wang  Tseeh  preferred  to  it  the  commentary  of  Ivung- 
yang  on  this  account.  ^Tso's  style,'  said  he/  is  so  rich,  and  his  aim 
so  extensive,  that  he  is  to  be  regarded  as  an  author  by  liirnself,  and 
not  having  it  for  his  principal  object  to  illustrate  the  classic.'5  Nearly 
to  the  same  effect  is  the  account  of  Tso's  Chuen  given  by  Wang 
Clieh  of  the  Sung  dynasty.  After  praising  Tso  as  a skilful  reader  of 
the  old  histories  and  collector  of  various  narratives,  so  that  he 
accumulated  a very  complete  account  of  the  events  in  the  Ch4un 
Ts^ew,  he  yet  adds: — 1 But  though  his  book  was  made  as  an  appendix 
to  the  classic,  yet,  apart  from  and  outside  that,  it  forms  a book  by 
itself,  the  author  of  which  was  led  away  by  his  fondness  for  strange 
stories,  and  carried  his  collecting  them  beyond  what  was  proper. 
He  was  remiss  in  setting  forth  the  fine  and  minute  ideas  of  the  sage, 
but  yet  his  Work  has  a beginning  and  end,  being  all  the  compilation 
of  one  hand.'  Chinese  scholars  write  of  Tso  under  the  influence  of 
their  admiration  and  veneration  for  the  sage.  I could  wisli  that  he 
had  written  altogether  independently  of  the  Classic,  in  which  case 
we  might,  have  had  a liistory  of  those  times  as  complete  as  a man 


5 王寧曰 ，左 氏辭 義膽富 ，自是 一家書 ，不 主爲經 發;— 

tlie  lG9,p.  3.  In  Bk.  174,  p. 3,  there  is  quoted  from  him  his  contrary  view  of  Kung- 

>胃- 公羊附 經立傅 ，經所 不書傅 不妄起 .於文 爲儉通 
經爲長 • 


30] 


SECT.  IV.] 


TIIE  COMMliNTAliY  OF  TSO. 


[rKOLKtiOMt.N.V. 


knowing  only  the  lieroes  and  events  of  liis  own  country  could  make. 
It  is  not  too  much  to  call  Tso  the  Froissart  of  China.  The  historical 
novel  culled  4 The  History  of  the  various  States  1 shows  the  use  which 
can  be  made  of  his  narratives.  Tlicy  lie  necessarily  iii  iny  pages  so 
many  disjecta  membra^  but  some  one  may  ytt  give,  mainly  from  them, 
an  account  of  the  closing  centuries  of  the  feudal  state  of  China  tluit 
shall  be  found  to  have  an  universal  interest. 

6.  Three  more  points  in  regard  to  Tso’s  Work  have  yet  to  be 
considered : 一 the  manner  of  his  composition;  how  far  his  narratives 
are  entitled  to  our  belief;  and  wliether  there  is  reason  to  believe 
that  additions  were  made  to  them  by  writers  of  the  Tskin  and 
Ilan  dynasties.  By  the  manner  of  Tso's  composition  I (lo  not  mean 
the  general  character  of  his  style.  There  is  but  one  opinion  as  to 
tluit.  It  is  ackiiowledged  on  all  hands  that  he  was  a master  of  his 

peculiarity  〇f  Ta〇’s  composition,  art.  Condensed,  yet  vivid,  he  is  eminently 
pictorial.  The  foreign  student  does  not  for  some  time  find  it  easy 
to  make  out  his  meaning,  but  by  and  by  he  gets  familiar  with  the 
style,  and  it  then  has  a great  charm  for  him.  In  the  words  which 
tlie  foremost  of  French  sinologues  once  used  to  me  of  him,  Tso  was 
un grand ecrivain.1  But  the  peculiarity  which  I have  in  view  is  the 
way  in  wliich  Tso  constantly  varies  the  appellations  of  the  actors  in 
his  narratives.  Very  often  they  are  named  by  tlieir  sacrificial  or 
honorary  e})itliets  wliieli  were  not  given  to  them  till  after  tlieir 
deatli,  so  that  it  is  plain  he  did  not  c〇|))r  out  the  contemporaneous 
accounts  or  records  which  we  suppose  him  to  have  had  before  him, 
and  some  critics  Imve  from  this  contended  that  the  narratives  Avere 
entirely  constructed  bv  himself,  not  drawn  from  historical  sources.2 
But  such  a conclusion  is  more  than  the  premiss  will  justify.  Tso 
might  vciy  well  call  liis  subjects  of  a former  time  by  the  titles 
Avliich  had  been  accorded  to  them  after  tlieir  death,  and  by  which 

“王哲 曰左氏 善覽舊 史兼該 衆說得 春秋之 事亦甚 
備其 書雖附 經而作 ，然於 經外自 成一書 ，故有 貪惑異 
說采 掇過當 •至 於聖 人微首 ，頗 亦疎略 ，而 大抵有 本末， 
蓋出於 一手之 所撰述 • 

1 i select  only  two  Chinese  testimonies  of  tlie  excellence  of  "lWs  style.  Tlie  first  is  from 

Scun  Su"g  ( 甫摄 } uf  the  Tsin  dynasty:— 其書 善禮， 多膏艘 餘喪永 
繼末 ，以發 明經意 ，倩 多靑? 韋 ，學 者好之 . The  etller  is  f_  ChTO 

E-tsuu  of  the  present  dynasty  : 一 匪獨 詳事也 ，文之 簡要不 可及. 2 
E.  Lew  Hwang  (*^lj  0/^)  ^ie  T'ang  dynasty  says:—  左氏 紀年序 諸侯列 

會 ，具 舉其認 ，知是 後人追 修非當 正史也 
31] 


PKOLEGOMEKA.]  KATUKE  ANI)  VALUE  OF  THE  CH-UN  TS  E\V. 


C1I.  1. 


men  generally  would  in  liis  clays  speak  of  tliem.  Wliat  is  really 
perplexing  is  that  in  the  same  account  the  stune  individual  is  now 
called  by  his  iiiime,  now  by  liis  honorary  epithet,  and  now  by  liis 
designation,  or  by  one  or  other  of  his  designations  it  he  had  more 
tlian  one,  so  that  the  narrative  becomes  very  confused,  and  it 
requires  considerable  research  on  the  part  of  the  reader  to  nuike 
out  who  is  denominated  in  all  this  variety  of  ways.  To  give  only 
one  example: — in  the  account  of  the  battle  of  Peih,  in  the  12th 
year  of  duke  Seuen,  of  the  leaders  on  the  side  of  Tsin,  we  have,  1st, 
Seun  Lin-foo,  who  by  and  by  is  styled  Hwan-tsze；3  2d,  Sze  Hwny, 
who  is  variously  denomiimted  Woo-tsze  of  Suy,  Suy  Ke,  and  Sze 
Ke,  while  elsewhere  lie  is  called  Woo-tsze  of  Fan;4  3d,  Seen  Hwoh, 
also  called  Che-tsze,  and  elsewhere  Yuen  Hwoli,  or  Iiwoh  of 
Yuen;3  4th,  Seun  Show,  called  also  Che  Chwang-tsze  and  ('lie 
Ke;6  5th,  Han  Keuoli,  by  and  by  Han  Heen-tsz：.*;7  6th,  Lwan  Slioo, 
by  and  by  Lwan  Woo-tsze;8  7th,  Chaou  Soli,  by  and  by  Cliaou 
Clnvang-tsze;9  and  8tli,  Keih  K^li,  by  and  by  Ivoih  Heen-tsze.10 
Siinilai.  instances  might  be  quoted  in  great  number.  Cliaou  Yih 
says  that  such  a method  of  varjdjig  names  and  iippt.llatioiis 、vas 
characteristic  of  the  style  of  that,  time.11  If,  indeed,  it  was 
characteristic  of  the  time,  I must  think  that  Tso  possessed  it  in  an 
exaggerated  degree.  The  confusion  produced  by  it  in  his  Work 
seems  to  have  led  to  its  cure.  Szi-ma  Tsseen  and  the  writers  of  the 
Books  of  Han  are  careful,  at  the  commencement  of  their  bio- 


graphies, to  give  the  surname,  name,  and  designation  or  designa- 
tions of  their  subjects,  so  that  the  student  has  none  of  the  pc'rplexity 
in  reading  them,  which  he  finds  with  Tsos  Chuen. 

The  other  two  points  regarding  the  Work,  which  I indicated  are 
of  more  importance,  and  I will  consider  them  together.  Have  we 

Are  T8〇,8  narratives  reliable?  Werey  reason  to  receive  Tso’s  narratives  as 
they  supplemented  〇r  added  to.  ^ reliable,  having  been  transcribed  by 


him  from  pre-existent  records  Avitli  merely  such  modifications  of 
style  as  suited  liis  taste ? Or  did  I13  invent  some  of  tlu'm  himself? 
Or  were  they  added  to  by  writers  in  the  Ts^m  dynasty  and  that  of 


3 荀林 50; 桓子  4 士贫; 隨武子 隨季; 士孪; 范武子 

» 先穀; 彘子; 原縠 • 6 荀自； 知莊 子知季 . 7 韓厥; 

韓 ©+•  武子. 朔趙; 注彳. 1。 郤兔; 

卻獻子 • 11 篇中或 用各或 用字或 闹 謚號，蓋常時文 

法如此  sec  Cliaou  on  the  CIrun  Ts^nv,  Cli  左傅 叙事氏 名錯雜 


SECT.  IV.] 


TIIE  COMMENTARY  OF  TSO. 


[rROLEGOJIENA. 


the  Former  Han?  It  is  difficult  to  reply  to  these  questions  cate- 
gorically. What  lias  the  greatest  weight  with  me  in  favour  of 
Tso's  general  credibility  is  the  difference  between  his  commentary 
and  those  of  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang.  What  of  narrative  belongs 
to  the  latter  bears  upon  it  the  stamp  of  tradition,  ancl  evidently 
was  not  copied  from  written  records  but  from  accounts  current  in 
the  mouths  of  men.  It  is,  moreover,  of  comparativt-ly  small  com- 
pass. Their  Works  must  have  been  written  when  the  memory  of 
particular  events  in  the  past  had  in  a great  measure  died  out.  If 
Tso's  sources  of  information  had  bec*n  available  for  them,  they 
\voulcl,  we  may  be  sure,  have  made  use  of  them.  The  internal 
evidence  of  the  three  Works  leaves  no  doubt  in  the  mind  as  to  the 
priority  of  Tsos.  And  as  they  all  made  their  appearance  early  in  the 
Han  dynasty,  we  are  carried  back  for  the  composition  of  Tso's  into 
the  period  of  Chow.  As  his  last  entry  is  about  an  affair  in  the  4th 
yoar  of  duke  Taoti,  who  died  b.c.  430,  and  he  mcMirions  in  it  the 
Head  of  tlie  Chaou  family  in  I'sin  by  his  honorary  epithet  of  Seang- 
tsze,  which  could  not  have  been  given  before  424,  we  can  hardly  be 
wrong  in  assigning  Tso  to  the  fifth  century  before  Christ.  This 
brings  him  close  to  the  age  of  Confucius  who  died  in  b.c.  478. 
Tso  may  then  have  been  a young  man  ; — he  could  hardly  be  a 
disciple  enjoying  tliat  intimate  association  with  the  sage  which 
Lew  Hin,  Pan  Koo,  and  other  Chinese  scholars  were  fond  of 
asserting. 

But  to  maintain  the  general  credibility  of  Tsos  Chuen  as  having 
been  taken  from  authoritiifive  sources  and  records  acknowledged  as 
genuine  among  the  States  of  China  when  he  wrote,  leaves  us  at 
freedom  to  weigh  his  narratives  and  form  our  own  opinion  on 
grounds  of  reason  as  to  the  degree  of  confidence  which  we  ought  to 
repose  in  them.  There  are  few  critics  of  eminence  among  tlie  Chinese 
who  do  not  allow  themselves  a certain  amount  of  liberty  in  this 
respect.  Ch‘ing  E-ch‘uen  laid  down  two  canons  on  the  subject.  ‘The 
Chuen  of  Tso,*  he  says,  4 is  not  to  be  entirely  believed;  hut  only  that 
portion  of  it  which  is  in  itself  credible.’12  To  this  no  objection  can 
be  taken；  but  he  opens  a veiy  difficult  question,  Avhen  he  goes  on, 

* We  should  from  the  Chuen  examine  the  details  of  the  events  referred 
to  in  the  text,  and  by  means  of  the  text  discriminate  between  what 

1 2 程子曰 ，左 傅不可 全信信 其所可 信者爾 ，以 傅考經 
之事迹 •以經 別傅之 眞僞; ^ 輕義考 L.  P.  5 

33] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS  EW. 


[CH.  I. 


is  true  and  false  in  the  Chuei].’13  On  this  I shall  have  to  give  an 
opinion  in  the  next  section,  and  only  remark  now  that  if  we  find 
the  statements  of  the  text  and  the  Chuen  in  regard  to  matters  of 
history  iireconcilecible,  the  most  natural  course  would  seetn  to  be 
to  decide  in  favour  of  the  latter. 

The  K(ang-he  editors  defer  in  general  to  the  authority  of  Tso;  but 
even  they  do  not  scruple  to  suppress  his  narratives  occasionally, 
or  to  elide  portions  of  them.  They  suppress,  for  instance,  the 
account  of  the  conference  between  the  marquises  of  Loo  and  Ts4e 
at  Keah-kah,  given  under  XI.  x.  2,  considering  the  part  which 
Confucius  is  made  to  play  at  it  to  be  derogatory  to  him. 

Wang  Gan-shih14  of  the  Sung  dynasty  published  a treatise  under 
the  title  of 4 Explanations  of  the  Ch^m  Ts^nv,'  in  which  he  undertook 
to  prove  from  eleven  instances  that  (lie  Chuen  was  not  composed 
by  Tso  K^w-ming  of  the  Chow  dynasty,  l)ut  by  some  one  of  a later 
date,  under  the  dynasty,  probably,  of  Ts4in.14  Wangs  treatise  is 
unfortunately  lost,  and  we  know  not  wliut  all  the  eleven  instances 
were.  One  of  them  was  the  use  of  the  term  /a/i15  in  the  Chuen  on 
Y.  v.  9,  to  denominate  a sacrifice  after  the  winter  solstice,  which,  it 
is  contended,  was  first  appointed  under  the  dynasty  of  Ts4iu.  It 
may  have  been  another  where  in  IX.  xi.  10  and  xii.  5 we  find  men- 
tion made  of  military  commanders  of  Ts4in  with  the  title  of 
shoo  change  which,  again  it  is  contended,  was  of  later  date  than  the 
Chow  dynasty.  Ch4ing  E-chHien  at  any  rate  adduces  these  two  as 
cases  in  the  Chuen  of  purely  Ts4in  phraseology.17 

Apart  from  any  discussion  of  tlieso  instances,  I venture  to  state 
my  own  opinion,  that  interpolations  were  made  in  the  Chuen  after 
Tso  had  put  his  finishing  touch  to  it,  and  probably  during  the  dy- 
nasty of  the  former  Han ; and  there  arc  two  classes  of  passages 
which  seem  to  bear  on  tliem  and  in  them  the  evidence  of  having 
been  so  dealt  with. 

[i  ] There  are  the  moriiliziugs  wliicli  conclude  many  narratives 
and  are  interjected  in  others,  generally  ■with  tlie  formula  — 4Tiie 
superior  imuj  will  say,'  and  sometinies  as  if  (juoted  from  Confucius. 
They  havu  often  notliin^;  or  next  to  nothing  to  do  with  the  subject 
of  the  narrative;  to  wliicli  tlu;y  are  attnclic-d,  und  the  manner  iu 
wliicli  tliey  occusionally  bring  in  quotations  l'rom  the  odes  rLMiiimls 

王安石  14  See  the  欽定四 W 全書 總目 ，卷 t 十六 ， 

伽 舂秋左 傅正義  u 瓞不 臘矣在 此行. WO： 長. 
p 瓞不 臘矣幷 ® 畏皆秦 官秦語 • 


bl'A'l.  IV.] 


THE  COMMENTARY  OF  TSO. 


[VHOLF.GOMKN  A. 


us  of  Han  Yiiig’s  Illustrations  of  the  Slit1,  of  wliich  丨 have  give" 
specimens  in  the  proleg.  to  vol.  IV.  C'hoo  He  well  asks  what  con- 
nexion the  concluding  j>ortion  of  the  Cliuen  after  I.  vi.  2 lias  to  do 
with  what  precedes,  ancl  points  out  many  reflections  in  other  p:u，t'8 
uliicli  cannot  be  consideivd  as  the  utterances  of  a superior  man  but 
tlie  speculations  of  a mere  scholar.18  Lin  Leuli  of  the  Sung  dynasty 
and  a multitude  of  other  scholars  attribute  all  these  passages  to 
Lew  Ilin.19  They  certainly  seem  to  me  to  bear  upon  them  the  Han 
stamp. 

[ii.]  There  is  a host  of  passages  wliich  contain  predictions  of  the 
future,  or  allusions  to  such  predictions,  grounded  on  divination, 
mefeorologicul  and  astrological  considerations,  and  something  in 
tlie  manner  or  deportment  of  the  parties  concerned; — predictions 
which  turn  out  to  be  true.  We  may  be  sure  that  none  of  these 
were  made  at  the  time  assigned  to  them  in  the  Chuen.  Some  of 
them  which  had  their  fulfilment  before  the  end  of  the  Chsun  Ts{ew 
period  may  liave  been  current  in  Tso’s  clays,  and  incorporated  by 
him  with  his  narrative.  Others,  like  the  ending  of  the  Chow 
dynasty  after  an  existence  of  so  many  hundred  years,  the  fulfilment 
of  which  was  at  a later  date,  were,  no  doubt,  fabricated  subsequently 
to  that  fulfilment,  and  interpolated  during  the  time  of  the  first  Han. 

But  after  deducting  all  these  suspicious  portions  from  Tso's 
Chuen,  there  remains  the  mass  of  it,  which  we  may  safely  receive 
as  having  been  compiled  by  him  from  records  made  contemporane- 
ously with  the  events,  and  transmitted  by  him  with  the  graces  of 
his  own  style.  It  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  most  precious  literary 
treasure  which  has  come  down  to  posterity  from  the  Chow  dynasty. 

^ 左傅 君子曰 ，最 無意思 ，因舉 芟夷蘊 祟一段 . 
是關上 文甚事 •左傅 是一箇 審利害 之幾， 善避就 底人， 
所 以其書 有贬死 節等事 ，其間 議論， 有極不 是處， 
如周 鄭交質 之類是 何議論 ，其曰 米宣公 可講知 人矣， 
立穆公 ，其 子饗之 ，命以 義夫只 知有 利害， 不知有 義理， 
此段不 如公羊 說君子 大居正 ，却是 懦者議 _論 the 

Critical  Introduction  to  the  K^ng-he  Cli^un  Ts^w,  pp.  28,  29.  19  林粟曰 ，左傅 

凡 W 君子曰 ，是劉 歆之辭  20  The  following  is  a list  of  passages  of  the 
character  spoken  of : — on  I.  iii.  5;  vii.  after  4:  II.  ii.  4 ; ix.  4 : III.  i.  at  tlie  beginning；  xi.  3 ; xx. 
at  tlie  beg.；  xxi.  2 ； xxii.  3 ; xxxii.  after  1 : IV.  i.  at  the  end；  ii.  after  3 : V.  ii.  after  3 ; xi.  after  1 ; 
xii.  3d  after  1 ； xiv.  4 ; xv.  13  ; xxii.  at  the  end  ； xxxi.  9 : VI.  i.  3 ; v.  after  3 ; ix.  12  ; x.  3 ; xiv. 
5；  xv.  12:  VII.  iii.  4,  8;  iv.  last  but  one；  xiv.  6;  xv.  last  but  one:  VIII.  xiv.  1 ; xv.  7;  xvi.  at 
the  end：  IX.  xxi.  8;  xxiv.  5,  and  at  the  end;  xxvii.  5;  xxix.  2d  and  4th  after  1,  8;  xxx.  7,  and 
after  7 ; xxxi.  at  the  beg.,  2,  5,  and  after  7 : X.  2,  and  2d  after  2,  4 ; vii.  4;  ix.  3 ; x.  at  the  beg.; 
xi.  2,  3,  and  after  3 ; xii.  3 ; xv.  2,  and  after  6 ; xviii.  at  the  beg.;  xx.  at  the  beg.;  xxi.  at  the  beg., 

1 ; xxv.  1 ； xxxi.  7;  xxxii.  2,  4:  XI.  ix.  3;  xv.  1:  XII.  ix.  after  4.  In  the  困學 紀聞集 

35] 


puolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS  EW. 


[cn.  i. 


7.  On  the  other  two  early  commentaries,  those  of  Kung-yang 
and  Kuh-leang,  it  is  not  necessary  that  I should  write  at  so  much 
The  commentaries  of  Kung-j  length.  There  is  really  nothing  in  them  to 
3 ang  and  kuii-ieang.  j entitle  them  to  serious  attention.  Down  to 

the  present  day,  indeed,  there  are  scholars  in  China  who  publish 
tlieir  lucubrations  in  favour  of  the  one  or  of  the  other  ； but  I think 
that  my  readers  will  all  agree  with  me  in  the  opinion  which  I have 
expressed  about  them,  when  they  have  examined  the  specimens  of 
them  which  are  appended  to  this  chapter. 

The  commentaries  themselves  and  various  Works  upon  them  are 
mentioned  in  Lew  Hin’s  catalogue ; — as  stated  above  on  page  17. 
With  regard  to  the  Work  of  Kang-yang,  Tae  Hwang,  of  the  second 
Kung-yang.  Han  dynasty,  tells  us  that  Kung-yang  Kaou  received  the 
Ch‘un  Ts{e\v  and  explanations  of  it  from  Confucius'  disciple  Puh 
Shang  or  Tsze-hea,  and  handed  it  down  to  his  son  Kung-yang  Pling; 
that  P^ng  handed  it  down  again  to  his  son  Te;  Te  to  his  son  Kan ; Kan 
to  his  son  Show；  and  that,  in  the  reign  of  the  emperor  King  (b.c- 
155 — 140),  Show,  with  his  disciple  Hoo-woo  Tsze-too,  committed  it 
to  bamboo  and  silk.  According  to  this  account,  the  AVork  was  not 
committed  to  writing  till  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century 
before  Christ.  If  it  were  really  transmitted,  from  mouth  to  mouth, 
clown  to  that  time  from  the  era  of  Confucius,  we  can  hardly  suppose 
that  it  dicl  not  suffer  very  considerably,  now  receiving  additions 
and  now  losing  portions,  in  its  onward  course.2  The  fact,  more- 
over, of  its  having  been  confined  for  more  than  300  years  to  one 

|‘,  tliis  set  of  passages  is  touched  on.  It  is  said : — 八世之 後莫之 

與京 ((m  m.  xxii.  3)， 其田氏 篡齊之 後之晉 ig, 公侯 子孫必 
復其始 (IV_  i at  the ， 其 三卿分 晉之後 之言乎 ，其 處着爲 
劉氏  C A x 儒欲立 左氏者 所附益 '乎 ，皆非 

左氏 之舊也 ，新都 之篡以 沙鹿崩 爲祥， (Vi3)， 釋氏之 
熾 ，以 恆星 不兒 爲證， (nu.  2)， 蓋有作 俑者矣 • ―。 He  〇ftcn 

speaks  very  doubtfully  about  Tso's  Chuen.  E,  g. 大 《 妾 人做^ •或以 左^ 

f 為才 P 少 《爱， but  this  last  insinuation  is  niere  surmise. 

1 戴宏曰 ，子夏 傅與公 羊高高 傅與其 子平平 傳與其 
子地 ，地 傳與其 子敢， 1 傳與 其子壽 ，至漢 景帝時 ，壽乃 

井弟子 齊人胡 母子钾 著矜竹 .帛  ; quoted  in  the  preface  to  IIo  llow^s 

edition  of  Kung-yang.  2 According  to  IIo  lIewT  this  transmission  of  the  Classic  from  mouth 
to  mouth  was  cominamlcd  by  Confucius,  from  his  foreknowledge  of  the  attempt  of  the  tyrant  of 
T§4in  to  bum  ull  the  monuments  of  ancient  literature! 一 4G|I  iMl 

說口授 浙丨傅 ，至漢 公羊仄 及奶 子胡# 生 等乃記 於竹私 


SECT.  IT.] 


KUNG  YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG. 


[prolegomena. 


family  takes  away  from  the  confidence  which  we  lni^ht  otherwise 
be  inclinetl  to  repose  in  it. 

There  can  be  no  dotjbt,  however,  that  it  was  made  public  in  the 
reign  of  King,  and  was  acknowledged  and  admitted  by  his  successor 
Woo  (b.c.  139 — 36)  into  the  imperial  college.  Hoo-woo  was  a con- 
temporary mid  friend  of  the  scholar  Tang  Clmng-shoo;3  and  in  the 
biography  ot  the  scholar  Kiiang  Rung,4  an  adherent  of  Kuh-leang's 
commentary,  we  are  told  tliat  the  emperor  Woo  made  Keang  and 
ri'ung  dispute  before  him  on  the  comparative  merits  of  their  two 
Masters,  when  Tung  was  held  to  be  the  victor.  Tlie  emperor  on 
this  gave  in  his  adhesion  to  Kung-yang,  and  his  eldest  son  became  a 
student  of  his  Work. 

It  is  not  important  to  trace  the  history  of  Kimg-yangs  commentary 
farther  on.  The  names  of  various  writers  on  it  and  of  their  Works 
are  preserved,  but  the  Works  are  lost  till  we  arrive  at  Ho  Hew  (a.d. 
1 29 — _ 183),  who  published  his  Explanations  of  Kung-yang  on  the 
Ch‘un  Ts‘e、v.’5  This  still  remains.  Ho  Hew  did  for  Kung-yang  what, 
as  we  have  seen,  Too  Yu  did  at  a later  period  for  Tso  K^ew-ining. 

The  commentary  of  Kuli-leang  is,  like  that  of  Kung-yang,  carried 
back  to  Tsze-hea ; but  the  line  of  transmission  down  to  the  Han 
Kuh-ieang.  dynasty  is  imperfectly  given.  The  general  opinion  is 
tliat  Kuli-leang's  name  was  Ch'ih,6  but  Yen  Sze-koo  says  it  was  He.  7 
The  next  name  mentioned  as  intrusted  with  the  text  which  Ch‘ih 
or  He  had  received,  and  the  commentary  which  he  had  made  upon 
it,  is  Sun  K'ing,  the  same  who  appears  on  p.  27,  as  the  6th  in  the 
list  of  those  who  handed  on  the  Work  of  Tso.  From  Sun  K‘ing  it 
is  said  to  have  passed  to  a Shin  Kung  of  Loo.7  Keang  Kung,  men- 
tioned above,  received  it  from  Shin;7  and  though  it  did  not  win  the 
favour,  as  advocated  by  him,  of  the  emperor  Woo,  yet  it  gained  a 
place  in  the  imperial  college  in  the  reign  of  Seuen  (a.d.  72 — 48), 
and  for  some  time  was  held  generally  in  great  estimation.  It  has 
been  preserved  to  us  in  the  Work  of  Fan  Ning,  a famous  scholar 
and  statesman  of  the  Tsin  dynasty  in  the  second  half  of  the  4th  cen- 
tury; the  title  of  which  is,  4 A Collection  of  the  Explanations  of  the 
Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  on  the  Ch4un  Tscew.，s 

3 董仲舒 • 4 江公 Seethe 漢書八 十八儒 林傅第 五十八 

5 何氏休 春秋公 羊解詁 • 6赤. 7 喜顔師 古曰， 

榖梁子 ，名喜 受經於 子夏， 爲經作 傳傳孫 _ 荀) 卿， 
卿 傳魯申 公申公 傳瑕 邱江公  8 春秋 穀梁傳 集解. 

For  the  biography  of  Fan  Ning,  see  the  晉書 ，七 十五列 傅第四 十五. 

37] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CHUN  TSEW. 


[cii.  i. 


7.  One  cannot  compare  carefully  even  the  specimens  of  the  two 
commentaries  which  T liave  givren  without  seeing  that  there  is  often 
a great  similarity  between  them,  and  having  the  conclusion  sug- 


Speculation  as  to  a connexion  between  tlie'J 
commentaries  of  Kung  and  Kuh；  and  that  卜 
these  were  only  one  person.  ) 


nested  to  the  mind  that  the  one 
was  not  made  without  reference  to 
tlie  other.  It  is  not  to  be  wondered 


at  that  some  scholars,  like  Lin  Hwang-chung  of  the  Sung  dynasty, 
should  have  supposed  the  two  to  be  the  production  of  the  same  writer,  i 
But  the  differences  betAveen  them,  and  occasionally  the  style  of 
composition,  forbid  us  entertaining  such  a view.  That  they  were 
one  man  has  been  maintained  on  another  ground.  The  surnames 
of  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang  ceased  with  the  publication  of  the 
commentaries.  No  Kung-yang  nor  Kuh-leang  appears  after  that  in 
Chinese  history.2  This  is  certainly  strange,  especially  when  we 
consider  that  there  were  five  Kung-yangs  concerned,  according  to  the 
received  account,  in  the  transmission  of  the  commentary  from  Tsze- 
hea  to  the  Han  dynasty.  I must  leave  this  matter,  however,  in  its 
own  mist.  Chling  Ts4ing-che,3  Lo  Peih,4  and  other  Sung  scholars 
held  that  the  author  of  the  two  commentaries  had  been  a Kearig, 
and  that  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang  were  merely  two  ways  of 
spelling  it;5  but  the  method  of  spelling  by  finals  and  initials  was,  there 
is  reason  to  believe,  unknown  in  the  Han  dynasty. 


1 The  K4ang-he  editors  in  their  Critical  Introduction,  p.  7,  quote  on  this  point  from  Choo  He: 

_ 間公穀 傅大槪 皆同曰 ，所 以林 黃中說 ，只 是一人 ，只 

着 他女字 疑若非  一 ■丰着 . 2 See  the  ^ chli.  147,  156. 

3 鄭淸之 • 4 羅璧 • 5萬 見春謂 ，皆 姜字 切韻脚 ，疑 

籁姜 姓假託 


SECTION  V. 

THE  VALUE  OF  THE  CH<UN  TS'EVV. 

1.  I come  now  to  wliat  must  be  considered  as  tlie  most  important 
subject  in  this  chapter, — to  endeavour  to  estimate  the  value  of  the 
Object  of  this  section.  Ch*un  Ts4cw  as  a document  of  lustory;  and  this 
will  involve  a judgment,  first,  on  the  character  of  Confucius  as  its 
author,  or  as  having  made  himself  responsible  for  it  by  copying  it 
from  the  tablets  of  his  native  State  and  giving  it  to  the  world  with 

38] 


SECT.  V.] 


ARE  THE  NOTICES  IN  THE  CH  UN  TS  EW  TRUE?  [nioLEGoMiiXA. 


his  inqmmatur,  and,  next,  a judgment  on  the  influence  whicli  it  has 
had  on  the  successive  governments  of  China  and  on  the  Chinese 
people  at  large. 

2.  My  readers  have  received,  I hope,  a distinct  idea  of  the 
nature  of  the  Work  as  made  up  of  the  briefest  possible  notices  of 
statement  of  the  case,  the  events  of  the  time  which  it  covers,  without 
any  attempt  to  exhibit  the  connexion  between  tliem,  or  any  expres- 
sion of  opinion  as  to  the  moral  character  which  attaches  to  of 

them.  I have  spoken  of  the  disappointment  which  this  occasions 
us,  when  we  address  ourselves  to  its  perusal  with  the  expectations 
which  its  general  reputation  and  the  glowing  accounts  of  it  given 
by  Mencius  have  awakened.  \Ve  cannot  reconcile  it  with  our  idea 
of  Confucius  that  he  should  have  produced  so  trivial  a Work;  aiid 
we  cannot  coinpreheiul  how  his  countrymen,  clown  to  the  present 
day,  should  believe  in  it,  and  set  it  forth  as  a grand  acliievement. 

If  there  were  no  other  attribute  blit  this  triviality  belonging  to  it, 
we  might  dismiss  it  from  our  notice,  and  think  of  it  only  as  of  a 
mirage,  which  had  from  the  cloudland  lured  us  to  it  by  the  attractive 
appearances  which  it  presented,  all  vanishing  as  we  approached  it 
and  subjected  it  to  a close  examination.  But  there  are  other  attri- 
butes of  the  Work  which  are  of  a serious  character,  and  will 
not  permit  11s  to  let  it  go  so  readily.  On  p.  13  I have  applied  the 
tonn  colourlessness  to  tlie  notices  composing  it,  meaning  thereby 
simply  the  absence  of  all  indication  of  feeling  or  opinion  respecting 
tlie  subjects  of  them  011  the  part  of  the  writer  or  compiler.  But  are 
the  things  so  dispassionately  told  correct  in  point  of  fact?  Are  all 
the  notices  really  informing,  or  are  many  of  them  misleading?  Is 
the  very  brief  summary  a fair  representation  of  the  events,  or  is  it 
in  many  cases  a gross  misrepresentation  of  them? 

In  what  I have  said  in  the  preceding  sections,  I have  repeatedly 
intimated  my  own  opinion  that  niany  of  the  notices  of  the  Ch‘un 
Tsce\v  are  not  true;  and  the  proof  of  this  is  found  in  the  contradic- 
tions which  abound  between  them  and  the  events  as  given  in 
detail  in  the  Chuen  of  Tso,  contradictions  which  are  pointed  out 
in  my  notes  in  liundreds  of  cases.  It  may  occur  to  some  that  the 
Classic  itself  is  to  be  believed  rather  than  the  narratives  of 
Tso  and  the  other  commentators  on  it.  If  we  are  to  rest  in 
this  dictum,  there  is  of  course  an  end  of  all  study  of  the  Ch4un 
Ts4ew  period.  From  the  Work  of  Confucius,  confessedly,  we 
learn  nothing  of  interest,  and  now  the  relations  of  Tso  which  are 

39] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CIPUN  TS^W. 


[cii.  i. 


so  rich  in  detail  are  not  to  be  credited; tl»e  two  centuries  and  a 
half  become  a blank.  But  it  is  impossible  to  rest  in  this  view. 
The  multitude  of  details  which  Tso  gives  makes  liim  the  principal 
witness  in  the  case;  but  Kung  and  Kuli,  greatly  differing  as  tliey 
do  from  him  in  the  style  of  their  commentaries,  very  often  bear 
out  his  statements,  and  are  equally  irreconcileable  with  the  notices 
of  the  sage  and  the  inferences  which  we  naturally  draw  from  them. 
How  is  it  that  the  three  men,  all  looking  up  with  veneration  to 
Confucius,  vet  combine  to  contradict  him  as  they  do?  Kung  and 
Kuh  have  their  praise-and-censure  theory  to  explain  the  language 
which  the  master  uses；  but  we  have  seen  that  it  is  inadmissible,  and 
it  supplies  no  answer  to  the  question  which  I have  just  put.  And 
the  mass  of  Chinese  scliolars  and  writers,  for  nearly  2000  years, 
have  not  scrupled  to  accept  the  history  of  the  Cli£un  Tsle\v  period 
given  by  Tso  as  in  the  main  correct,  maintaining  «at  the  same  time 
their  allegiance  to  Confucius  as  1 the  teacher  of  all  ages,5  the  one 
man  at  whose  feet  the  whole  world  should  sit,  acce})ting  every 
paragraph  from  liis  stylus  us  a divine  oracle.  The  tiling  is  to  me 
inexplicable.  Tliere  have  been  many  times  when  I have  mused 
over  the  subject  in  writing  the  pages  of  this  volume,  and  felt  tlmt 
Cliina  was  hardly  less  a strange  country  to  me  than  Lilliput  or 
Laputa  would  be. 

3.  The  scholars  of  China  are  ready,  even  forward,  to  admit  tluit 

Chinese  scholars  admit  that ( Confucius  in  the  CliMtn  Ts4ew  often  conceulsi 
the  Classic  conceals  things.  ) the  truth  about  things.  Oil  V.  i.  6 Kung- 

yang  says,  ^^lie  Ch^iin  Ts{e\v  conceals  [the  truth]  on  behalf  of  tlie 
high  in  rank,  out  of  regard  to  kinship,  and  on  behalf  of  men  of 
worth.’2  On  V.  i.  1 Tso  says  that  it  was  the  rule  for  the  liistovio- 
graphers  to  conceal  any  wickedness  which  aiFected  the  character  of 
the  State.3  But  this  ; concealing,  covers  all  the  ground  occupied  by 
our  three  English  words _ ignoring,  concealing,  and  misrepresenting. 

[i.]  The  Ch{un  Ts^w  often  ignores  facts,  and  of  this  I will 
content  myself  with  adducing  two  instances.  The  first  shall  be 

it  ignores  facts,  comparatively,  if  not  quite,  an  innocent  omission.  The 
fifth  Book,  containing  the  annals  of  duke  He,  comuRMices  simply  with 
the  notice  that  4it  was  his  first  year,  the  spring,  the  king^  first  111011111/ 

1 TI10  character  employed  for  to  conccitl  is  which  is  explained  in  various  dictionaries  by 
《辟, 'to  avoid;'  1^,  'to  keep  out  of  view,'  and  ^ , lto  sliun,'  'to  be  cautious  of.'  2 

秋爲隳 if 説 爲親名 ，说爲 货 、 名諱  3 _ 惡 ，禮也 


8ECT.  V.] 


THE  CUlUN  T^EW  IGNORES  FACTS. 


[rUOLLOUMLNA. 


It  is  not.  said  that  4 lie  came  to  the  [vacant]  scat/  that  is,  that  he 
did  so  with  the  formal  ceremonies  proper  to  celebrate  his  accession 
to  the  marquisare.  Tso  asks  why  this  notice  was  not  given,  and  says 
it  was  because  the  duke  He  had  gone  out  of  the  State.  i The  duke/ 
says  he,  4 had  fled  out  of  tlie  State  and  now  re-entered  it;  but  this 
is  not  recorded,  being  concealed  (i.  e.^  being  ignored).  To  conceal 
the  wickedness  of  the  State  was  according  to  rule.  On  the  murder 
of  duke  Cli  wang's  son  Pan,  who  should  have  succeeded  to  his  father, 
Shin,  who  became  duke  He,  had  fled  to  the  State  of  Choo,  and  a 
boy  of  eight  years  old,  known  as  duke  ^lin,  was  made  marquis,  and 
when,  within  less  tlum  two  years,  he  shared  the  fate  of  Pan,  Shin 
returned  to  Loo,  and  took  his  place.  What  connexion  all  this  had 
with  the  omission  of  the  usual  pageantry  or  ctM'emonies,  and  whe- 
ther we  have  in  it  the  true  explanation  of  the  absence  of  the  usual 
notice,  I am  not  prepared  to  say  ; but  we  cannot  see  what  harm 
there  could  have  been  in  mentioning  duke  He's  flight  from  the 
State  and  subsequent  return  to  it.  A good  and  faithful  chronicler 
would  have  been  careful  to  do  so,  especially  it  the  events  did  affect,  as 
Tso  says,  the  inauguration  of  the  new  rule.4 

The  second  instance  of  ignoring  shall  be  one  of  more  importance. 
It  is  well  known  that  the  lords  of  the  great  States  of  Ts4oo  and 
Woo  usurped  during  the  Ch^ua  Tscew  period  the  title  of  king^  thus 
renouncing  their  allegiance  to  the  dynasty  of  Chow  which  acknow- 
ledged tliem  only  as  viscounts.  It  is  by  this  style  of  viscount 
that  they  are  designated  in  the  Chluii  Ts4ew；  but  the  remarkable 
fact  is  that  it  does  not  once  notice  the  burial  of  anyone  of  all  the 
lords  of  Ts4oo,  or  of  Woo.  The  reason  is  that  in  such  notices  he 
must  have  appeared  with  his  title  of  king.  The  rule  was  that 
every  feudal  lord,  duke,  marquis,  earl,  or  baron,  should  after  death  be 
denominated  as  kung  or  duke,  and  to  this  was  added  the  honorary 
or  sacrificial  epithet  by  which  he  was  afterwards  to  be  known. 
When  a notice  was  entered  in  the  Chcan  Ts^ew  of  Loo,  say  of  the 
burial  of  the  marquis  Ch‘ung-urh  of  Tsin,  the  entry  was  that  on 
such  and  such  a month  and  day  they  buried  duke  Wan  of  Tsin. 
But  the  officers,  deputed  for  the  purpose  from  Loo,  had  assisted  at 
the  burial  not  of  any  duke  of  Tscoo  or  of  Woo,  but  of  king  so  and 

4 It  will  be  well  for  the  student  to  read  the  long  note  of  K;ung  Ying-tah  on  Too  Yu's  remarks 
on  the  Chuen  here.  He  acknowledges  that  it  is  impossible  to  say  when  the  rule  for  concealing 

things  was  observed  and  when  not.  或諱大 不諱小 或諱小 不諱大 ，皆 

當 時臣子 率己之 意而爲 之隱故 無淺 深常準 • 

41] 


ruoLKGOMByA.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  T1IE  CIIkUN  TSEW.  [ch.  i. 

so.  What  were  the  liLitoriogm pliers  to  do?  If  they  called  the  king 
Avhen  living  a viscount,  it  would  seem  to  us  reasonable  tliat  they 
might  have  been  s itisfied  to  call  him  a duke  when  dead.  But  this 
would  have  been  a direct  falsification  of  the  notification  which  tliey 
had  received  from  the  State  of  the  deceased.  They  therefore 
ignored  the  burial  altogether,  and  so  managed  to  make  their  su- 
zerain of  Chow  the  only  king  that,  appeared  in  their  annals. 
Confucius  sanctioned  the  practice;  or  if  he  suppressed  all  the 
paragraphs  in  which  the  burials  of  the  lords  of  Ts4oo  and  Woo  were 
entered,  either  as  dukes  or  kings,  then  specially  against  him  lies  the 
charge  of  t-lius  shrinking  from  looking  the  real  state  of  tilings  fairly 
in  the  face,  as  if  he  could  make  it  any  better  by  taking  no  notice 
of  it. 

[ii.]  A lar^e  list  of  cases  of  ignoring  miglit  be  made  out  by 
cornpariMij  the  notes  and  narratives  of  Tso  with  the  entries  of  the 
ChSin  Ts^ew,  bat  the  cases  of  concealing  the  truth  are  much  more 
it  conceals  the  truth  aboat  things,  numerous;  and  in  fact  it  is  difficult  to 
draw  the  line  in  regard  to  many  of  them  between  mere  concealment 
and  misrepresentation.  I have  quoted,  on  p.  137  from  Maou  K4e-ling 
m.my  startling  instances  of  the  manner  in  which  the  simple  notice 
4 he  died,  is  used,  covering  almost  every  possible  way  of  violent  and 
unnatural  death.  It  may  be  said  that  most  of  them  relate  to  the 
deaths  of  princes  of  other  States,  and  that  tlie  historiographers  of  Loo 
simply  entered  the  notices  as  they  were  communicated  to  them 
from  those  States.  Might  we  not  have  expected,  however,  that 
wlien  their  entries  came  under  the  revision  〇(  Confucius,  he  \vo\ilil 
have  altered  them  so  as  to  give  his  readers  at  least  an  inkling  of  the 
truth ? But  it  is  the  same  with  the  chronicling  of  deaths  in  Loo 
itself.  Duke  Yin  was  basely  murdered,  with  tlie  connivance  of  liis 
hrother  who  succeodc  l him,  and  all  tlmt  is  siiid  about  it  in  I.  xi.  4 
is — ' In  winter,  in  the  11th  month,  on  Jin-shin,  the  duke  die<J/ 
His  successor  was  murdered  in  turn,  with  circumstances  of  peculiar 
atrocity,  and  tlie  entry  in  II.  xviii.  2 is  simply — 4 In  sanimer,  in 
the  4tli  month,  on  Piug-tsze,  the  duke*  died  in  TVe.’  Ill  III.  xxxii. 
t lirec  (lentlis  sire  recorded.  \\c  read : — 4In  autumn,  in  the  7tli 
month,  on  Kwui-sze,  duku  [IIwaiTs  son]  ^ a 4In  the  8tli  month, 

(in  Kwei-hae,  the  duke  died  in  the  State-cliamber;  4 In  winter,  in 
llie  lOtli  montli,  tlie  duke's  son  Van  died.  tlie  second  of 

these  deaths  was  a natural  one.  Va  was  compelled  to  take  poison 
by  a half-hrotlicr  Ke-yi;\v?  under  rircunistcmccs  which  are  held  l>y 


SECT.  V.] 


THE  CII  UN  TS  1：\V  CONCEALS  THE  TRUTH. 


[frolkgomkna. 


many  critics  to  justify  the  deed.  Pan  who  was  now  marquis, 
t.hoiigli  he  could  not  be  tMikTed  as  such  by  the  historiograj)hers  till 
the  year  liad  elapsed,  was  murdered  l>y  an  uncle,  who  wished  to 
seize  the  marquisate  for  liimself,  without  any  mitigating  circum- 
stances. How  is  it  that  these  three  deaths,  so  different  in  their  nature 
and  att(Midant-  circumstances,  are  (KAscril)ed  by  the  same  word  ? 
Here  it  is  said  4\a  died/  and  4Pan  died;'  and  they  did  not  die 
natural  deaths.  In  I.  v.  7 it  is  said — fcduke  [lleaou's]  son  K4o\v  died/ 
and  in  VIII.  v.  13  we  have — ‘Ke-siui  l h\tig-fbo  died;’ and  they  both 
died  natural  deaths.  What  are  we  to  think  of  a book  which  relates 
events  in  tliemselves  so  different  without  any  difference  in  its  forms 
of  expression?  The  K;ang-he  editors  are  fond  of  the  solution  of 
such  perplexities  Avhich  says  that  Confucius  meant  to  set  his 
readers  inquiring  after  the  details  of  tlie  events  whicli  he  indicated; 
but  why  did  he  not  obviate  the  necessity  for  such  inquiries 
altogether  by  varying  his  language  as  it  would  have  been  very 
easy  to  do?  But  for  the  Chuen  we  should  entirely  misunderstand 
a great  number  of  tlie  entries  in  the  text. 

To  take  two  instances  of  a less  violent  kind  than  these  descriptions 
of  deaths,  — in  III.  i.  2,  we  read  that  4 in  the  3d  month  the  [late  duke 
Hwaifs,]  [Wan  Keang]  retired  t.〇Tsce/  and  in  X.  xxv.  5 we  read 
that  r\n  the  9th,  month,  on  Ive-hae,  the  duke  [Cli4aou]  retired  to  Tsce/ 

In  both  passages  4 retired'  is  equivnlent  to  4 fled/  Duke  Hwan^  widow 
was  understood  to  have  been  an  accomplice  in  the  murder  of  her  hus- 
band, and  to  have  been  guilty  of  incest  with  her  half-brother,  the  mar- 
quis of  Ts4e; — she  found  it  unpleasant,  probably  dangerous,  for  her  to 
remain  in  Loo,  and  so  she  fled  to  Ts4e,  where  she  would  be  safe  and 
could  continue  to  follow  her  evil  courses.  All  this  the  historiogra- 
phers and  Confucius  thought  it  necessary  to  gloss  over  by  writing 
that  she  withdrew  or  retired  to  Ts4e.  The  case  of  duke  Ch4aou  was  • 
different.  He  had  been  kept,  like  several  of  his  predecessors,  in  a 
state  of  miserable  subjection  by  the  principal  nobles  of  the  State, 
especially  by  the  Head  of  the  Ke-sun  family.  Instigated  by  his  sons, 
high-spirited  young  men  who  could  not  brook  the  restraints  and 
shame  of  their  condition,  he  attempted  to  cope  with  his  powerful 
minister,  and  got  the  worst  of  it  in  the  struggle.  The  consequence  was 
that  he  fled  to  Tsce；  and  the  text  is  all  that  the  Ch^un  Ts4ew  tells  us 
al)〇ut  these  affairs,  unless  we  accept  its  most  important  entry  of  the 
ominous  fact  that  a few  months  before  the  dukes  flight  fgrackles 
came  to  Loo  and  built  nests  in  trees !?  Every  one  will  allow  that 

43] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS'EW.  [ch.  i. 

sons  should  speak  tenderly  of  tlie  errors  of  tlieir  parents,  and  ministers 
and  subjects  generally  throw  a veil  over  the  faults  of  their  rulers; 
but  it  seems  to  be  carrying  the  instinctive  feeling  of  dutiful  for- 
bearance too  far  when  a historian  or  chronicler  tries  to  hide  the 
truth  about  his  rulers  conduct  and  condition  from  himself  and  his 
readers  in  the  manner  of  the  Ch^un  Ts{ew.  It  should  be  kept  in 
mind,  moreover,  that  the  historiographers  of  Loo,  if  Cli{aou  had 
been  the  ruler  of  another  State,  would,  probably,  not  have  scrupled 
to  say  that  Ke-sun  E-joo  drove  him  out,  and  that  he  fled  to  Tsce. 
Where  their  own  State  was  concerned,  they  dared  not  look  the  truth 
in  the  face.  Had  Wan  Keang  been  the  marchioness  of  another  State, 
they  would  have  thought  that  it  did  not  come  within  their  province 
to  say  anything  about  her. 

Two  more  instances  of  concealment  will  finish  all  that  it  is  neces- 
sary to  say  on  this  part  of  my  indictment  against  our  Classic；  and 
they  shall  be  entries  concerning  the  king.  In  V.  xxviii.  16,  it  is 
said  that  4 the  king  [by]  Heaven's  [grace]  held  a court  of  inspection 
at  Ho-yang;5  and  we  suppose  that  we  have  an  instance  of  one  of  those 
exercises  of  the  royal  prerogative  which  distinguished  the  kingdom 
ill  normal  times.  But  the  fact  was  very  different.  In  the  4th 
month  of  the  }7ear  Tsin  had  defeated  Ts4oo  in  a great  battle,  and  the 
States  of  the  north  were  safe  for  a time  from  the  encroachments  of 
their  ambitious  neighbour.  Next  month  the  marquis  of  Tsin  called 
a great  meeting  of  the  northern  princes  at  which  he  required  the 
king  to  be  present.  The  king  responded  to  the  summons  of  his 
feudatory,  and  a brother  of  his  own  presided  over  the  meeting; — 
though  both  of  these  facts  are  ignored  in  the  text.  In  the  winter, 
the  marquis  called  anotlier  meeting  in  Ho-yang,  a place  in  the  present 
district  of  Wan,  in  the  department  of  Hwae-k^ng,  Ho-nan,  at  which 
also  he  required  the  presence  of  the  king,  and  which  is  chronicled 
in  the  lGth  paragraph.  Tso  quotes  a remark  of  Confucius  on  the 
case, — that  * for  a subject  to  call  his  ruler  to  any  place  is  a thing  not 
to  be  set  forth  [as  «an  example] but  to  this  I would  reply  that,  the 
fact  being  so,  it  should  not  be  recorded  in  a way  to  give  the  reader 
quite  a different  idea  of  it. 

The  other  instance  is  less  flagrant.  In  V.  xxiv.  4 it  is  said,  * The 
king  [by]  Heaven's  [grace]  left  [Chow],  and  resided  in  ChHng].* 
The  facts  were  that  a brother  of  tlie  king  had  raised  an  insurrection 
against  him,  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  leave  his  capital  and  the 
imperial  domain,  sin(l  t.nkc  refujjo,  in  Cliling,  ■where  lie  reinair … d 

44] 


SKCT.  V.] 


THE  CH  UN  TS  EW  MISRF-PRKSI.NTS  FACTS.  [phoi.egomesa. 


until  in  the  next  year  he  was  restored  to  the  royal  city  by  an  arin}r 
of  Tsin.  But  as  the  Chlun  Ts4e\v  says  nothing  of  the  troubles 
which  occasioned  the  kings  flight,  so  it  says  nothing  about  the 
manner  in  whidi  he  was  restored.  The  whole  history  of  the  case  is 
summed  up  in  the  paragraph  that  I have  quoted,  which  conceals 
the  facts,  and  of  itself  would  not  convey  to  us  anything  like  an 
accurate  impression  of  the  actual  circumstances. 

[iii.]  I go  on  to  the  third  and  most  serious  charge  which  can  be 
brought  against  the  Chlun  Ts4ew.  It  not  only  ignores  facts,  and  con- 
The  cii'un  Ts-ew  misrepresents,  ceals  them,  but  it  also  often  misrepresents 
them,  thus  not  merely  hiding  truth  or  distorting  it,  but  telling  us  what 
was  not  tlie  truth.  The  observation  of  Mencius,  that,  when  the 
Ch^un  Ts4e\v  was  made,  rebellious  ministers  and  villainous  sons  be- 
ciune  afraid,  suggests  the  instances  by  which  this  feature  of  the 
Classic  may  be  best  illustrated. 

Let  us  first  take  the  case  of  Chaou  Tun,  according  to  the  entry  in 
VII.  ii.  4,  that  *Chaou  Tun  of  Tsin  murdered  his  ruler,  E-kaou.' 
The  fact  is  that  Tun  did  not  murder  E-kaou.  The  marquis  of  Tsin 
Avas  a man  of  the  vilest  character,  utterly  unfit  for  his  position,  a 
scourge  to  the  State,  and  a hater  of  all  good  men.  Tun  was  his 
principal  minister,  a man  of  dignity  and  virtue,  and  had  by  his 
remonstrances,  excited  the  special  animosity  of  the  marquis,  who  at 
one  time  had  sent  a bravo  to  his  house  to  assassinate  him,  and  at 
another  had  iet  loose  a bloodhound  upon  him.  Wearied  out  with 
the  difficulties  of  his  position,  Tun  had  fled  from  the  Court,  and 
had  nearly  left  the  State,  when  a relative  of  his,  called  Chaou 
Chfuen,  attacked  the  marquis  and  put  him  to  death;  on  which  Tun 
returned  to  the  capital,  and  resumed  his  place  as  chief  minister. 
The  only  fault  which  I can  see  that  he  committed  was  that  he  con- 
tinued to  employ  his  relative  Ch4uen  in  the  government;  but  the 
probability  is  that  he  had  not  the  power  to  deal  with  him  in  any 
other  way.  Had  he  been  able  to  execute  him,  and  proceeded  to  do 
so,  it  would  have  been,  I venture  to  think,  a proceeding  of  doubtful 
justice.  But  I ask  my  readers  whether  it  was  right,  considering  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  to  brand  Tun  himself  as  the  murderer 
of  the  marquis. 

According  to  Tso,  the  entry  in  the  text  was  made  in  the  first  place 
by  Tung  Hoo,  the  grand-historiographer  of  Tsin,  who  showed  it 
openly  in  the  court,  and  silenced  Tun  when  he  remonstrated  with 
him  on  its  being  a misrepresentation  of  himself.  Tso  also  gives  a 

45] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CII  UN  TS^EW. 


[CH.  I. 


remark  of  Confucius,  praising  Tung  Hoo,  wlio  made  it  liis  rule  in 
what  he  wrote  lnot  to  conceal!'  and  praising  also  Chaou  Tun  who 
humbly  submitted  to  a clmrge  of  such  wickedness.  1 Alas  for  him!' 
said  our  sage.  4f  he  had  crossed  the  border  of  the  State,  he  would 
have  escaped  the  charge.’  The  historiographers  of  Loo  had  entered 
the  record  in  tlieir  Chlun  Tsl(iw  as  they  received  it  from  Tsin;  but 
I submit  whether  Confucius,  in  revising  tlieir  work,  ought  not  to 
have  exercised  his  pruning  pencil,'  and  modified  the  misrepresenta- 
tion. A sage,  as  we  call  him,  he  might  have  allowed  something  for 
the  provocations  which  Tun  had  received,  and  for  the  wickedness 
of  the  marquis's  government;  he  ought  not  to  have  allowed  Tun  to 
remain  charged  with  what  was  the  deed  of  another. 

Let  us  take  a second  case.  In  X.  xix.  2 we  read  — 4 Che,  lieir-son 
of  Heu,  murdered  his  ruler  Mae.'  This,  if  it  were  true,  would  com- 
bine the  guilt  of  both  regicide  and  parricide.  According  to  all  the 
Chuen,  Che  was  not  the  murderer  in  this  case.  He  'vas  watching 
his  sick  father,  and  gave  him  a wrong  medicine  in  consequence  of 
which  he  died.  We  have  no  reason  to  conclude  that  there  was 
poison  in  the  medicine  which  the  son  ignorantly  gave.  Some 
critics  say  that  he  ought  to  have  tasted  it  himself  before  he  gave  it 
to  his  father.  He  might  have  done  so,  and  yet  not  have  discovered 
that  it  would  be  so  injurious.  There  is  no  evidence,  indeed,  that 
he  did  not  do  so.  The  result  preyed  so  on  the  young  mans  mind 
that  he  resigned  the  State  to  a younger  brother,  refused  proper 
nourishment,  and  soon  died.  Even  if  it  were  he  himself  who 
insisted  on  the  form  of  the  entry  about  his  fathers  death,  Confucius, 
if  lie  had  feeling  for  human  infirmity,  would  have  modified  it,  and 
not  allowed  poor  Che  to  go  down  to  posterity  charged  with  the 
crime  of  parricide,  which,  if  we  had  only  the  Ch{un  Ts*ew,  there 
would  be  no  means  of  denying. 

Let  us  take  a third  case.  It  may  seem  to  come  properly  under 
the  preceding  count  of  concealment  of  the  truth,  but  I introduce  it 
here,  because  of  its  contrast  with  tlie  record  in  the  next  case 
which  I will  adduce.  In  X.  i.  1 1,  it  is  said, — 4 In  winter,  in  the 
11th  month,  on  Ke-yew,  I(eun,  viscount  of  Ts‘oo,  died.’  The  vis- 
count, or  king  as  lie  styled  himself,  was  suddenly  taken  ill,  of 
■which  Wei,  the  son  of  a former  king,  was  informed,  when  he 
was  on  his  way,  in  discharge  of  a mission,  to  the  State  of  Cli'ing. 
He  returned  immediately,  and  entering  the  palace  as  if  to  inquire 
for  the  king’s  health,  he  strangled  him,  and  proceeded  to  put 


SECT.  V.] 


TIIE  CII4UN  TS  EW  MISREPRESENTS  FACTS. 


[l»K〇LEGOMI；NA. 


to  death  his  two  sons.  Here  certainly  was  a murder,  which 
ought  to  have  been  recorded  as  such.  No  doubt,  the  murderer 
caused  a notification  to  bo  sent  to  other  States  in  tlie  words  of 
the  Ch^un  Ts4ew,  saying  simply  that  Keun  had  died,  as  if  the  death 
had  been  a natural  one,  and  the  historiographers  hud  chronicled  it 
in  the  terms  in  which  it  reached  them;  but  ouirlit  not  Confucius,  in 
such  a case  especially,  to  liave  corrected  their  entry?  To  allow  so 
misleading  a statement  to  remain  in  his  text  was  not  the  way  to 
make  4 rebellious  ministers  afraid/ 

The  fourtli  case  relates  to  the  death  of  the  above  Wei,  also  called 
Iv'een,  the  murderer  of  liis  king.  Twelve  years  afterwards  lie  him- 
self came  to  an  evil  end.  In  X.  xiii.  2 it  is  said  — 4 In  summer,  in 
the  4th  month,  the  Kung-tsze  Pe  of  Ts4oo  returned  from  Tsin  to 
Ts4oo,  and  murdered  his  ruler  K'een  in  Kan-k^e/  The  real  facts 
were  these.  Wei  or  K4een  displayed  in  liis  brief  reign  an  insatiable 
ambition,  and  was  guilty  of  many  acts  of  oppression  and  cruelty. 
Having  despatched  a force  to  invade  Sen,  he  halted  himself  at  Kan- 
k4e  to  give  whatever  aid  nii^lit  be  required.  Certain  discontented% 
spirits  took  the  opportunity  of  l)is  absence  from  the  capital  to 
organize  a rebellion,  which  was  headed  by  three  of  Ins  brothers, 
one  of  whom  was  the  Kung-tsze  Pe.  This  Pe  lmd  fled  to  Tsin 
when  Iv^en  murdered  Keun,  and  was  invited  l)y  the  conspirators 
from  that  State  back  to  Ts4ae  in  the  first  [>hi.ce7  and  forced  to  take 
command  of  the  rebel  forces.  These  were  greatly  successful.  They 
advanced  on  the  capital  of  Ts4oo,  took  possession  of  it,  and  put  to 
death  the  sons  of  the  absent  king.  The  intelligence  of  these  events 
threw  him  into  the  greatest  distress  and  consternation.  His  army 
dispersed,  and  he  took  refuge  with  an  officer  wlio  remained  faithful 
to  liiin,  and  in  liis  house  he  strangled  himself  in  the  5th  month, 
unable  to  endure  the  disgrace  and  misery  of  liis  condition.  What 
are  we  to  make  of  such  opposite  and  contradictory  methods  of 
describing  events?  Wei  murdered  Keun;  and  the  deed  is  told  as 
if  Iv^iiri  liad  died  a natural  death.  The  same  Wei  strangled  him- 
self, and  the  deed  is  told  as  if  it  had  been  a murder  done  by  the 
K ln^-tsze  Pe.  Pe  was  led  by  the  device  of  a brother,  K^-tsih, 
to  kill  himself  in  tlie  5tli  month,  perhaps  before  Wei  had  committed 
siiicide.  The  CIi4un  Ts'ew  says  of  this  event  that  6 Ke-tsih  put  to 
— not  murdered — the  Kung-tsze  Pe;  and  we  may  suppose  that 
K'e-tsili,  who  became  king,  sent  word  round  the  States  that  Pe  had 
mur(l〇j*ck<l  liis  predecessor；  l)iit  surc*l\*  Confucius  ought  to  have 

47] 


pkoleoomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH'UN  TS-EW.  [ch.  i. 

taken  care  that  the  whole  series  of  transactions  should  not  be  misre- 
presented as  it  is  in  his  paragraphs. 

Let  us  take  a fifth  case.  In  XII.  vi.  8 it  is  said  that  ‘ Ch‘in  K‘eili 
of  Ts4e  murdered  his  ruler  T^o.*  In  the  previous  year,  Cl^oo-k^ew, 
marquis  of  Ts'e,  liad  died,  leaving  the  State  to  his  favourite  son 
T^oo,  who  was  only  a child.  His  other  sons,  who  were  grown  up, 
fled"  in  the  winter  to  various  States.  Ch^n  K£eih,  one  of  the  principal 
ministers  of  the  State,  finding  that  the  government  did  not  go  on  well, 
sent  to  Loo  for  Yang-sang,  one  of  Ch^o-k^w's  sons,  who  had  taken 
refuge  there,  and  so  managed  matters  in  Ts(e  that  he  was  declared 
marquis,  and  the  child  T4oo  displaced.  Yet  K(eili  had  no  malice 
against  T^o,  and  so  spoke  of  him  in  a dispute  which  lie  had  with 
Yang-sang,  not  long  after  the  accession  of  the  latter,  as  to  awaken  his 
fears  lest  the  minister  should  attenipt  to  restore  the  de-gradud  child. 
The  consequence  was  that  he  sent  a trusty  officer  to  remove  T4oo  from 
the  city  where  he  had  been  placed  for  safety  to  another.  Whether 
it  was  by  the  command  of  the  new  marquis,  or  on  an  impulse 
♦ originating  with  himself,  that  officer  took  the  opportunity  to  murder 
the  child  on  the  way.  This  man,  therefore,  Avhose  name  wns  Choo 
Maou,  was  the  actual  murderer  of  T4oo.  If  he  were  too  mean  in 
position  to  obtain  a place  in  the  Ch{un  Ts{e\v,  the  murder  should 
have  been  ascribed  to  Yang-sang  or  the  marquis  Taou,  by  whose 
servant  and  in  whose  interest,  if  not  by  whose  command,  it  was 
committed.  To  ascribe  it  to  Ch‘in  Kceih  must  be  regarded  as  a 
gross  misrepresentation.  I cannot  think  that  the  existing  marquis 
of  Ts£e  could  have  sent  such  a notification  of  the  event  to  Loo,  for 
for  him  to  make  Ch'in  K4eih  responsible  for  the  deed  was  to  declare 
that  his  own  incumbency  of  the  State  was  unjust,  as  it  was  Ch'in 
K'eili  who  had  brought  it  iibmit.  Are  we  then  to  ascribe  the  entry 
entirely  to  Confucius?  And  arc  we  to  see  in  it  a remarkable  proof 
of  his  hatred  of  rebellion  and  usurpation,  and  his  determination  to 
hold  the  prime  mover  to  it,  however  distant,  and  under  whatever 
motives  he  had  acted,  responsible  for  all  the  consequences  flowing 
from  it? 

The  sixth  and  last  case  wliidi  I will  adduce  may  be  said  not  to 
be  so  contrary  to  the  letter  of  the  facts  as  the  preceding  five  cases, 
and  yet  I am  mistaken  if  in  every  western  reader,  who  takes  the 
trouble  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  those  facts,  it  do  not 
awaken  a greater  indignation  against  the  record  an<l  its  compiler 
tlian  iiiiN'  of  them.  In  \ II.  8 wo  reiul  that  Clilin<;-slioo  of 

4K] 


SECT,  r.j 


JUDGMENT  OF  CONFUCIUS. 


[lROLBOOMENA. 


Ch4in  murdered  his  ruler  P4ing-kwoli.'  The  circumstances  in  which 
the  murder  took  ]>lace  are  sufficientr  I am  sure,  to  make  us  pro- 
nounce it  a case  of  justifiable  liomicide.  Hiia  Chling-shoos  mother, 
a widow,  was  a vile  woman,  and  was  carrying  on  a licentious  con- 
nexion witli  the  marquis  of  Chcin  and  two  of  his  ministers  at  the 
same  time.1  The  things  which  are  related  about  the  four  are 
inexpressibly  filthy.  As  the  young  man  grew  up,  he  felt  deeply 
tlie  disgrace  of  his  f’nmily ; and  one  day  'vhen  the  marquis  and  hia 
ministers  were  feasting  in  an  apartment  of  his  mothers  mansion,  or 
rather  of  his  own,  for  he  was  now  the  Head  of  the  clan,  lie  over- 
heard them  jokiiig  about  himself.  1 He  is  like  you,'  said  the  marquis 
to  one  of  his  companions.  4 And  he  is  also  like  your  lordship,' 

returned  the  other.  The  tliree  went  on  to  speculate  on  what  share 
each  of  them  had  in  the  )T〇utli,  till  he  could  no  longer  contain  him- 
self, and  made  a violent  attack  upon  them.  The  ministers  made 
their  escape,  and  the  marquis  had  nearly  done  so  too,  when,  as  he 
was  getting  through  a hole  in  the  stable,  an  arrow  from  the  young 
man's  bow  transfixed  him.  So  he  died,  and  the  Ch4un  Tscew  records 
the  event  as  if  it  had  been  an  atrocious  murder!  The  poor  youth 
met  with  a horrible  fate.  In  the  following  year,  the  viscount  of 
Ts^o,  himself  flaunting  the  usurped  title  of  king,  determined  to  do 
justice  upon  him.  Aided  by  the  forces  of  otlier  States,  he  invaded 
Chlin,  made  a prisoner  of  Hea  Cli‘ing-shoo,  and  had  him  torn  in 
pieces  by  five  chariots  to  which  his  head  and  liis  four  limbs  were 
bound.  This  execution  is  coldly  related  in  xi.  5 by  4 The  people 
of  Ts‘oo  put  to  death  Hea  Ch‘ing-shoo  of  Ch‘in.’  The  text  goes 
on  to  tell  that  the  viscount  entered  tlic  capital  of  Ch‘in,  and 
restored  the  two  ministers,  partners  in  the  marquis's  adultery,  who 
had  made  their  escape  to  Ts4oo;  the  whole  being  worded,  according 
to  Tso,  {to  show  how  he  observed  the  rules  of  propriety  !' 

4.  It  remains  for  me,  having  thus  set  forth  the  suppressions, 
the  concealments,  and  the  misrepresentations  which  abound  in  the 
Ch4un  Ts4ew,  to  say  a few  words  on  the  view  which  we  must  take 

What  are  we  t〇  tw#  from  the)  from  it  of  Confucius  as  its  author  or  com- 
Ch*un  isiew  of  Confucius?  > piler.  Again  and  again  I have  spoken  of 

the  triviality  of  the  Work,  and  indicated  my  opinion  of  its  being 
unworthy  of  the  sage  to  have  put  together  so  slight  a thing.  But 
these  positively  bad  characteristics  of  it  on  which  I have  now 
enlarged  demand  the  expression  of  a sterner  judgment.  • » • 

1 See  vol.  IV.  l*t.  I.  xii.  ode  IX. 


49] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH4UN  TS*EW. 


[cii.  i. 


The  appointment  of  historiographers,  at  whatever  period  it  first 
took  place,  was  intended,  no  doubt,  to  secure  the  accurate  record  of 
events,  and  Confucius  tells  us,  Ana.  XV.  xxv.,  that  4 even  in  his 
[early]  days  a historiographer  would  leave  a blank  in  his  text,'  that 
is,  would  do  so  rather  than  enter  incorrectly  anything  of  which  he 
was  not  sure.  I have  mentioned  on  p.  45  the  exaggerated  idea  of 
his  duty  which  was  cherished  and  manifested  by  Tung  Hoo  the 
grand-historiographer  of  Tsin；  and  in  Tso's  Chuen  on  IX.  xxv.  2, 
we  have  a still  more  shining  example  of  the  virtue  which  men  in 
this  office  were  capable  of  displaying.  There  three  brothers,  his- 
toriographers of  Ts4e,  all  submit  to  death  rather  than  alter  the 
record,  which  they  had  made  correctly,  that  ‘ Ts‘uy  Ch‘oo  of  Ts‘e 
murdered  his  ruler  Kwang,5  and  a fourth  brother,  still  persisting 
in  the  same  entry,  is  at  lust  let  alone.  These  instances  serve  to  show 
the  idea  in  which  the  institution  originated,  and  that  there  were  men 
in  China  who  understood  it,  appreciated  it,  and  were  prepared  to  die 
for  it.  Such  men  according  to  Confacius,  testimony  were  no  more 
to  be  found  in  his  time.  According  to  the  testimony  of  a thousand 
scholars  and  critics,  it  was  because  of  this  fact,  — the  few  faithful  his- 
toriographers in  the  past  and  the  entire  want  of  them  in  the  present, 
— that  the  sage  undertook  the  revision  of  the  Clilun  Ts4e\v  of  Loo. 
Might  not  the  history  of  the  institution  in  that  ante-Christian  time 
be  adduced  as  a good  illustration  of  what  Lord  Elgin  once  said,  that 
4 at  all  points  of  the  circle  described  by  man's  intelligence,  the  Clii- 
nese  mind  seems  occasionally  to  have  caught  glimpses  of  a heaven 
iar  beyond  the  range  of  its  ordinary  ken  and  vision?'1 

Well — vve  have  examined  tlie  model  summary  of  history  from  the 
stylus  of  the  sage,  atid  it  testifies  to  three  characteristics  of  his  mind 
which  it  is  painful  to  have  thus  distinctly  to  point  out.  First,  lie 
liad  no  reverence  for  truth  in  history, — I may  say  no  reverenct：  i〇r 
truth,  witliout  any  modification.  He  understood  well  enough  wliat 
it  was, — the  description  of  events  and  actions  according  as  they 
had  taken  place;  but  lie  himself  constmitly  transgressed  it  in  all 
the  three  ways  which  I have  indicated.  Second,  he  shrank  from 
looking  the  trutli  fairly  in  the  f.ice.  It  was  through  this  attribute 
of  weakness  that  l»c  so  frequently  endeiivoured  to  hide  the  truth 
from  himself  and  others,  by  ignoring  it  ultooether,  or  by  giving  an 
imperfect  and  misleiuling  account  of  it.  W herever  his  prejudices 
were  concerned,  he  was  liable  to  do  this.  Third,  he  had  more 

1 See  Letters  and  Joarnald  of  James,  eighth  Earl  of  Elgin,  p.  302. 

50] 


SECT.  V.] 


JUDGMENT  OF  C〇NFl：CUTS. 


[l»ROI  KC.OMf.NA. 


sympathy  with  power  than  with  weakness,  nnd  would  overlook 
wickedness  and  oppression  in  authority  rather  than  resentment  and 
revenge  in  men  'vlio  were  suffering  from  them.  He  could  conceive  of 
nothing  so  worthy  of  condemnation  as  to  be  insubordinate.2  Hence 
he  was  frequently  partial  in  his  judgments  on  what  happened  to 
rulers,  and  unjust  in  his  estimate  of  the  conduct  of  their  subjects. 
In  this  respect  he  was  inferior  to  Mencius  liis  disciple. 

I have  written  these  sentences  about  Confucius  with  reluctance, 
and  from  the  compulsion  of  a sense  of  duty.  I liave  been  accused  of 
being  unjust  to  him,  and  of  dealing  with  him  inhumanly.3  Others 
have  said  that  I 、vas  partial  to  him,  and  represented  his  character 
and  doctrines  too  favourably.  The  conflicting  charges  encourage  me 
to  hope  that  I have  pursued  the  golden  Mean,  and  dealt  fairly  with 
my  subject.  My  conscience  gives  no  response  to  the  charge  that  I 
have  been  on  the  look-out  for  opportunities  to  depreciate  Confucius. 
I know  on  the  contrary  that  I have  been  forward  to  accord  a generous 
appreciation  to  him  and  liis  teachings.  But  I have  been  unable  to 
make  a hero  of  him.  My  work  was  undertaken  that  I might  under- 
stand for  myself,  and  help  others^to  understand,  the  religious,  moral, 
social,  and  political  condition  of  China,  and  that  I might  see  and 
suggest  the  most  likel)r  methods  of  accomplishing  its  improvement. 
Nothing  stands  in  the  way  of  this  improveinent  so  much  as  the 
devotion  of  its  scholars  and  government  to  Confucius.  It  is  he  who 
leads  them  that  causes  them  to  err  and  has  destroyed  the  way  of 
their  paths. 

5.  The  above  sentence  leads  me  to  the  last  point  on  which  I 
proposed  to  touch  in  this  section, — the  influence  which  the  Ch‘un 

Influence  of  the  ci»<un  Ts*ew  〇u)  Ts，ew  has  had  on  the  successive  govern- 
Chmese  governments  and  the  people.)  ments  of  China  and  on  the  Chinese  people 

at  large.  And  here  I will  be  brief. 

A great  part  of  the  historical  literature  of  the  country  continues 
still  to  be  modelled  after  our  Classic  and  the  Chuen  of  Tso.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  Chow  dynasty  the  name  of  ChHin  Tscew  was  given 
to  a species  of  Work  having  little  affinity  with  that  of  Confucius. 
We  have  the  Ch4un  Tslew  of  Leu  Puh-wei,  the  chief  minister  of  Ts4in, 
Luh  Kea's  Ch4un  Ts4ew  of  Ts£oo  and  Han,i  and  many  others,  which 
were  never  held  in  great  repute.  In  the  after  Han  dynasty,  how- 

2 See  the  Analects,  YII.  xsxv.  3 See  a review  of  my  1st  volume,  in  the  Edinburgh  Review, 
April,  1869. 

1 呂不草 ，呂 氏春秋 ，陸賈 楚漢 春秋. See  Cha〇u  Yih’8  firBt  chaPter 

on  the  Ch4un  Tssew,  where  he  gives  the  names  of  a score  of  these  Works. 

51] 


prolegomena.]  NATURE  AND  VALUE  OF  THE  CH  UN  TSEW. 


[ch.  i. 


ever,  tliere  was  composed  the  { Chronicles  of  Han/2  on  the  plan  of 
the  Ch4an  Ts4ew.  Histories  of  this  kind  received  in  the  Sung 
dynasty  the  name  of  1 General  Mirrors,  3 and  4 General  Mirrors,  with 
Summary  and  Details/3  the  summary  corresponding  to  the  text  of 
the  Ch'un  Ts4ew,  and  the  details  to  the  Chuen.  Down  to  the 
present  dynasty  Works  have  been  composed  with  names  having 
more  or  less  affinity  to  those;  and  in  reading  them  the  student  has 
to  be  on  the  watch  and  determine  for  himself  how  far  the  details 
bear  out  the  statement  of  the  summary.  Such  Works  as  the  1 Digest 
of  the  History  of  the  Successive  Dynasties14  are  more  after  the  plan 
of  the  text  of  the  Ch£un  Tscew,  but  they  become  increasingly  com- 
plex and  difficult  of  execution  with  the  lapse  of  time  ancl  the 
iucreasing  extent  of  the  empire. 

But  the  influence  of  the  Ch4un  Tslew  on  the  literature  of  China 
is  of  little  importance  excepting  as  that  influence  has  aided  its 
moulding  power  on  the  government  and  character  of  the  people; 
and  in  this  respect  it  appears  to  me  to  have  been  very  injurious. 
The  three  defects  of  Confucius  which  have  left  their  impress  so 
clearly  on  his  Work  have  been  painfully  conspicuous  in  the  history 
of  the  country  and  the  people  down  to  tlie  present  day.  The 
teachings  of  Mencius,  bringing  into  prominence  the  lessons  of  the 
Shoo  and  the  She  concerning  the  different  awards  of  Providence, 
according  as  a government  cherished  or  neglected  the  welfare  of  the 
people,  have  modified  the  extreme  reverence  for  authority  which 
was  so  remarkable  in  Confucius;  but  there  remain  altogether  un- 
mitigated the  want  of  reverence  for  truth,  and  the  shrinking  from 
looking  fairly  at  the  realities  of  their  condition  and  relations.  And 
these  are  the  great  evils  under  Avhich  China  is  suffering  at  the 
present  day.  During  the  past  forty  years  her  position  with  regard  to 
the  more  advanced  nations  of  the  world  has  been  entirely  changed. 
She  has  entered  into  treaties  with  them  upon  equal  terms;  but  I do 
not  think  her  ministers  and  people  have  yet  looked  this  truth  fairly 
in  the  face,  so  as  to  realize  the  fact  that  Cliina  is  only  one  of  many 
independent  nations  in  the  world,  and  that  the  { beneath  the  sky,* 
over  wliich  her  emperor  has  rule,  is  not  all  beneath  the  sky,  but  only 
a certain  portion  of  it  which  is  defined  on  the  earths  surface  and 

2 漢紀，  composed  by  ^兑， lit  the  command  of  the  emperor  II ten  (處 ^ 3 E.g^ 

Sze  ma  Kwang’s  資治通 — ， a"(l  Ch。。 lie、 通 鑑綱目 •綱  _ moans  a net, — the 

rope  by  which  the  whole  i8  drawn  together  and  tlie  eyes  or  meshes  of  which  it  i9  composcil.  4 

歴代 統紀表 


r)2] 


SECT.  V.] 


JUDGMENT  OF  CONFUCIUS. 


[proleoomkna . 


can  be  pointed  out  upon  the  map.  But  if  they  will  not  admit  this, 
and  strictly  keep  good  faith  according  to  the  treaties  which  they  have 
accepted,  the  result  will  be  for  them  calamities  greater  than  any  that 
have  yet  befallen  the  empire.  Their  lot  has  fallen  in  critical  times, 
when  the  books  of  Confucius  are  a very  insufficient  and  unsafe  guide 
for  them.  If  my  study  of  the  Ch4un  Ts'ew  help  towards  convincing 
them  of  this,  and  leading  them  to  look  away  from  him  to  another 
Teacher,  a great  aim  of  my  life  will  have  been  gained. 


53] 


APPENDIX  I. 


SPECIMENS  OF  THE  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND 

KUH-LEANG. 


隱公 .元年 .一章 。元年 , 春, 王 正月。 

The  first  year  of  duke  Yin， par. 

It  was  the  [duke's]  first  year,  the  spring,  the  king's  first  month. 

穀 梁溥曰 ，雖 無事. 必舉正 
月. 謹始也 。 _ 
公 何以不 W 卽位, 成公志 
也 ^ u 

焉成之 。曹 君不取 爲必也 u 
君之子 取籁公 、何也 。曰 .將 
以讓 桓也。 

讓 桓正乎 。曰. 不正。 

春秋成 人之美 .不 成人之 
惡 ，隱不 正而成 之何也 。將 
以萌 桓也 

真 # 也 。隱輕 譲而震 
弒之則 桓惡矣 .桓弒 而 _ 

善則 其不正 焉何也 A 奉秋 
貴義而 木貴惠 .信复 而杰偉 
邪. 孝子楊 父之美 .7、 楊父 
之 ■. 先君之 欲璺懲 .f 正 
也, 邪也 .雖然 ，旣 勝其邪 令 
以與隱 矣〗 己埽答 f % 
而 遂以與 是 
也 況弟. 天倫也 、爲^ K 
义爲諸 侯受之 己錢 侖 
而忘 君父以 行小多 銮、 
若隱者 .可 額輕千 乘之國 • 
蹈道則 未也. 


必 羊傅曰 .元 年者何 。君之 
始 年也。 

荞者何 。歲之 始也。 

王者孰 f。 謂文 王也。 
曷爲先 言王而 後言正 月。 
王正 月也。  & u 

何言乎 王正月 。大一 統也。 
公 何以不 f 卽位 。成公 意 

\ 成乎 之意 。公 將平國 
而反 之桓。 1 一 ^ ^ 

曷爲 反之桓 。桓 幼而貴 .零 
長而卑 . 其爲尊 卑也微 .®A 
莫知 .隱 長又賢 •霉大 
而立之 隱於 是焉 而辭立 . 
則未 知桓之 將必得 立也 .且 
如桓立 ，則 恐諸大 吳不能 W 
幼君也 凡 隱之立 * 爲桓 
立也。 

隱 長又賢 .何以 不宜立 。立 
‘ 以長不 以 賢* 立 子以貴 
不 以長。 

桓 何以貴 。母 貴也。 

毋貴 ，則子 何以貴 。子 以毋 
貴 ，毋以 子貴。 


M] 


appendix  l.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG.  [prolegomena. 


The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says: 一 
4 What  is  meant  by  元年  ? The  first 
year  of  the  ruler. 

What  is  meant  by  春 （spring)  ? The 
first  season  of  the  year. 

What  is  meant  by  (the  king)? 
It  means  king  Wan. 

Why  does  [the  text]  first  give  u king/* 
and  then  u first  month  ?J,  [To  show  that] 
it  was  tlie  king’s  first  month. 

Why  does  it  [so]  mention  the  king’s 
first  month  ? 

To  magnify  the  union  of  the  kingdom 
[under  the  dynasty  of  Chow]. 

Why  is  it  not  said  that  the  duko  came 
to  the  [vacant]  seat  ? To  give  full  ex- 
pression to  the  duke^  miud. 

In  what  way  does  it  give  full  expres- 
sion to  the  duke’s  mind?  The  duke 
intended  to  bring  the  State  to  order,  aud 
then  restore  it  to  H wan. 

What  is  meant  by  restoring  it  to 
Hwan? 

Hwan  was  younger,  but  nobler  [than 
the  duke  by  birth]；  Yin  was  grown  up, 
but  lower  [than  Hwan  by  birth].  The  dif- 
ference between  them  in  these  respects, 
however,  was  small,  and  the  people  of  the 
Statedid  not  know  [their  father’s  intention 
about  the  succession].  Yin  being  grown 
up  and  a man  of  wortli,  the  great  officers 
insisted  on  his  being  made  marquis.  If 
he  had  refused  to  be  made  so,  lie  did 
not  know  for  certain  that  Hwan  would 
be  raised  to  the  dignity；  and  supposing 
that  he  were  raised  to  it,  he  was  afraid 
that,  the  great  officers  might  not  give 
their  assistance  to  so  young  a ruler. 
Therefore  the  whole  transaction  of  Yii^s 
elevation  was  with  a view  [in  his  mind] 
to  the  elevation  of  Hwan. 

But  since  Yin  was  grown  up  and  a 
man  of  worth,  why  was  it  not  proper 
that  lie  should  be  made  marquis? 

Among  the  sons  of  the  wife  proper, 
the  succession  devolved  on  the  eldest,  and 
not  on  the  worthiest  and  ablest.  Among 
a ruler’s  sons  by  other  ladies  of  his 
harem,  tlie  succession  devolved  on  the 
noblest,  and  not  on  the  eldest. 

In  what  respect  was  Hwan  nobler  [in 
rank]  than  Yin? 

His  mother  was  of  higher  position 
[than  Yin’s  mother]. 

Though  the  mother  was  nobler,  why 
should  the  son  be  [also]  nobler?  A son 

55] 


The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says  ： 一 Al- 
though there  was  nothing  to  be  recorded 
[under  the  first  month],  it  was  necessary 
to  specify  it ; — its  being  the  commence- 
ment [of  the  rule]  required  this  attention 
to  be  paid  to  it. 

Why  is  it  not  said  that  the  duko  came 
to  the  [vacant]  seat  ? To  give  full  ex- 
pression to  the  duke*s  mind. 

In  what  way  does  this  give  full  expres- 
sion to  the  duke^  mind  ? It  tells  that 
Yin  did  not  bimself  care  to  be  duke. 

What  is  meant  by  saying  that  he  did 
not  himself  care  to  be  duke  ? That  he 
intended  to  resign  the  marquisate  to 
Hwan. 

Was  it  correct  in  him  [to  wish]  to 
resign  it  to  Hwan  ? 

It  was  not  correct. 

The  Ch4un  Ts4ew  gives  full  expression 
to  men’s  excellent  qualities,  but  does  not 
do  so  to  their  evil； 一 why  should  it  give 
such  expression  to  [the  intention  of]  Yin 
which  was  not  correct  ? 

With  a view  to  show  detestation  of 
Hwan. 

How  does  that  detestation  of  Hwan 
appear  ? 

Yin  intended  to  resign  in  his  favour, 
and  yet  Hwan  murdered  him； — showing 
Hw an’s  wickedness.  Hwan  murdered 
him,  and  yet  Yin  would  have  resigned  in 
his  favour；  — showing  Yin^  goodness. 

If  Yin  was  thus  good,  why  do  you  say 
that  he  was  not  correct  ? 

In  the  Chcun  Ts4ew,  what  is  righteous 
is  held  to  be  noble,  and  not  what  is 
[merely]  kind.  It  would  lead  forward  in 
the  [straight]  path,  and  not  in  the  crook- 
ed. A filial  son  tries  to  display  the  ex- 
cellent qualities  of  his  father,  and  not  the 
evil  ones.  The  father  was  not  correct, 
but  perverse,  in  seeking  to  give  the  State 
to  Hwan.  Notwithstanding,  he  over- 
came this  perversity  of  mind,  and  the 
State  was  given  [at  last]  to  Tin  ； but  Yin 
had  fathomed  the  purpose  of  their  father, 
and  thereon  would  have  given  the  State 
to  Hwan  ； — carrying  out  their  father’s 
wickedness.  That  there  should  be  elder 
brother  and  younger  brother  is  in  the 
order  ot  Heaven.  A man  receives  his 
sons  hip  from  his  father；  and  a feudal 
prince  receives  his  rank  from  the  king. 
To  disannul  the  order  of  Heaven,  and 
forget  his  ruler  and  father  in  order  to  do 
a small  kindness,  is  what  is  called  walk- 
ing in  a small  path.  Looking  at  Yin,  we 


prolegomena.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUXG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[cii.  i. 


was  held  to  share  in  the  nobility  of  his 
mother；  and  a mother  shared  in  the 
[subsequent]  nobility  of  her  son/ 


may  say  that  he  could  make  light  of  a 
State  of  a thousand  chariots,  but  could 
not  tread  the  way  that  is  right/ 


才 亘么十 有一年 i 四章。 宋人執 
鄭 祭伸。 

The  eleventh  year  of  duhe  Hwan,  par.  4. 

The  people  of  Sung  seized  Chae  Chung  of  Chcing. 


公 羊傅曰 .祭 仲者何 。鄭柑 
也。 

何以 不;^ 賢也。 

何賢乎 榮仲。 以爲知 權也。 
其爲知 權奈何 。古者 鄭國處 
于留 .先 鄭伯有 善於齚 公者. 
通乎夫 人以取 其國. 而遷鄭 
焉 .而 野留。 莊公死 、已葬 .祭 
仲將往 省于留 ，塗出 於宋. 
朱 人執之 謂之曰 、爲 我出忽 
而立突 。祭仲 不從其 言\則 
君必死 .國 必亡. 從其言 ，則君 
可以 生易死 ，國 可以存 易亡, 
則突可 以故出 .而忽 可以故 
反 .是 不可得 ,則 病. 然後有 
鄭國. 古人之 有權者 .祭仲 
之權 是也。 

權者何 。權者 反於經 ，然後 
有 善若也 .權之 所設. 舍死亡 
無所設 .行 權有道 .自 贬拟以 
行權, 不害人 以行權 .殺人 
以自生 .亡人 以自存 .君子 
不爲也 ， 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says: — 

4 Who  was  Chae  Chung? 

The  cliief  minister  of  Ch4ing. 

Why  is  lie  not  mentioned  by  his  name? 
liecauso  of  1 1 is  worth. 

Wliat  wurthiness  was  tlierc  in  Chae 
Cluing? 

5t>J 


穀 梁溥曰 .宋人 者, 宋么 •也。 
其曰 人何也 。貶 之也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： — 

‘人 [people]  here  means  the  duke  of 
Sung. 

Why  is  he  designated  ^ (the  people, 
or  one  of  the  people)? 

To  condemn  him/ 


ArPENbixi.]  COMxMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANO  AND  KUH-LEANG.  [rR〇LEG〇3itNA. 

He  is  to  be  considered  as  knowing  how 
to  act  according  to  circumstances. 

In  what  way  did  be  know  to  act  accord- 
ing to  circumstances? 

Anciently  the  capital  of  Ch4ing  was  in 
Lew.  A forrnor  earl  of  Ch4ing  was  on 
friendly  terms  with  the  duke  of  Kwei; 
and  having  an  intrigue  with  his  wife,  he 
took  the  capital  of  Kwei,  transferred  that 
of  Ch4ing  to  it,  aud  left  Lew  to  become 
a wilderness.  After  the  death  of  duke 
Chwang,  Chae  Chung  was  going  to  inspect 
the  state  of  Lew  ； and  as  his  road  lay 
through  Sung,  the  people  of  that  State 
seized  him,  and  said,  u Drive  out  Hwuh 
(Chwaug’8  eldest  son,  who  was  now  earl 
of  Ch‘ing)  for  us， and  raise  Tali  (Hwuh’s 
brother)  to  the  earldom.” 

If  Chae  Chung  did  not  do  as  they  re- 
quired,  his  ruler  must  die,  and  the  State 
perish . If  he  did  as  they  required,  his 
ruler  would  exchange  death  for  life,  and 
the  State  be  preserved  instead  of  perish- 
iug.  Then  by  and  by,  [by  his  gradual 
management],  Tuh  might  be  sent  forth 
as  before,  and  Hwuh  might  return  as 
before.  If  these  tilings  could  not  be 
secured,  he  would  have  to  suffer  [under 
the  imputation  of  evil  conduct],  but  yet 
there  would  be  the  State  of  Ch4ing. 

When  the  ancients  acted  according  to 
the  exigency  of  circumstances,  they  acted 
in  the  way  in  which  Chae  Chung  now 
did. 

What  is  meant  by  acting  according  to 
the  exigency  of  circumstances? 

It  is  acting  contrary  to  the  ordinary  % 

course  of  what  is  right,  yet  so  that  good 
shall  result.  Such  a course  is  not  to  be 
adopted  apart  from  the  imminent  danger 
of  death  or  ruin.  There  is  a way  to  re- 
gulate the  pursuing  of  it.  A man  may 
adopt  it  when  the  censure  and  loss  will 
fall  on  himself,  but  not  to  the  injury  of 
another.  A superior  man  will  not  slay 
another  to  save  himself  nor  ruin  another 
to  preserve  himself.* 


十 有五年 ，一章 。春 二月 、天王 
使 凌父來 求車。 


ntoLEGOMENA.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  IvUXG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG. 


[CH.  I. 


The  fifteenth  yeai\  par.  1. 

In  spring,  in  the  second  month,  the  king  [by]  Heaven  s [grace] 
sent  Kea  Foo  to  Loo  to  ask  for  carriages. 


在 羊傅曰 ，何 以書 。譏。 

_ 何譏爾 ，王 者無求 .求車 .非 
禮也、 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says： — 
i Why  was  this  entry  made  ? 

By  way  of  censure. 

Censure  of  what? 

The  kings  did  not  ask  for  anything. 
To  ask  for  carriages  was  contrary  to 
propriety. 


穀槊 傅曰. 古者諸 侯時獻 
于天子 , 以其國 之所有 .故 
有 辭讓而 無徵求 .求車 .非禮 
也 .未金 名 矣。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： — 

1 Anciently  the  feudal  princes  at  the 
[proper]  times  presented  to  the  son  of 
H eaven  their  offerings  of  the  thing's 
which  they  had  in  their  States.  He 
might  thus  decline,  but  he  did  not  de- 
mand or  ask  for,  [anything].  To  ask  for 
carriages  was  contrary  to  propriety  ； to 
ask  for  money  was  still  more  so. 


莊 么四年 , 四章。 祀侯大 去其亂 


The  fourth  year  of  duke  Chiuang,  par.  4. 

The  marquis  of  Ke  made  a grand  leaving  of  his  State. 


公 羊傅曰 ，大去 者何。 滅也。 
孰焱之 。齊 滅之。 

為錡 不言齊 滅之。 爲襄公 
諱也 ，春秋 爲賢者 諱„ 

何賢 乎襄公 ，復 警也。 

何 譬爾。 II 祖也 .哀 公亨乎 
周 .紀侯 譖之. 以襄公 之鴆妗 
此栺舍 .事祖 禰之心 盡矣。 
益者时 。襄 公將復 譬乎紀 . 
卜之曰 .師 喪分爲 . 寡人处 
之 .不 爲不吉 I 
速祖 名幾丨 II 乎九 壯 矣。 
九此鲷 可以 復簪乎 。雖百 
世可也 ， 

家 亦可乎 。曰. 不可。 

ob] 


穀梁 傅曰. 大去者 .不遺 一 
人 之辭也 .善 •民 之從者 .四 
年而 後畢也 .紀 侯賢 i〖n 齊 
侯滅之 .不 t 滅而曰 大去其 
國者 .不侦 小 人加乎 召子。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says: 一 

4 u Made  a grand  leaving  n is  as  much 
as  to  say  tliai  [the  tiiarquis」 did  not  leave 
a man  behind  him.  It  tells  us  that  the 
people  did  not  cease  to  follow  him  till  all 
were  gone  in  the  space  of  four  years. 
The  marquis  of  Ke  was  & worthy  prince, 
and  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  extinguished  bis 
State.  The  text  does  not  say  so,  but 
that  he  matle  a grand  leaving  of  it,  there- 
by not  allowing*  [the  injurious  action  of] 
h small  man  towards  a superior  mail  to 
• pp〇fir. 


xprESDix  i.J  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-VANG  AND  KUH-LEAXO.  [pKyLBC〇MK>A, 


國 何以可 。國& 一鹊也 ，先 
君之恥 .猶今 苕之似 、也 ，今君 
之恥 .猶允 苕之取 、也 

國# 何以 爲一鹘 國苕以 
國爲體 . 諸侯肚 .故國 呑爲一 
體也。 

今 紀無罪 。此 非怒與 。曰 .非! 
也, 古者有 明天子 .則 紀侯 
必誅 .必無 紀者 .紀 侯之不 
誅 ，至今 有紀者 .猶無 明天: 
子也。 古者諸 侯必有 會聚之 
事 .相朝 聘之道 .號辭 必稍先 
君 以相授 .然則 齊紀無 說焉. 
不 可並立 乎天下 . 故將去 
紀侯者 .不 得不去 紀也。 

有 明天子 丨襄公 得爲若 
行乎 。曰 .不 得也。 

不得 ，則 褰公曷 爲爲之 。上 
無天子 .下 無方伯  > 緣恩疾 
者 可也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kun^-yang  says： — 

‘Wliat  is  meant  by  u made  a grand  , 
leaving  ?” 

That  [the  State]  was  extinguished. 

Who  extinguished  it? 

Ta4e. 

Why  does  [the  text]  not  say  that  Tsce 
extinguished  it  ? 

It  conceals  the  fact  out  of  regard  to 
duke  Seang.  The  Ch^un  Ts4ew  conceals 
things  out  of  regard  to  men  of  worth. 

What  worthiness  was  there  in  duke 
Seang? 

He  was  taking  vengeance. 

Vengeance  for  what? 

For  玉 he  boiling  of  his  remote  ancestor 
duke  Gae  at  [the  court  of]  Chow,  through 
his  being  slandered  by  a marquis  of  Ke. 
The  action  of  duke  Seang  at  this  time  is 
considered  as  a carrying  by  him  to  the 
utmost  of  his  service  of  his  ancestors. 

How  so  ? 

When  he  was  about  to  avenge  the 
[old]  wrong,  he  consulted  the  tortoise- 
shell, and  was  told  that  he  would  lose 
half  his  army.  [He  observed],  u Though 
I should  die  myself,  the  answer  should 
not  be  considered  unlucky. J, 


59] 


vuorEGOMENA.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG.  fc 

How  many  generations  removed  from 
him  was  the  remote  ancestor  ? 

Nine. 

May  an  injury  be  avenged  after  nine 
generations  P 

Yes；  even  after  a hundred. " 

May  [the  Head  of]  a clan  take  such 
venefeance  ? 

No. 

Why  then  may  [the  ruler  of]  a State 
do  it  ? 

The  ruler  and  the  State  are  one.  The 
disgrace  of  a former  ruler  is  the  same  as 
the  disgrace  of  the  ruler  of  to-day.  The 
disgrace  ol  the  ruler  of  to-day  is  the  same 
as  the  disgrace  of  a former  ruler. 

How  are  the  ruler  and  the  State  con- 
sidered as  one? 

The  ruler  regards  the  State  as  his 
body,  and  one  ruler  comes  after  another； — 
hence  the  ruler  and  the  State  form  one  body. 

Bat  the  present  [marquis  of]  Ke  had 
been  guilty  of  no  offence; — was  not  this 
[extinction  of  him]  a case  of  rage? 

No.  If  there  had  been  in  the  ancient 
time  an  intelligent  son  of  Heaven,  the 
[then]  marquis  of  Ke  would  have  been 
taken  off,  and  there  would  have  been  no 
[more  any]  marquis  of  Ke.  His  not 
having  been  taken  off,  and  there  being 
still  a marquis  of  Ke,  was  the  same  as  if 
there  were  no  intelligent  son  of  Heaven. 

Anciently  the  princes  had  their  occasions 
of  meeting  together,  and  their  inter- 
changes of  court  and  complimentary  vis- 
its, when  they  made  reference  in  their 
language  to  their  predecessors  as  furnish- 
ing* the  ground  of  their  intercourse  ； but 
nothing  of  the  kind  ever  took  place  be- 
tween  Ts4©  and  Ke； — it  was  incumbent 
on  them  not  to  exist  together  under  the 
same  sky.  Therefore  [when  Ts‘e]  set 
about  removing  the  marquis  of  Ke,  it 
could  not  but  remove  [the  State  of]  Ke. 

If  there  had  been  [now]  an  intelligent 
son  of  Heaven,  could  duke  Seang  have 
done  what  he  did  ? 

No. 

Why  then  did  he  do  it? 

When  there  is  in  the  highest  position 
[as  it  were]  no  Ron  of  Heaven,  and  below 
him  no  president  of  the  quarter  of  the 
kingdom,  one  can  for  himself  repay  his 
long-standing  wrongs  and  obligations  of 
a contrary  kind.' 


60] 


reNnix  i.]  fOMMEXTARllvS  OF  Kl  Nfi-YANU  AND  KlT II-I.KANG.  [ntoi.F.ooMKNA. 


僖 二年 ，三章 。 虞師 晉師滅 夏陽。 


The  second  j/ear  of  duke  He,  par. 

An  arinv  of  Yu  and  an  army  ofTsin  (^xtinouished  llea-yang*. 

公羊傅 B . 虞 .微 國也. 馬爲殼 梁傅曰 ，非國 而曰滅 .重 
序乎 大國之 上使璲 首惡也 t 夏陽也 , 

曷爲俚 璲首惡 。虞 受賂假 曬無師 !t 曰師 .何也 。 以其 
滅 國者乳 以取 亡焉  光晉 .不可 以不曹 師也。 

其受 賂奈何 J 隸公诩 諸大 其先 晉何也 。爲主 乎滅夏 
夫- 而問焉 .曰 .寡人 夜？; 寢而 陽也 .夏 陽者 .虞虢 之塞邑 
不寐 .其 意何也 。諸 大夫有 進也. 滅夏陽 而虞虢 舉矣。 
對者 .曰 .寢 不安與 .其 諸侍； 之 爲主乎 滅夏陽 .何 也。 
御有不 在者與 。獻 公不應 。荀晉 獻公欲 伐虢. 荀息曰 、君 
息進曰 .虞 郭見與 I 獻公 楫何不 以屈產 之乘, 垂棘之 
而進之 . 遂與之 A, 而謀曰 .璧 而借道 乎虞也 。公曰 ，此 


吾 欲攻郭 .M 虞救之 .攻虞 》 
則 郭敉之 如之何 k 願與子 
慮之， 荀息曰 角臣乏 
謀 、則今 日取郭 ，而 明曰取 


晉國 之寶也 .如受 吾幣而 
不借吾 道.則 如之何 。荀息 
曰 .此 小國 之所以 事大國 
也 .彼不 借吾道  >必 不敢受 


虞爾 ，君何 憂焉。 獻必日 .然 吾幣 加 受吾幣 .而借 吾道. 
則奈何 。 荀息曰 .請以 屈產則 是我取 之中府 .而 藏之 
之 氣垂棘 之白璧 ，往 >必 可外府 ，取之 年既而 置之外 
得也. 則寶出 之內藏 .藏 之廐也 。公曰 6 宫之 奇存焉 .必 
外府 、馬出 之內廐 。繫 之外廏 不使受 之也。 荀息曰 .宮之 
爾 ，君 何喪焉 。獻公 日諾. 雖奇之 爲人也 >達心 而懦  >又 
然4 宮之奇 存焉加 之何 。荀 少長於 钆達心 則其 言略. 
息曰, 宮之奇 知則知 -免雖 懦則不 能强諫 > 少 長於君 
然. 虞公貪 而好寶 ，見寶 必則苕 輕之且 夫玩好 在耳目 
不從其 曹、請 終以往 。於 是之前 .而 患在一 國之後 .此 


終以往 .虞 公見寶 許詆宮 
之 奇果諫 .記曰 .脣 亡 則齒 
寒 ，虞郭 之相敉 .非相 爲賜. 
則晉今 0 取郭 ，而 明日虞 
從 而亡爾 I 君請 勿許也 。虞 
公不 從其曹  > 終假之 道以取 
郭 。還 四年反 取虞. 虞公抱 
寶牽 馬而至 .荀 息見曰 ，臣 
之謀 何如。 獻公氐 子之謀 

61] 


中知以 上>  乃能慮 之>  臣料 
虞 君中知 以下也 。公 遂借道 
而伐虢 。宮之 奇諫曰 k 晉國 
之使者 k 其辭卑 而幣重 ，必 
不 便於虞 。蹊 公弗聽 、遂受 
其幣而 借之道 。宮 之奇諫 
曰 . 語曰 脣亡則 •齒寒 .其斯 
之謂與 。挈其 妻子以 奔曹。 

獻公 亡虢, 五年而 後舉虞 * 


i»holgoomena.J  COMMENTARIES  OF  lvUXG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


fen.  i. 


則 已行矣 .寶則 吾寶也 .雖 
然 .吾诲 之齒亦 已長矣 .蓋 
戲 之也。 

夏 陽者何 。郭之 邑也。 

曷不 繫于郭 。國 之也。 

具 爲國之 。君存 焉爾。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says： — 4 Yu 
was  a small  State；  why  is  it  that  it  is 
Lere  made  to  take  precedence  of  a great 
one?  To  make  Yu  take  the  lead  in  tbe  | 
wickedness. 

Why  is  Yu  made  to  take  the  lead  in 
tlie  wickedness? 

Yu  received  the  bribes  with  wliich 
those  who  [were  going  to]  extinguish  the 
State  [of  Kwoli]  borrowed  a way  through 
it,  and  thus  brought  on  its  own  ruin. 

How  did  it  receive  [those]  bribes? 
Duke  Heen  [of  Tsin]  gave  audience  to 
his  great  officers,  and  asked  them  why  it  ' 
was  that  he  had  lain  all  night  without  i 
sleeping1.  One  of  them  advanced  and 
said,  u Was  it  because  you  did  not  feel  at 
ease  [in  your  mind]?  or  was  it  because 
your  [proper]  bedfellow  was  not  by  y〇ur 
side  ?’’  The  duke  gave  no  answer,  and 
then  Seun  Seih  came  forward  and  Said, 

44  Was  it  because  Tu  and  Kwoli  were  ap- 
pearing to  you  ?n  The  duke  motioned  to 
him  to  come  [more]  forward,  and  then 
went  with  him  into  an  inner  apartment 
to  take  counsel.  I wish/1  said  he,  u to 
attack  Kwoh,  but  Yu  will  go  to  its  relief, 
and  if  I attack  Yu,  Kvvoh  will  succour  ifc； 
— what  is  to  be  done  ? I wish  to  consid- 
er the  case  with  yoa.n  Seun  Seih  re- 
plied, u If  you  will  use  my  counsel,  you 
shall  take  Kwoh  to-day,  and  Yu  to- 
morrow； why  should  your  lordship  be 
troubled?” 

uHow  is  this  to  be  accomplished 
asked  the  duke.  Please  let  [me  go  to 
Yu]/'  said  the  other,  uwitli  your  team  of 
K ‘谷 uh  horses  and  your  white  of 

Cli‘uy-keih,  and  you  are  sure  to  get 
[what  you  want].  It  will  only  be  taking  j 
your  valuable  from  your  inner  i 

treasury,  and  depositing  it  in  an  outer 
one,  and  taking  your  horses  from  an  in-  | 
ner  stable,  and  tying*  them  up  in  an  outer  j 
one; — your  lordship  will  lose  notliing1  by  I 
it.”  Tli?  duke  said， “Yes;  but  Kung  j 
Che-k*e  in  there.  What  aro  we  do  with  i 
him?”  Seun  Seih  replied,  4<  Eung  Che- 
k*e  is  indeed  knowing；  but  the  duko  of 
Yu  is  covetous,  and  fond  of  valuable 

fi2] 


荀息 牽馬橾 璧而湔 曰 .璧則 
姻是也 .而 馬齒加 長矣。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： 一 * The 
use  of  the  term  ‘‘  extinguished,”  when  it 
is  not  a State  that  is  spoken  of,  arises 
from  the  importance  of  Hea-yang. 

Ya  had  no  ariuy  ； — wby  is  its  army 
mentioned  here  ? 

Because  it  took  the  lead  of  Tsin  [in 
the  allair],  and  it  was  necessary  thereioi*e 
to  speak  of  its  army. 

How  did  it  take  the  lead  of  Tsin? 

It  presided  over  the  extinguishing  of 
Hea-yang.  Hiia-yang  was  a strong  city  of 
Yu  and  Kwoh.  If  it  could  be  extinguished, 
then  both  Yu  and  Kwoh  might  be  dealt 
with. 

In  wliat  way  did  Tu  preside  over  the 
exting-uishing  of  Hea-yang? 

Duke  Heen  of  Tsin  wanted  to  invade 
Kwoh,  and  Sean  Seih  said  to  him,  uWhy 
should  not  your  lordship  take  your  team 
of  K'euh  horses,  and  yoar  ptuh  of  Ch4uy- 
keih,  and  with  them  borrow  a way 
through  Yu?”  u Those  are  the  most  pre- 
cious things  in  the  State  ot  Tsin/*  said 
the  duke.  u Suppose  Yu  should  receive 
my  offerings,  and  not  lend  ns  the  passage, 
in  what  position  should  we  beh,>  u Bat/* 
replied  Sean  Seih,  a this  is  the  way  in 
which  a small  State  serves  a great  one. 

If  Yu  do  not  lend  us  the  right  of  way,  it 
will  not  venture  to  receive  our  offerings. 

If  it  recoive  our  oflFe rings  and  lend  us  the 
way,  then  vve  shall  [merely]  be  taking* 
[the  peih]  from  our  own  treasury,  and 
placing  it  [for  a time]  in  one  outside,  and 
taking  [the  horses]  from  our  own  stable, 
and  placing  them  [for  a time]  in  one  out- 
side.”  The  duke  said,  u There  is  Kung 
Che-k4e  there； — he  will  be  sure  to  pre- 
vent the  acceptance  of  our  offerings.” 

“ Kung  Che-k‘e,”  replied  the  minister, . 
uis  an  intelligent  man,  but  he  is  weak； 
and  moreover,  he  has  grown  up  from 
youth  near  his  ruler.  His  very  intel li- 
cence will  make  liiin  speak  too  briefly; 
his  weakness  will  keep  hi  in  from  remon- 
strating vehomently；  and  his  Laving, 
grown  up  near  his  ruler  will  make  that 
ruler  despise  him.  Moreover,  the  attrac- 
tive objects  will  be  before  the  ruler  of  Yu's 
senses,  and  the  danger  will  be  hid  behind 
another  State.  The  case,  indeed,  would 
cause  anxiety  to  on©  whose  intelliyeuc© 
was  above  mediocrity,  but  T imagine  tliat 
tho  intelligence  of  the  ruler  of  Yu  is 
below  mediocrity.* * 


APrENDix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  IvUII-LEANG.  [rn〇LE〇〇MENA. 


curios； — he  is  sure  not  to  follow  his  min- 
ister's advice.  I beg  you,  considering 
everything1， to  let  me  go.” 

The  deliberation  ended  with  duke  Hoei^s 
adopting  the  proposed  course；  and  when 
the  duke  of  Yu  saw  the  valuable  [offer- 
ings], lie  granted  what  [Tsin]  asked. 
Kung  Che-k4e  did  indeed  remonstrate, 
saying,  u There  are  the  words  of  the  Re- 
cord, *Wlien  the  lips  are  gone,  the  teeth 
are  cold.’  Yu  and  Kwoli  are  the  saviours 
of  each  other.  If  they  do  not  give  mutual 
help,  Tsin  will  to-day  take  Kwoh,  which 
Yu  will  to-morrow  follow  to  ruin.  Do 
not,  O ruler,  grant  what  is  asked/*  The 
duke  did  not  follow  his  advice,  and  ended 
by  lending  a passage  [through  his  State 
to  Tsin]  to  take  Kwoh.  In  the  fourth 
year  after,  Tsin  returned,  and  took  Yu. 
The  duke  of  Yu  [came],  carrying  the 
peih  and  leading  the  horses,  when  Seun 
Seili  said  [to  the  marquis  of  Tsin],  What 
do  you  now  think  of  my  plan?^  “ It  has 
succeeded, n said  duke  Heen.  uThe  peih 
is  still  mine；  biat  the  teeth  of  the  horses 
are  grown  longer.”  This  he  said  in  joke. 

What  was  Hea-yang? 

A city  of  Kwoh. 

Why  is  the  name  not  preceded  by  the 
name  of  the  State? 

It  is  dealt  with  as  if  had  been  itself  a 
State. 

Whv  so  ? 

Because  [the  fate]  of  the  ruler  of  the 
State  was  bound  up  with  its  fate.* 


On  this  duke  Heen  soug-lit  [in  t-lie  way 
proposed]  for  a passage  [through  Yu]  to 
invade  Kwoh.  Kung  Clie-k^e  remon- 
strated, saying*,  uTlie  words  of  the  en- 
voy of  Tsin  are  humble,  bat  liis  offerings 
are  great； — the  matter  is  sure  not  to  be 
advantageous  to  Yu.”  The  duke  of  Yu, 
however,  would  not  listen  to  liim,  but  re- 
ceived the  oflerings,  and  grauted  the  pas- 
sage through  the  State.  Kung  Che-k4© 
remonstratod  [again],  suggesting  that  tbe 
case  was  like  that  in  the  saying  about 
thalips  being  gone  and  the  teeth  becom- 
ing* cold,  alter  which  he  fled  with  his 
wife  and  children  to  T94aou. 

Duke  Heen  then  destroyed  Kwoli,  and 
in  the  fifth  year  [of  our  duke  He]  he 
dealt  in  the  same  way  with  Yu.  Seun 
Seili  then  had  the  horses  led  forward, 
while  he  carried  the  peih  in  bis  hand,  and 
said,  u The  peih  is  just  as  it  was,  but  the 
horses'  teeth  aro  grown  longer  !M 


十 有六年 ，一章 名王正 凡戊申 
朔 .隕石 于宋五  > 是凡六 鷀退飛 、 
宋都。 


The  sixteenth  year,  par.  1. 

In  spring,  in  the  kings  first  month,  on  Mow-stin,  the  first 
rlaj"  of  the  moon,  there  fell  stones  in  Sung,  five  of  them.  In  the 
same  month,  six  fish-hawks  flew  backwards,  past  the  capital  of  Sung. 


公 羊丨气 g, 曷爲先 w 霣 穀 槊傅曰 。先隕 而後石 .何 
痒言石 。霣 石記聞 .聞 其砸也 隕而後 石也。 

然減 之則石 t 察之 则五。 于宋 四竟之 內曰宋 .狻數 > 


63] 


rnoLEGOMENA.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG. 


[cii.  1. 


逛 月者何 。僅逮 是月也 a 
何 以不日 ，晦 日也。 

晦則 何以不 曹晦. 春秋不 
書晦也 .朔有 事则書 ，晦雖 
% 事不書 

為爲先 言六而 廣曹聽 。六 
韻退飛 . 記見也 .視之 則六. 
察之 則鶬. 徐而察 之則退 
飛。 

五 石六鷀 何以書 。記 異也。 
外 異不書 .此 何以書 。爲王 
者之 li 記 真也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says： 一 

4 How  is  it  that  the  text  first  says, 
“there  fell,”  and  then  “stones?” 

There  fell  stones  is  a record  of  what  was 
heard.  There  was  heard  a noise  of  some- 
thing falling.  On  looking  at  what  had 
fallen,  it  was  seen  to  be  stones.  On  ex- 
amination it  was  found  there  were  five  of 
them. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  u in  the  same 
month?’’ 

That  the  thing  occurred  just  within 
this  month- 

Why  is  the  day  not  given? 

It  was  the  last  day  of  the  moon. 

Why  does  the  text  not  say  so? 

The  Ch£un  Tscew  does  not  enter  the 
】ast  day  of  the  moon.  When  anything 
liappened  on  the  first  day  of  the  moon, 
it  was  so  written；  but  although  anything 
happened  on  the  last  day  of  the  moon, 
the  day  was  not  given. 

Why  does  the  text  say  and  then 

“fish-hawks?” 

u Six  fish-hawks  backwards  flew^  is  a 
record  of  what  was  seen.  When  they 
looked  at  the  objects,  there  were  six. 
When  they  exaipined  them,  they  were 
fish-hawks.  When  they  examined  them 
leisurely,  they  were  flying  backwards. 

Wliy  is  this  account  given  of  [these] 
five  stoiies  and  six  fish-hawks?  It  is  the 
record  of  a strange  thing. 

But  sti*ange  things  in  other  Stat(\s  arc 
not  recorded; 一 wby  is  this  given  licre? 

Because  [Sung  belonged  to  tlio  de- 
scendants] of  the  kings  [of  Sliang*]/ 


散辭也 , 耳 洽也。 

是月者  >泱 不日而 月也。 

六鯢退 飛, 過宋都 .先數 ，聚 
辭也 .目 治也。 

子曰 ，石無 知之物 .鳊 微有 
知之物 、石 無钒故 日之獻 
微有知 之物. 故月之 .君子 
之於物 . 無所苟 而已 ，石 _ 
猶且 盡其辭 .而况 於人乎 . 
故 五石六 鵾之辭 不設 .則 
王道不 亢矣. 

民所聚 曰都。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： — 4 Wby 
does  the  text  first  say  “ t£ere  fell,”  and 
then  “ stones?”  There  was  the  falling, 
and  then  the  stones. 

“In  Sung”  means  within  the  four 
quarters  of  that  State.  The  number  fol- 
lowing after  indicates  that  the  stones 
were  scattered  about.  [The  language] 
has  respect  to  the  hearing  of  the  ears. 

u In  the  same  month  5,  says  definitely 
that  it  was  not  on  the  same  clay,  but 
[some  time]  in  the  month. 

In  usix  tish-hawks  flying  backwards, 
past  the  capital  of  Sung,”  the  number  is 
put  first,  indicating  that  [the  birds]  were 
collected  together.  [The  language]  has 
respect  to  the  seeing  of  the  eyes . 

The  master  said,  u Stones  are  tilings 
without  any  intelligence,  and  fish-hawks 
creatures  that  have  a little  intelligence. 
The  stones,  having  no  intelligence,  are 
mentioned  along  with  the  day  [when 
they  fell],  and  the  fish-bawka,  liaving  a 
little  intelligence,  are  uientioned  along 
witli  the  month  [when  they  appeared]. 
The  superior  man  [even]  in  regard  to 
such  things  and  creatures  records  nothing 
rashly.  His  expressions  about*  stones 
and  fish-liawks  being1  thus  exact,  how 
rrmch  more  will  they  be  so  about  men ! 
If  the  language  had  not  been  as  it  is 
about  the  five  stones  and  six  fish-hawks, 
tlio  royal  way  would  not  have  bccu  fully 
exhibited 

Where  the  people  collect  is  called  ki  tlio 
capital.”  ’ 


64] 


ArrESDixi.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  RUNG  YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG.  [proi.egomlxa. 

文公  >十 有一年 ，六章 。冬 ，十月 k 
甲午  > 叔孫得 臣欺狄 于鹹。 


The  eleventh  year  of  cluke  Wan,  par.  6. 

In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  on  Kiiah-woo,  Shuh-sun  Tili-sliin 
defeated  the  Teih  in  Heen. 


公 羊傅曰 .狄 者何長 狄也。 I 
兄 弟三人 .一 者之齊 .一者 
之魯 .一  t 之晉 ，其之 齊者. 
王子成 父殺之 .其之 魯游. 
叔孫得 臣殺之 .則未 知其之 
晉 者—也 

其 言敗何 。大 之也， 

其 H 何 。大 之也。 

其地何 。大 之也。 

何以書 。記 異也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says  ： — 4 What 
is  meant  by  “the  Teih 

A gigantic  Teih.  There  were  three 
brothers,  one  of  whom  went  to  Ts4©,  an- 
other to  Loo,  and  the  third  to  Tsin.  The 
one  that  went  to  Ts4e  was  killed  by  the  - 
king*s  son  Ch4ing-foo.  The  one  who  came 
to  Loo  was  [now]  killed  by  Shuh-sun 
Tih-shin.  I do  not  know  anything  about 
the  one  who  went  to  Tsin. 

Why  is  the  word  u defeated used? 

To  magnify  the  affair. 

Why  is  the  day  specified? 

To  magnify  the  affair. 

Why  is  the  place  given? 

To  magnify  the  affair. 

Why  is  the  thing  recorded? 

As  a record  of  what  was  strange. 


穀槊 傅曰. 不言帥 師而曹 
敢 .何也 。甫敗 一人之 辭也。 
_一 入而 曰敢, 何也。 设 衆鴦 
曹 之也。 

溥 a 長狄也 .弟 兄三人 ，佚 
宕中國 .瓦< 石不能 害>  积孫 
得&最 善蘇着 也 . 射其 _ . 
身 橫九畝 . ifi 其首 而載之 
眉 見於軾 。然 則何 s 不言獲 
也 。曰 .古考 不重創 . 不禽二 
毛 ，故 不言獲 .爲內 諱也。 
其之 齊者. 王子成 父殺之 
則未知 其之晉 者也。 

The  Chaen  of  Kuh-leang  says  ： — 

4 How  is  it  that  we  find  here  u defeated, ^ 
and  nothing*  about  ‘‘leading  a force?” 
The  language  indicates  that  the  defeat 
was  only  of  one  man. 

How  is  “defeated”  used  with  reference 
to  one  man  ? 

Because  he  [was  equal  to]  a multitude. 
It  is  recorded  that  there  were  three 
gigantic  Teih,  who,  one  after  another, 
threw  the  Middle  States  into  confnsioD, 
and  whom  tiles  and  stones  could  not  hart. 
Shuh-sun  Tih-shin  was  a skilfal  archer, 
and  sent  an  arrow  into  the  eye  [of  this 
one].  The  giant’s  body  stretched  over 
9 acres.  His  head  was  cut  off,  and  put 
into  a carriage,  when  the  eye-brows  ap- 
peared  over  the  cross-bar.  In  these 
circamstances,  why  is  it  not  said  that  he 
was  captured?  Anciently  they  did  not 
inflict  a second  wound,  nor  capture  a 
gray-haired  enemy.  Captured  is  not  used 
here,  to  conceal  the  thing  out  of  regard 
to  Loo. 

The  giant  that  went  to  Tsse  was  killed 
by  the  king’s  son  Cli‘ing-foo.  Nothing  is 
known  about  the  one  who  went  to  Tsin/ 


65] 


rKOLEGOMENA.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[CII.  I. 


十有四 年>  七章 。晉人 鈉接萏 
於辄弗 克納。 


The  fourteenth  year,  seventh  paragraph. 


The  people  of  Tsin  undertook  to  establish  Tseeh-tsze  as  viscount 
of  Choo,  but  did  not  [or,  were  not  able  to]  do  so. 


公 羊傅曰 .納 者何。 A 辭丨 
也。 

其 W 弗克鈉 .何 。大 其弗兄 
納也。 

何大 乎其弗 克納。 晉郤缺 
帥師 k 革車 八百乘 , 以納接 
萏 于邾婁 .力沛 贵有餘 .而 
納之 。邾婁 人言曰 ，接舊 
晉出也 .議 且齊 出也 .子以 
其栺 .則接 蓄也四 且也 
六 , I W 大國) 璧之. 則未知 
齊晉孰 有之也  >貴 則皆貴 
矣. 雖然 在也 長。 都缺曰 . 
非吾 力不能 納也. 義實不 
克爾也 。引師 而去之 .故君 
子大乎 其弗克 納也。 

此晉 郤缺也 .其稱 人何。 
贬 

爲爲贬 。不 與大 夫辱廢 
措 

曷 爲章與 。實與 而文不 

侃 

… 女曷© 不與 u 大夫之 義, 
不得 專廢置 君也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says : — 

4 What  is  meant  by  (to  restore)?  It 
means  to  [make  to]  enter. 

Why  is  it  said  they  were  not  able  to 
restore  him? 

fJo  magnify  that  fact. 

Why  is  it  niaguilied? 

Keih  Keueh  ol*  Tain  led  a forco  of  800 
chariotH  〇<  lcwUier,  to  in-stale  Tscoli-ts/.e 


榖 梁傅曰 .是 郤缺也 .其 
曰人  > 何也 。微 之也。 

何爲 微之也 。長 轂五百 
乘 J 帛地 千里 .過朱 .鄭 .滕. 
薛 .費 A 千乘之 國>  欲變人 
之主 .至 城下而 後抓何 
知之 腕也。 

弗克鈉 .未 伐而曰 弗克、 
何也 。弗免 其義也 。捷荡 , 
晋出也 .糧且 ，齊 出也. _ 
且 .正也 .捷萏 .不 正也。 

The  Cliuen  of  Kuh-leang  says  : — i [The 
leader  here]  was  Keih  Keueh  ； 一 why  is 
he  called  (man)? 

To  make  light  ol  him. 

Why  does  [the  text]  make  light  of 
him? 

He  had  800  chariots  with  their  long 
naves,  extending  over  a thousand  U of 
ground.  He  passed  by  Sang,  Cb'ing-, 
T4jlng,  and  Seeh,  and  entered  at  length 
a Stite  of  a thousand  chariots,  wisliing 
to  change  the  ruler  whom  the  people 
had  set  up.  But  when  he  came  beneath 
the  wall  of  its  capital,  he  then  knew  [the 
error  of  his  enterprise].  How  late  was 
he  in  coming  to  that  knowledge! 

“ He  mis  not  able  to  in-state.”  It  is 
not  said  tlmt  he  had  invaded  Choo； 一- how 
is  mention  made  of  his  inability? 

That  u was  not  able  shows  that  [suc- 
cess] was  forbidden  by  righteousness. 
Tseeh-tsze's  mother  was  a daughter  of 
Tsin,  and  K'woh-tseu's  was  a daughter 
of  IVe.  K'woh-tseu  was  the  proper  [suc- 
cessor to  their  father],  and  Tseeli-tsze 
was  not/ 


aw>endix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANO  AND  KUU  LEANG-  [fholegomlna. 


in  Choo-low  ; 一 a force  surely  more  than 
sufficient  for  the  purpose.  But  when  he 
[proposed]  to  in-9tate  him,  the  people  of 
(Jhoo-low  said， “Ts 谷 eh-tsze  is  tfie  son  of 
a daughter  of  Tsin,  and  K4woh-tseu  of  a 
daughter  of  Ts4©.  Try  them  on  your 
fingers； — there  will  be  four  for  Ts'eeh- 
teze,  and  six  for  K'woh-tseu.  If  you  will 
compel  us  by  the  power  of  your  great 
State,  we  do  not  yet  know  whether  Ts*© 
or  Tsin  will  take  the  lead.  In  rank  the 
men  are  both  noble,  but  Kkwoh-t9eu  is 
the  elder.”  Keih  Keueh  said,  u It  is  not 
that  my  strength  is  insufficient  to  in-state 
him,  but  in  point  of  right  I cannot  do  so/* 
With  this  he  led  his  army  away,  and 
therefore  the  superior  man  magnifies  his 
not  in-stating  [Tseeh-tsze]. 

The  actor  here  was  Keih  Keueh  Of 
Tsin； — why  is  he  called  (a  man)? 
To  condemn  him. 

Why  is  he  condemned? 

Not  to  allow  a great  officer  to  take  it 
on  him  to  displace  or  to  set  up  a ruler. 

How  does  it  not  allow  this? 

The  actual  [statement]  allows  it,  but 
the  style  does  not  allow  it. 

Why  does  the  style  not  allow  it? 

According  to  the  right  idea  of  a great 
officer,  he  cannot  take  it  on  him  to  dis- 
place or  appoint  a ruler.* 


宣公八 年>  三章 。辛已 有事於 
太廟 d 巾遂卒 于垂。 

The  eighth  year  of  duke  Seuen,  paragraph  three. 

On  Sin-sze  there  was  a sacrifice  in  the  grand  temple,  when  Chung 
Suy  died  at  Chcuy. 

公 羊傅曰 .仲 遂者何 。公穀 梁傅曰 。爲 若反 命而後 
子 遂也。  卒也。 

何以不 稱公子 。貶。  此公 子也 .其 曰仲. 何也。 

杨食乾 食 狱手赤 S 乏。  疏之也 。 

然 則曷爲 不於其 弑焉眨 。何謂 疏之也 。是不 卒者也 . 
於文 則無罪 .於子 則無年 J 不疏 ，則無 用見其 不卒也 , 

67] 


prolegomena.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  RUNG- YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[CH.  I. 


The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says: — 4 Who 
was  Chung-suy? 

The  Kung-tsze  Suy. 

Why  is  be  not  here  styled  Kung-tsze? 


By  way  of  censure. 

Why  is  censure  expressed? 
Because  of  his  murder  of  [Wan^] 
Ch‘ih. 


son 


But  why  was  not  the  censure  (or,  de- 
gradation) expressed  at  the  time  when  he 
committed  that  murder? 


Because  he  had  [then]  been  guilty  of 
no  offence  against  [duke]  W an,  and  there 
had  [since]  been  no  year  [in  which  to 
signify  his  offence]  against  [貧氢 n’s]  son.’ 


則其卒 之何也 。以 譏乎宣 

其譏乎 宣何也 。聞大 夫之 
喪. 則去樂 卒事。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says: — ^ This 
looks  as  if  he  had  first  reported  the 
execution  of  his  mission  and  then  died. 

He  was  a Kung-tsze； — why  does  he 
appear  here  simply  as  Chung? 

To  treat  him  as  if  his  relationship  [to 
the  ducal  family]  had  been  distant. 

Why  deal  with  him  so? 

To  vitiate  the  notice  of  his  dying.  If 
he  had  not  been  so  dealt  with,  that  notice 
would  not  have  been  vitiated. 

Why  then  mention  his  dying  at  all? 

To  convey  censure  of  [duke]  Seuen. 

Why  to  censure  [duke]  Seuen? 

On  hearing  of  the  death  of  a great 
officer,  he  should  have  removed  the  musi- 
cians and  finished  the  business  [in  which 
he  was  engaged]/ 


十 有五年 k 八章 。初 税畝。 

The  fifteenth  year,  par.  eighth. 

For  the  first  time  a tax  was  levied  from  the  produce  of  the  acres. 


公 羊傅曰 .初 者何。 始也。 
稅畝 者何。 履畝而 稅也。 
初 P 畝何以 

命 譲爾。 il 始牘紗 而稅 

也。 

何譏 乎矽履 畝而稅 。古者 
什 一而蠢 

古者 曷爲什 一而籍 .，什 
一者. 天下之 中正也 .多乎 
什一, 夫藥小 疲寡參 什一. 
大 貉小貉 .什 一者. 天下之 
中正也 .什 一行. 而頌聲 作矣。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang-  says： — 
1 What  is  the  meaning  of  ^<JJ^ 

For  the  first  time. 

What  is  meant  by  levying  a tax  from 
the  acres? 


穀 梁傅曰 .初者 .始也 。古 
者什 、藉 而不税 .初税 
紈非正 也。 古者三 百步爲 
里 .名日 井田. 井田者 ，九 
百畝 .公 田居一 ,私 田稼不 
善. 則非吏 ，公田 稼不善 , 
則非民 ，初 稅畝者 k 非公之 
去公 田而履 畝十取 一也. 
以公之 與民爲 已悉矣 。古 
者公 田爲居 .井竈 葱韭盡 
取焉。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuli-leang  says： — ( ^f<JJ 
means  for  the  first  time.  Anciently,  a 
tenth  of  the  produce  was  levied  by  the 
mutual  cultivation  of  the  public  fields, 
and  the  others  wore  not  taxed.  To  com- 
mence levying  part  of  tho  produce  from 
[all]  the  acres  was  not  right.  Anciently, 


68] 


appendix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  lvUNG-YANG  AN1)  KUH-LEANG.  [prolegomena. 


Walking  over  tho  acres,  and  levying  ' 
part  of  the  produce. 

Why  is  an  entry  made  of  this  first  , 
levying  part  of  the  produce  of  the  acres 
[generally]? 

To  condemn  it. 

What  was  there  to  condemn  in  it? 
The  introduction  of  the  system  of  walk- 
ing over  the  acres,  and  levying  part  of 
the  produce. 

What  was  there  to  condemn  in  the 
introduction  of  this  system?  Anciently 
a tithe  was  taken  [for  the  State]  by  the 
mutual  labour  of  the  people  on  the  pub- 
lic fields. 

Why  did  they  anciently  appoint  this 
system  ? 

The  tax  of  a tenth  [thus  procured]  is 
the  justesfc  and  most  correct  for  all  under 
the  sky.  If  more  than  this  tenth  be 
taken,  we  have  great  Keehs  and  little 
Keehs.  If  less,  we  have  great  Mih  and 
little  Mih.  A tithe  is  the  justest  and 
most  correct  for  all  under  the  sky. 
When  a tithe  is  the  system,  the  sounds 
of  praise  [everywhere]  arise.* 


300  paces  formed  a le,  and  a square  of 
that  size  was  called  the  nine-squares 
fields,  consisting  of  900  acres,  of  which 
the  public  fields  formed  on©  portion.  If 
the  yield  from  the  private  fields  was  not 
good,  the  officer  of  agriculture  was 
blamed.  If  the  yield  from  the  public 
fields  was  not  good,  the  people  were 
blamed.  [The  record  of 」 tliis  first  levy- 
ing part  of  the  produce  from  all  the  acres 
blames  the  duke  for  putting  away  the 
system  of  the  public  fields,  and  walking 
over  all  the  fields  to  take  a tithe  of  them, 
because  he  thereby  required  from  the 
people  all  their  strength.  Anciently, 
[the  people]  had  their  dwellings  in  the 
public  fields；  there  were  their  wells  and 
cooking  places；  there  they  grew  their 
onions  and  scallions/ 


成公三 年>  四章 。甲于 k 新宮災 i 
三 日哭。 

The  third  year  of  duke  ChHng,  par.  four. 

On  Keah-tsze  the  new  temple  took  fire,  when  we  wailed  for  it 
three  days. 


公 羊傅曰 ，新 宮者何 。宣 
公之 宮也。 

宣宮± 則曷 爲謂之 新宮。 
不忍 言也。 

其曹 三日哭 ，何。 廟災三 
日哭. 禮也。  _ 
新宮災 . 何以書 。記 災也。 

The  Chnen  of  Kung-yang  says： — 
4 What  was  the  new  temple? 

The  temple  of  duke  Seuen. 

‘Why  is  duke  Seuen’s  temple  called 
the  new  temple? 


穀梁傅 氐 新宮者 . a 宮 
也。 三日哭 .哀也 .其哀 ，禮 
也。 

迫近不 敢稱謚 .恭 也。 
其辭 恭且哀  > 以成 公爲無 

譲矣。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says: — c The 
new  temple  was  the  temple  of  the  duke^ 
father. 

To  wail  for  three  days  was  expressive 
of  [great]  grief,  but  that  grief  was  ac- 
cording to  the  rules  of  propriety. 


69] 


prolegomena.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[CH.  I. 


[The  duke]  could  not  bear  to  say 
[directly  that  it  was  his  fatherJs  temple] . 

Why  is  it  said  that  they  wailed  for  it 
three  days? 

It  was  a rule  that,  when  a temple  was 
burned,  there  should  be  a wailing  for 
three  days. 

Why  was  this  entry  of  the  burning  of 
the  new  temple  made? 

To  record  the  calamity.  * 


In  consequence  of  the  near  relationship, 
[the  duke]  did  not  dare  to  call  it  by  his 
father’s  honorary  title； — thereby  show- 
ing- his  respect. 

The  language  being*  respectful,  and 
the  grief  great,  there  is  no  condemnation 
of  duke  Ch'ing  to  be  sought  here.* 


襄公七 年>  十章 。鄭伯 髡頑如 
會>  未見諸 侯1 丙戌 卒于紙 

The  seventh  year  of  duke  Scang,  par.  ten. 

KSvan-hwan,  earl  of  Ch^ing,  went  to  the  meeting;  but  before  he 
had  seen  the  [other]  princes,  on  Ping-seuh  he  died  at  Ts4aou. 


公 羊傅曰 .操 者何。 鄭之邑 
也。 

諸侯卒 其封內 k 不地 .此 
何 以地隱 之也。 

何隱爾 。弒也 . 

孰 弒之。 

其大 夫弒之 u 曷爲 不言其 
大 夫綠乏 。爲中 _ 韓也 9 
曷爲爲 中國諱 。鄭 伯將會 
諸侯 于鄒. 其大夫 諫氐中 
國不 足歸也 ，則不 若與楚 。 
鄭伯曰 .不可 。其 大夫曰 .以 
中 國爲義 .則 伐我喪 .以中 
國爲彊 ，則不 若楚。 於是弒 
之。 

鄭 伯髡原 何以名 。傷 而反. 
来 至乎舍 而卒。 

未見 諸侯. 其香如 會何。 
鑊其 意也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says: — 
4 What  was  IVaou? 

A city  of  Ch^ng. 

When  a prince  died  anywhere  within 

70] 


穀 槊傅曰 .未 見諸侯 .其曰 
如 氰何也 。致其 志也。 

禮諸侯 不生名 .此其 生名. 
何也 。卒之 名也。 

卒之名 .則 何鴆加 之如會 
之上 。竟 以如會 卒也。 

其見以 如會卒 .何也 。鄭 
伯將 會中國 ，其臣 欲從楚 . 
不勝其 弒而死 • 

其 不香弒 .何也 。不 使夷狄 
之 民加乎 中國之 苕也。 

其地, 於外也 .其日 .未踰 
竟也 ，日 卒時紙 正也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuli-leang  says： — i As 
he  had  not  seen  the  [other]  princes,  how 
is  it  said  that  be  went  to  the  meeting? 

To  express  fully  his  purpose. 

According  to  the  rules,  princes  were 
not  named  when  they  were  alive； — why 
is  he  so  named  here? 

Because  of  his  death. 

If  he  is  named  because  of  his  death,  why 
is  the  name  placed  before  the  statement 
that  he  went  to  the  meeting? 


appendix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANO  AND  KUH-LEANG.  [prolegomena. 


bis  own  territories,  the  place  was  not 
mentioned； — why  is  it  mentioned  here? 

To  conceal  the  fact. 

To  conceal  what  fact? 

His  murder. 

Who  murdered  him? 

His  great  officers. 

Why  does  not  the  text  say  so? 

The  thing  is  concealed  on  account  of 
the  Middle  States? 

Why  so? 

When  the  earl  of  Ch4ing  was  about  to 
go  to  the  meeting  of  the  States  in  Wei, 
his  great  officers  remonstrated  with  him, 
saying,  u The  Middle  States  are  not 
worth  adhering*  to；  you  had  better  join 
with  Ts‘oo.’  When  the  earl  objected  to 
this  counsel,  they  said,  “ If  you  think 
that  the  Middle  States  are  righteous, 
they  [notwithstanding]  invaded  us  when 
we  were  mourning  [for  the  last  earl]；  if  | 
you  say  that  they  are  strong,  yet  they 
are  noi  so  strong  as  Ts‘oo.”  With  this 
they  murdered  him. 

Why  is  lie  named 一 the  earl  of  Cli^ing, 
K‘wrm-yuen?” 

[To  express  sorrow]  that  having  been 
wounded,  and  being  on  his  return  [to  liis 
capital],  be  died  before  he  reached  his 
halting  place. 

As  he  did  not  see  the  [other]  princes, 
why  is  it  said  that  he  went  to  the  meet-  • 
ing? 

To  express  fully  bis  purpose.* 


To  show  that  he  died  through  going 
to  the  meeting. 

How  does  it  show  that  he  died  through 
going  to  tlie  meeting? 

The  earl  of  Ch4ing  was  going  to  meet 
I [the  princes  of]  the  Middle  States,  and 
I his  ministers  wished  him  to  follow  Ts^o. 
Not  succeeding,  they  murdered  him,  and 
he  died. 

Why  is  it  not  mentioned  that  he  was 
murdered? 

Not  to  allow  it  to  appear  that  barbar- 
ous  people  (i.  c.,  the  ministers  who  wished 
to  follow  the  barbarous  Ts*oo)  had  dealt 
so  with  a priQce  of  the  Middle  States. 

The  place  was  outside  [the  capital]；  on 
the  day  he  had  not  crossed  the  borders 
[of  the  State];  the  day  of  his  death  and 
the  time  of  his  burial  [are  given,  as  if 
all]  bad  been  correct.* 


二 十有五 年汁章 。十有 二月, 
吳 于逷伐 楚們于 巢卒。 

The  twenty-fifth  year,  tenth  par. 

In  the  12th  month,  Goh,  viscount  of  AYoo,  invaded  Ts{oo,  and 
died  in  an  attack  on  one  of  the  gates  of  Ch4aou. 


公 羊傅曰 .門于 巢卒者 ,何, 
.入門 乎巢而 卒也。 

A 門乎巢 而卒者 ，何 ^ 入巢 
之門而 卒也。 

吳子謁 何以名 。傷 而未反 
至 乎舍而 卒也。 


穀 梁旧曰 .以伐 楚之事 ，門 
乎桌年 ■也。 

于巢者 ,外 乎楚也 . 門于巢 
乃伐 楚也。 

諸侯 不生名 .取卒 之名、 
加之 伐楚之 上者, 見以伐 


prolegomena.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG. 


[ch.  r. 


The  Chuen  of Kung-yang^says： 一 ‘What 

is  meant  by  門于 巢卒？ 

That  he  entered  a gate  in  Ch4aou  and 
died. 

In  what  way  had  he  entered  a gate  in 
Ch^ou  and  died? 

He  bad  entered  a gate  of  Ch'aou  and 
died. 

Why  does  the  viscount  of  Woo  appear 
with  his  name  Teh? 

[To  show  that]  he  was  wounded  and 
died  before  he  could  return  to  the  station 
[of  his  own  troops]/ 


楚 卒也。 

其見以 伐楚卒 .何也 。古 
者 ，大國 過小邑 ，小 邑必飾 
城 而請罪 .禮也 ，吳 子諸伐 
楚 ，至巢 入其門 .門 人射吳 
子 •有 矢劍 •反 舍而卒 .古考 
雖 特文事 .必有 逼 備 ，菲巢 
之不 飾城而 請罪. 非吳子 
之自 輕也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuli-leaug  says: — 1 In 
consequence  of  being  engaged  ia  an  in- 
vasion of  Ts4oo,  he  attacked  one  of  the 
gates  of  Ch'aou  and  died. 

The  words  tc  of  (or,  at)  Ch4aou 91  show 
that  that  place  was  outside  Ts'oo.  By 
attacking  the  gates  of  Chca〇u,  Le  [would 
be  able  to]  invade  Ts^o. 

A prince  was  not  named  when  alive. 
Here  the  name,  properly  given  to  him 
when  dead,  is  taken  and  placed  before  his 
invasion  of  Ts4oo,  to  show  that  it  was  in 
consequence  of  that  invasion  that  he  died. 

How  does  it  show  that  it  was  through 
his  invasion  of  Tscoo  that  lie  died? 

Anciently,  when  [the  army  of]  a great 
State  was  passing  by  a small  city,  the 
rule  was  that  that  small  city  should  man 
its  walls  and  ask  what  was  its  offence. 
Teh,  the  viscount  of  Woo,  in  [proceeding* 
to]  invade  Ts^o,  came  to  Ch4aou,  and 
entered  one  of  its  gates,  when  the  gate- 
keeper  shot  him,  so  that  he  returned  to 
the  station  [of  his  troops],  wounded  by 
an  arrow,  and  died.  Although  an  under- 
taking be  of  a civil  nature,  there  should 
be  at  the  same  time  military  preparation. 
[The  entry]  condemns  Ch4aou  for  not 
maiming  its  walls  and  asking  what  was 
its  offence,  [and  also]  condemns  the  vis- 
count of  Woo  for  his  careless  exposure  of 
himself/ 


昭 公四年 .三章 。四章 。秋』 月邊 
子 身侯麗 侯許男 屈于淛 子沈 
于 j 核 吳桂 齊慶鉍 殺之。 


▲i.pksdixi_]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNCJ- YANG  AND  KUli-LEANG.  [i，KuLLuuMt‘、.v. 

The  fourth  year  of  duke  C/^aou,  irnrr.  3 and  4. 

In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  the  viscount  of  Ts‘oo,  the 
marquises  of  Ts4ae  and  Chcin,  the  baron  of  Heu,  the  viscounts  of 
Tun,  Hoo,  and  Shin,  and  the  Hwae  tribes,  invaded  Woo.  They 
seized  K4ing  Fung  of  Tsle,  and  put  him  to  death. 


公 羊傅曰 ，此 伐吳也 .其言 ' 
執齊 慶封何 。爲齊 誅也。 
其爲齊 誅奈何 。慶 封走至 
吳. 吳封之 於防。 

然則 曷鸩不 曹伐防 。不與 
諸侯 專封也 。 & 

慶封 之罪何 。脅齊 君而亂 
香 國也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says： — ‘This 
was  an  invasion  of  Woo； — how  is  it  that 
the  paragraph  tells  us  of  the  seizure  of 
K4ng  Fung  of  Ts*e? 

He  wa9  taken  off  in  behalf  of  Ts^e. 

How  was  it  that  he  was  taken  off  in 
behalf  of  Ts‘e? 

K4ing  Fung  had  run  away  to  Woo, 
and  W oo  had  invested  him  with  Fang. 

In  that  case  why  is  it  not  said  that  | 
they  invaded  Fang? 

Not  to  allow  to  the  feudal  princes  the 
right  of  granting  investiture. 

What  was  the  crime  of  K'ing  Fung? 

He  had  exercised  a pressure  on  the  | 
ruler  of  Tsce,  and  thrown  that  State  into 
confusion/ 


穀 梁傅曰 .此 八而殺 .其 
不 言 A. 何也。 慶封封 f 吳 
鐘離 

¥ 禾 言伐鍾 離何也 。不與 
吳 封也。 

慶封 其以齊 氏何也 ，爲 
齊 討也靈 王侦人 以慶封 
令於 軍中曰 .有若 齊慶封 
弒其君 者乎。 慶封曰 .子一 
息,我 且一言 .曰 .有 若楚公 
子 圍弒其 兄之子 而代之 
爲 君者乎 。軍 人粲然 皆笑。 

慶封 弒其君 \ 而不 以弑君 
之罪 罪之者 .慶封 不爲靈 
王服也 ，不與 楚討也 ，春秋 
之義 ，用 貴治賤 .用 賢治不 
肖,不 以亂 治亂也 ，孔子 曰. 
懷 惡而討 .雖 死不服 t 其斯 
之 ■與。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： — c Here 
they  must  have  entered  [the  place  where 
K‘ing  Fung  was]  and  slain  [him]; — why 
does  the  text  not  mention  that  entering? 

K‘ing  Fung  had  been  invested  with 
Chung-le  of  Woo. 

Why  does  it  not  say  that  they  invaded 
Chung-le? 

Not  to  allow  to  W〇〇  the  right  of 
granting  investiture. 

Why  is  “ Ts4e  ” put  before  “ Kcing 
Fung*”  like  a clan-name? 

[To  show  that]  he  was  punished  in 
behalf  of  Ts4e.  King  Ling  sent  a man 
to  go  round  the  army  with  him,  and  pro- 
claim, u Is  there  anyone  like  Kling  Fung1 
of  Tsce  who  murdered  his  ruler?”  K‘ing* 
Fung  said  to  the  man,  u Stop  a moment； 
I also  have  a word  to  say.”  With  this 
he  cried  out,  u Is  tliere  anyone,  who,  like 
the  Kuag-tsze  Wei  of  Ts4oo,  murdered 
the  son  of*  his  elder  brother,  and  made 


73] 


PIIOLEGOMENA.] 


COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[C'H.  I. 


i himself  ruler  in  liis  place?”  The  soldiers 
i all  】aughecl  and  chuckled. 

K'ing  Fung  had  murdered  his  ruler, 
but  that  crime  is  not  mentioned  here  iu 
connexion  with  him,  because  he  was  not 
subject  to  king  Ling,  and  the  text  would 
not  allow  fco  Ts^oo  [the  right]  to  punish 
him.  It  is  a part  of  the  righteousness  of 
the  Ch4un  Ts4e\v  to  employ  the  noble  to 
regulate  the  mean,  and  the  worthy  to 
regulate  the  bad,  but  not  to  employ  the 
disorderly  to  regulate  disorder.  Do  we 
not  have  the  same  sentiment  in  what 
Coufucius  said,  u Let  a man  who  himself 
cherishes  what  is  wicked  punish  another, 
and  that  other  will  die  without  submit- 
ting to  liim?”  ’ 


十有九 年、 — 早 、 五章 。夏 > 五見 
成辰 k 許世 于止弑 其君買 。冬 I 

葬許 悼公。 

The  nineteenth  year,  parr.  2 and  5. 

In  sammer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  Mow-shin,  Che,  heir-son  of 
Heu,  murdered  his  ruler  Mae.  In  winter,  there  was  the  burial  of 
duke  Taou  of  Heu. 


公羊 傅曰. 賊未討 ，何以 
書葬 。不成 于弒， 

曷爲不 成于弒 。止 進藥而 
藥 殺也。 

1(：進_坷藥殺>則易.爲 
加狱 焉爾 。譏子 A 乏不盡 
也。 

其譏 子道之 不盡 奈何。 
曰 .樂 TE 子赛之 視疾也 .復 
加一飯 .則 脫然愈 .復損 一 
飯則 脫然愈 .復加 一衣. 
則脫然 愈>復 根一衣 .則脫 
然愈. 止進藥 而藥殺 .是以 
苕 子加弒 捣爾。 

曰 .許 子止弒 其苕旯 

71] 


榖 槊傅曰 .日弑 .正 卒也, 
正卒, 則止不 弒也. 不弒而 
曰弒. 責止也 。止曰 .我與 
夫弒 乾不 TV 乎其位 。以與 
其弟 胞哭沆 鍬併粥 .嗑不 
容粒 .未踰 年而死 .故 苕子 
卽止自 責而責 之也。 

曰 卒時葬 .不使 止潞弑 
父也。 

EK 子旣生 .不免 乎水火 , 
母 之罪也 。羈 貫成童 .不就 
師傅 .父 之罪也 。就 師學問 
無太心 志不通 > 身之罪 
也 。心 志旣通 ， 而名# 不 
聞 .友 之罪也 .名譽 旣聞. 


appendix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG  YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG.  fpROLEGOMEXA. 


是君 子之聽 止也。 葬許悼 
公 .是 君子之 赦止也 .赦止 
者 .免 止之罪 辭也。 

TheChuen  of  Kung-vang  says： 一 1 How 
do  we  have  the  burial  recorded  here, 
while  the  ruffian  [-murderer]  was  not  yet 
punished?  The  thing  did  not  amount  to 
a murder. 

How  did  it  not  amount  to  a murder? 

Che  gave  [his  father]  medicine,  and 
the  medicine  killed  him. 

In  these  circumstances  why  does  the 
text  say  that  Che  murdered  him? 

To  censure  Che  for  not  fully  discharg- 
ing the  duty  of  a son. 

How  does  it  censure  his  failure  in  that? 

Yoh-ching  Tsze-chcun,  when  watching 
his  sick  [father],  would  give  him  an 
additional  dish  of  rice， [ancl  watch] 
eagerly  whether  it  made  him  better；  or 
he  would  give  him  a dish  less,  and  watch 
the  result  eagerly.  He  would  put  on 
him  a garment  more,  or  a garment  less, 
than  usual,  in  the  same  way.  Che  gave 
the  medicine,  and  the  medicine  killed 
[his  father],  and  therefore  the  superior 
man  charged  him  with  murdering  him. 

In  the  [former]  entry  that  4 Che,  heir- 
son  of  Heu,  murdered  his  ruler  the 

superior  raan  allows  the  charge  against 
Che；  in  the  [sec〇Dd]  entry  about  the 
burial  of  duke  Taou,  he  pardons  Che. 
He  pardons  Che,  that  is,  he  withdraws 
the  charge  against  him.* 


有司不 堪. 有司之 罪也有 
司堪 之王者 不用. 王者之 
過也 。許 世子不 知嘗藥 .累 
及許 苕也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leaug  says： 一 4 The 
mention  of  the  day  along  with  the  mur- 
der shows  that  the  death  wa9  a natural 
one.  As  it  was  so,  Che  did  not  murder 
[his  father].  Though  he  did  not  murder 
him,  it  is  said  that  he  did; 一 to  reprove 
( Che.  Che  said,  “I  am  the  same  as  a 
I murderer,  and  will  not  stand  in  ray 
I father’s  place.”  On  this  lie  resigned  the 
i State  to  his  brother  Hwuy,  wept  and 
wailed,  and  lived  on  congee,  without 
j taking  a grain  of  rice,  till  in  less  than  a 
I year  he  died.  The  superior  man  here 
reproves  him  according  as  lie  reproved 
I himself. 

The  specification  of  the  day  of  the 
death  and  of  the  season  of  the  burial 
does  not  allow  Che  to  lie  under  the 
: charge  of  murdering  his  father. 

When  a son  is  born,  if  he  escape  not 
I death  from  fire  or  water,  it  is  the  crime 
of  his  mother；  if  he  have  grown  up  to  a 
boy  with  two  tufts  of  liair,  and  do  not 
g*o  to  a teacher,  it  is  the  crime  of  his 
father；  if  he  go  to  a teacher,  and  his 
studies  are  desultory,  and  his  mind  do 
I not  become  intelligent,  it  is  the  crime  of 
himself；  if  he  become  intelligent,  and  the 
fame  of  his  name  be  not  heard  of,  it  is 
the  crime  of  his  friends ; if  the  fame  of  his 
: name  be  heard  of， and  the  officers  do  not 
j bring  him  into  notice,  it  is  the  crime  of 
! the  officers;  if  the  officers  bring  him  to 
notice,  and  the  king  do  not  employ 
i him,  it  is  the  fault  of  the  king.  The 
heir-son  of  Heu  did  not  know  [his  duty] 
j to  taste  the  medicine  [for  the  ruler],  and 
I that  ruler  was  involved  [in  the  conse- 
quences of  liis  iernorancel. 


定公元 年/一 章>  二章 。元年 
春》 王 。夏 > 六 月 k 戊 辰 L 丨位。 


pholf.oomkva.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG. 


fCH.  I. 


The  first  year  of  cluke  Ting^  parr.  1,  2. 

In  the  [duke  s]  first  year,  in  spring,  the  king^ In  summer,  in 

the  sixth  month,  on  Mow-shin,  the  duke  came  to  the  vacant  seat. 


必 羊傅曰 ，定 何以無 正月。 
正月者 ,正 卽位也  > 定無正 
月者 .卽位 後也， 

卽位 何以後 。昭 公在外 ，得 
人不得 A. 耒可 知也。 

曷爲 未可知 。在季 氏也。 

定哀 多微辭 .主人 習其讀 
而問 其傅. 則未知 己之有 
罪 焉爾。 

癸亥 ，必 之喪至 自乾侯 k 
則曷 爲以戊 辰之日 .然後 
卽位 3正 棺於兩 楹之間 .然 
狻卽位 。子 沈子 曰, 定君乎 
國 .然後 卽位. 

卽 位不日 .此 何以日 。錄乎 
內也。 

The  Clmen  of  Kung-yang  say 8： — ‘How 
is  it  that  Ting  has  no  first  month  [in  his 
first  year]? 

[The  mention  of]  the  first  month  is  to 
adjust  the  [rulers]  coming  to  the  [vacant] 
seat；  and  Ting^  having  no  first  month  is 
because  his  coming  to  the  [vacant]  seat 
was  later. 

How  was  it  later? 

[The  coffin  of]  duke  Cli‘aou  was  [still] 
outside  [the  State],  and  whether  it  would 
be  allowed  to  enter  or  not  was  not  yet 
known. 

How  was  it  not  yet  known? 

It  depended  on  the  Head  of  the  Ke 
family. 

In  [tho  records  about]  Ting  and  Gae 
there  are  many  obscure  expressions.  If 
they — the  rulers — had  read  the  text  and 
inquired  about  its  explanation,  they  would 
not  have  known  whether  they  were 
charged  with  crime  or  not. 

As  it  was  oil  Kwei-hae  that  duke 
[(〕h‘aou’8]  coffin  came  from  Kan-how, 
how  was  it  that  it  was  Mow-shin  before 
[Ting]  ascended  the  [vacant]  seat?  • 

When  the  coffin  had  beeu  placed  rig*ht 
between  the  two  pillars,  then  he  ascended 
the  [vacant]  seat.  My  master  Shin-tsze 
snid,  4 When  the  funeral  rites  of  the 

76] 


I 穀梁 傅氐不 言正月 k 定 
正 也 

‘定 之蕪正 .何也 4昭 公之終 . 
非正終 也>  定之始 > 非正 始也。 

厢 無正終 ， 故定 無正始 k 
不 言卽位 .喪 在外也  >殯 .然 
3 後卽 位也。 

定無正 . 見無以 正也。 
踰年不 言卽位 4 是 有故公 
也 .1 ■卽位 .是無 故必也 。卽 
位授受 之道也 ,先 君無正 
終 .則 後苕無 正始也 ，先君 
有正終 、則 後君有 正始也 > 
戊辰 ，公卽 位 ，謹之 也,定 
之卽位 .不可 不察也 .公卽 
位何 以日也 。戊 辰之日  >然 
後卽 位也。 

癸亥 .公之 喪至自 乾侯， 
何爲戊 辰之日 .然 後卽位 
也 。正 君乎國 .然後 卽位也 ， 
內之 大事日 .卽位 君之大 
事也 •其 不日 .何也 。以年 
決者 不以日 決也。 

此 則其日 ，何也 。著 之也。 
何著埽 。踰 年卽位 .厲也 ， 
於厲之 中又有 義焉。 

未續 .雖 天子之 命猶不 
敢>  况臨諸 臣乎。 

周 人有喪 ^ 人有喪  >周 
人甲 人不积 周人曰 .固 
吾臣也  >使 人可也 ，魯 人曰. 
吾君也 .親之 者也. 使大夫 
則 不可也 ，故 周人甲 .魯人 
不弔 ，以 其下成 康爲未 久也. 

召^ 至尊也 ，去 父之殯 .而 
往狀 猶不敢 ，况未 殯而臨 
諸臣乎 . 


appendix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUII-LEASG.  [prolegomena. 


[former]  ruler  had  been  settled  in  the 
State,  then  [the  new  ruler]  took  the 
[vacant]  seat. 

The  day  of  taking  that  seat  should  not 
be  given；  — how  is  it  given  here? 

It  is  a record  of  what  took  place  in 
Loo  itself,* 


The  Chuen  of  Kuh-leang  says： — * The 
text  does  not  mention  the  first  month, 
because  Ting  had  no  first  month  [in  his 
first  year] . 

Why  had  Ting  no  first  month? 

Because  duke  Chaou^  death  was  not  a 
proper  death,  and  Ting’s  commencement 
of  his  rule  was  not  a proper  commence- 
ment. As  Chaou*s  was  not  a proper 
death,  Ting  could  not  have  a proper 
beginning.  It  is  not  said  [here]  that  he 
came  to  the  [vacant]  seat,  because 
[Chaou^]  coffin  wa9  outside  the  State. 

The  coffin  was  now  placed  in  state, 
and  so  he  took  the  [vacant]  seat. 
Ting's  having  no  first  year  shows  that 
there  was  something  which  prevented 
him  from  having*  it.  But  the  reason  of 
its  not  being  said  that  he  came  to  the 
vacant  seat  when  the  year  [in  which 
duke  Ch‘aou  died]  was  expired,  was  that 
[the  coffin]  of  the  former  duke  was  [still 
outside].  The  notice  of  coming  to  the 
[vacant]  seat  was  the  regular  way  of 
declaring  that  the  State  was  passed  from 
one  ruler  to  another.  If  the  former  did 
not  die  a proper  death,  the  latter:  could 
not  have  a proper  beginning；  and  vice 
versa.  The  notice  that  duke  [Ting]  came 
to  the  [vaa^int]  seat  on  Mow-shin,  is  an 
instance  of  the  care  observed  [in  such  a 
matter]； — it  was  necessary  that  Ting’s 
accession  should  be  thus  definitely  marked. 

How  is  the  day  of  the  duke*s  accession 
given? 

[To  show  that]  it  was  on  the  day 
Mow-shin. 

It  was  on  Kwei-hae  that  duke 
[Cli‘aou’8]  coffin  came  from  Kan-how; — 
how  was  it  not  till  Mow-shin  that  [Ting] 
took  the  [vacant]  seat? 

The  proper  ceremoiiies  in  the  State 
must  be  gone  through  for  the  [former] 
ruler,  before  that  could  be  done.  Shin- 
tsze  said,  “ When  the  coffin  was  placed 
right  between  the  two  pillars,  his  succes- 
sor took  the  [vacant]  seat.^ 

The  great  affairs  within  a State  were 
mentioned  with  the  day.  The  taking 
the  [vacant]  seat  was  a great  affair  for 
the  ruler； — why  is  it  [generally]  given 
without  the  day? 

It  was  made  to  commence  with  the 
year,  and  not  regulated  by  the  day. 

Why  then  is  the  day  given  here? 

To  give  emphasis  to  it. 

In  what  way  does  it  give  emphasis  to 
it? 

To  have  taken  the  [vacant]  seat  when. 


77] 


frolbgombna.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  XUH-LEANG. 


[cn.  i. 


the  year  was  expired,  would  have  been 
hazardous；  and  besides  there  was  a point 
; of  righteousness  iu  the  case.  Hefore  the 
' coffin  [of  his  predecessor]  was  set  in  state, 

; a prince  would  not  dare  to  show  himself 
I as  ruler  to  the  ministers,  even  fchougl)  he 
! had  the  charge  of  the  son  of  Heaven. 

； There  might  be  a death  equally  in  Chow 
i and  in  Loo.  From  Chow  a message  of 
I condolence  would  be  sent,  but  not  from 
j Loo.  In  Chow  they  would  sajr,  u He  was 
I our  subject；  we  may  send  to  condole  [on 
bis  death].”  In  Loo  they  would  Fay, 
j u He  was  our  ruler.  Was  like  our  fathor. 

I We  cannot  send  a great  officer  offer 
our  condolences].”  In  this  way  from 
Chow  they  sent 丨 to  condole， hut*  not  from 
Loo,  for  the  time  was  not  long  removed 
from  Ch^ing1  and  K4ang.  The  king  was 
the  most  honourable；  yet  [the  new  ruler 
of  Loo]  would  not  dare  to  leave  his 
father’s  coffin,  and  go  to  Clio 'von  a visit  of 
condolence  ； how  much  less  would  he  sliow 
himself  as  ruler  to  the  ministers,  before 
the  coffin  was  placed  in  State! 


哀公六 年>  七章 > 八章。 齊陽生 
八于齊 。齊陳 乞 弑其 君茶。 


The  sixth  year  of  duke  Gae,  parr.  7,  8. 

Yang-sang  of  Ts4e  entered  [the  capital  of]  that  State.  Cli'in 
K*eih  of  Ts4e  murdered  his  ruler  T4oo. 


公羊 傅氐弒 而立者 .不以 
當國之 辭言之 .此 以當國 
之辭 言 己何 。爲 諼也。 

此其爲 f 奈何 。景 公謅陳 
乞曰 k 吾淡立 舍何如 陳乞 
曰>  所樂乎 爲君者 .欲 立之 
則立之 ，不 欲立, 則不立 .君 
如欲立 之， 則臣請 立之陽 
生餵 陳乞曰 .吾聞 子蓋將 
不欲立 我也。 陳乞曰 .夫千 

78] 


穀 梁傅曰 ，陽生 A 而弒其 
君>  以陳 乞主之 .何也 。不以 
陽生# 荼也 

其不以 陽生# 荼 .何也 .陽 
生正 .茶 不正。 

不正, 則其曰 召 何也 。荼雖 
不正 .已 受命矣 
入者 .內 弗受也 .茶 弗正. 
命用卯 受。 以其®  苛以 
言弗受 也。 


ai-i-endix  i.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  ICUNG-YANG  AND  KL'H-LEANQ.  [pkolkoomkna. 


乘之主 .將廢 正而立 不正. 
必 殺正者 .吾不 立子者 .所 
以生 子者也 .走矣 。與 之玉 
節而 走之。 

景公死 .而 舍立 .陳 乞使人 
迎陽生 于諸家 .除 景公之 
喪. 諸大夫 皆在朝 .陳 乞曰. 
常之 母有魚 菽之祭 .願諸 
大夫 之化我 也/諸 大夫皆 
曰諾 .於是 皆之陳 乞之家 . 
坐. 陳乞曰 .吾 所爲甲 .請以 
示焉。 諸大夫 皆曰諾 .於是 
使力士 舉巨囊 .而 至于中 
霤 .諸 大夫見 之皆 色然而 
.紙 開之則 閲然公 子陽生 
也 

陳乞曰 .此. 君也已 。諸大 
夫 不得已 .皆逡 巡北丨 面再稽 
首而君 之爾。 自是往 弑舍。 


陽生 其以國 氏何也 .取國 . 
於茶也 . 

The  Chaen  of  Kuh-leaug  says： — ‘It 
was  Yang-sang  who  entered  [Ts‘e],  and 
murdered  his  ruler； — bow  is  it  that  Ch^iii 
K4eih  is  represented  as  taking  tlie  lead  in 
the  deed? 

Not  to  allow  Yang-sang  to  be  ruler 
over  T‘oo. 

Why  does  [the  text]  not  allow  Yang- 
sfing  to  be  ruler  over  T4oo? 

Yang-silng  was  the  proper  heir  [of 
T8*e],  and  T'oo  was  not. 

If  T4oo  were  not  the  proper  heir,  why 
is  he  called  the  ruler? 

Although  he  was  not  the  proper  heir, 
be  liad  received  the  appointment  [from 
bis  father]. 

u Entered  M denotes  that  the  enterer  is 
not  received.  Since  T‘oo  was  not  the 
proper  heir,  why  use  that  style? 

As  lie  had  received  the  appointment, 
that  style  might  be  employed. 

Why  is  the  name  of  the  State  used  a9 
if*  it  were  Yang-sfing^  clan-name? 

He  took  the  State  from  Tcoo. 


The  Chuen  of  Kung-yang  says： 一 
‘ Murderers  aiul  setters  up  [of  new  riilers」 ： 
are  not  mentioned  as  high  ministers  (i.e., 
with  clan-name  and  name  following  the 
name  of  the  State)； 一 liow  is  such  a notice 
given  here? 

Because  of  [Cli‘in  K4eili’s]  deceit. 

How  did  he  show  his  deceit? 


Duke  King  said  to  him,  “I  wish  to  ! 
make  Shay  Tso’s  T‘oo)  my  successor; ( 
what  do  you  say  to  it?”  He  replied,  I 
u Whomsoever  you  would  be  pleased  to  see 
as  ruler,  and  wish  to  appoint  as  your 
successor,  I will  support  him ; and  whom- : 
soever  you  do  not  wish  so  to  appoint,  I i 
will  not  support.  If  your  lordship  wish  ; 
to  appiont  Shay,  I beg  to  be  allowed  to 
support  him.”  Tang-sang  said  to  Ch^in 
K'eih.  ,s  I have  heard  that  you  will  not 
be  willing  to  raise  me  to  the  marquisate.” 
The  minister  said,  u In  a State  of  a thous- 
iind  chariots,  if  you  wish  to  set  aside  the 
proper  heir  and  appoint  one  who  is  not 
so.  you  must  kill  the  proper  heir.  My 
not  supporting  you  is  the  way  I take  to 
preserve  your  life.  Fly.?,  And  hereupon 
he  gave  Yang-sang  a seal- token  of  jade, 
with  which  he  fled. 

When  duke  King  died,  and  Shay  had  ； 
been  made  marquis,  Ch4in  K'eih  bad 
Yang'-sang  bronght  back,  and  kept  him 
iu  his  house.  Wlieu  the  mourning  for 


prolegomena.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG-YANG  AND  KUH-LEANG. 


[cu.  1. 


duke  King  was  over,  and  all  the  great  | 
officers  were  at  court,  Ch4in  K4eih  said, 

<c  My  mother  is  celebrating  a sacrifice  with 
fish  and  beans；  I wish  you  all  to  come 
and  renovate  me  at  it.”  All  accepted  the 
invitation,  and  when  they  were  come  to 
his  house,  and  sitten  down,  he  said  u I have 
some  buffcoats  which  I have  made；  allow 
me  to  show  them  to  you.,>  To  this  they 
assented,  and  he  then  made  some  stout 
fellows  bring  a large  sack  into  the  open 
court.  The  sight  of  this  frightened  the 
officers,  and  made  them  change  colour； 
and  when  the  sack  was  opened,  who 
should  come  forth  from  it  but  the  Knng- 
tsze  Yang-sang?  “This,”  said  Ch‘in 
K‘eih， ‘‘  is  our  ruler.”  The  officers  could 
not  help  themselves,  but  one  after  another 
twice  did  obeisance  with  their  faces  to 
the  north,  and  accepted  [Yang-sang]  as 
their  ruler；  and  from  this  he  went  and 
murdered  Shay •’ 


十 有三年 .三章 。公會 晉侯及 
吳于于 黃池。 


The  thirteenth  year,  paragraph  3. 

The  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Tsin  and  the 
viscount  of  Woo  at  Hwang-ch^. 


公羊 傅曰. 吳何以 稱子。 
吳主 會也。  ^ 

吳主會 > 則 易爲先 W 晋侯。 
不 與夷狄 之主中 國也。 

其言及 吳子何 。會 兩伯之 
辭也 。 

不與 夷狄之 主中國 .則曷 
爲 以會兩 伯之辭 f 之 。重 
吳也。 

曷 爲重艮 吳在 是肩天 
下諸侯 莫敢不 至也。 

80] 


穀 梁傅曰 .黃 池之會 .吳 
子 進乎哉 .遂 子矣。 

吳 .夷狄 之國也 ，祝 髮文 
身 .欲因 魯之禮 .因晋 之權. 
而請 冠端而 II. 其 籍於成 
! 胤以 # 天王 .吳 進矣. 

吳， 東方之 大國也 .累累 
致小國 以會諸 侯， 以合乎 
中 丨氣吳 能爲之 .則不 臣乎。 
央進矣 .王, 尊稱也 ，子 ，单 
稍也, 辭尊稱 ， 而居 单稱. 
以愈 乎諸侯 .以尊 天王. 


appendix  ii.]  COMMENTARIES  OF  KUNG  YANG  AND  KUII-LEANG.  [prolegomena. 


The  Cliuen  of  Kung-jang  says： — * Why 
is  [the  lord  of]  Woo  styled  viscount? 

Because  Woo  took  the  direction  of  the 
meeting. 

If  Woo  took  the  direction  of  the  meet- 
ing*,  why  does  [the  text]  first  mention  the 
marquis  of  Tsin? 

Not  to  allow  a barbarous  [State]  to 
take  the  direction  of  the  Aliddle  States. 

What  is  the  force  of  2^  before  the 
viscount  of  Woo? 

It  serves  to  point  out  the  meeting  as 
one  of  two  presiding*  chiefs. 

As  [the  text]  does  not  allow  a barbar- 
ous [State]  to  take  the  direction  of  the 
Middle  States,  why  does  it  represent  the 
meeting  as  one  of  two  presiding  chiefs? 

Because  of  the  weight  of  Woo. 

How  had  Woo  so  much  weight?  Woo 
being  there,  the  [other]  princes  of  the 
kingdom  would  not  dare  not  to  come. 


吳王 夫差曰 好冠來 。孔子 
曰. 大奐哉 .夫 M 未能 W 冠. 

| 而欲 冠也。 

The  Chuen  of  Kuh-liiang  says: — 1 Is  not 
the  viscount  of  Woo  advanced  at  thia 

I meeting  in  Hwang-ch'e?  Here  it  is  that 
he  is  [styled]  viscount. 

Woo  was  a barbarian  State,  where 
they  cut  their  hair  short  and  tattooed 
their  bodies.  [Its  ruler  now]  wished,  by 
means  of  the  ceremonies  of  Loo  and  tho 
power  of  Tsin,  to  bring  about  the  wearing* 
of  both  cap  and  garment.  He  contri- 
buted [also]  of  the  products  of  the  Stato 
to  do  honour  to  the  king  approved  by 
Heaven.  Woo  is  here  advanced. 

Woo  was  the  greatest  State  of  the 
east.  Again  and  again  it  had  brought 
the  small  States  to  meet  the  feudal 
princes,  and  to  unite  with  the  Middle 
States.  Since  Woo  could  do  this,  was  it 
not  loyal?  Woo  is  here  advanced.  King 
is  the  most  honourable  title,  and  viscoanfc 
is  comparatively  mean.  [The  ruler  of 
Woo,  however,]  declined  the  honourable 
title,  and  was  content  with  the  mean  one, 
to  meet  with  the  other  princes  and  do 
honour  to  the  king  approved  by  Heaven, 
Foo-ch4ae,  king  of  Woo,  used  to  say, 
“ Bring  me  a good  cap.”  Confucius  said, 
u Great  was  Foo-ch<ae!,>  Foo-ch4ae  could 
not  have  told  you  about  the  caps  [of  dif- 
ferent ranks],  but  he  wished  for  a cap. 


APPENDIX  11. 

A LETTER  QUESTIONING  THE  CONFUCIAN  AUTHORSHIP 
OF  THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW  BY  YUEN  MEI  OF  THE  PRESENT  DYNASTY. 


I have  found  the  following  letter  in  a large  collection  of  the  letters 
of  the  writer,  published  first,  with  glosses,  in  1859  by  Hoo  Kvvan^- 
to'v  ( 胡光斗 )， a great  admirer  of  them,  under  the  title  of  音 g 主小 
倉 山 房 H H 賣. The  Yuen  Mei  (袁枚 )，■  styled  Tsze-ts‘at; 

(子才 ） and  KSen-chae  (簡蠢 )， 'vas  a member  of  the  ilan-lin  college, 
and  died  in  1797,  at  the  age  of  82.  The  letter  was  written  in  reply 
lo  Yeh  Shoo-slui" (葉書 山 )， also  a member  of  the  Han-lin  college. 

81] 


ruoLBciOMiiNA.]  FL Cl L S 】 ） 1 1)  N 0 1’  M A ICh  TI i E CH ‘UX  丄 S’E'V. 


[CH  I. 


齊 i 以可 之孔莊 十之何 四夏不 官作也 .要 
之 fe 究知餘 >子 i _ 可 \ 年不肯 .乏 _ 第示 
南 二終也 .偶之 傅展信 所起. 能魯權 .贰 鄙春答 
史公始 涵讀前 .太 絶者. 贊直贊 之而史 意秋葉 
氏皆 然作春 四子無 莫哉. 書一君 妄官終 栺鲞 
矣 .被則 則秋. 方申半 如可至 詞臣爲 事覺微 ，山 
亂敢天 斷而之 叔字論 見十矣 , 及代也 .春具 1S 
臣而 王無略 國時及 語旧六 乃史作 。孔秋 見子。 
賊經 狩之加 有教春 論自年 孔官曰 子一賴 
子, 皆于事 。修 春之秋 .語有 孔子亦 知非書 .識、 
又書 河尤槪 秋以韓 載史子 絶不我 史斷駕 
何襲 .陽 ，可 公久春 宣子官 .卒筆 能罪官 .非啖 
所是周 笑穀矣 。秋 .子 之有而 於容我 . 不孔助 
鑒 聖褰者 .所 或晉聘 教春後 獲也庸 在子趙 
戒人 王盧引 者語魯 A 黑止 、麟 ，且 然其所 匡 
而之無 仝有孔 稻見則 不三而 旣以位 ，作 。而 
榴筆 ，故高 不子 羊易書 .與 年後 云素不 孔過 
耶廣遠 束修自 舌象詩 .孔中 之筆王 謀子之 . 

不 狩三春 衞肸與 執子是 春則自 其自胡 
如于傅 .秋反 習魯禮 ,爲 又秋筆 .居 ，政 ，稍安 
晉千 獨之魯 .於春 自存何 從削不 焉述定 
之 里抱稱 ，正春 ，秋屬 亡 人 哀則但 有而不 
董之遺 是雅秋 .楚 則也。 之公削 .夫 侵不足 
狐 .外 ，未 頌是語 五書筆 .十游 子史作 .道 


4 1 have  received  your  <c  Recondite  Meanings  of  the  Cli£un  Ts^w,^  in  which  yonr 
exquisite  knowledge  is  everywhere  apparent.  While  availing  yourself  of  ^the  Works 
of]  Tan  Tsoo  and  Chaou  K4wang,  you  have  far  excelled  them,  and  that  of  Hoo  Gan- 
ting  is  not  worthy  to  be  spoken  of  [in  comparison  with  yours].  Bat  in  my  poor  view 
I always  feel  that  the  Chcun  was  certainly  not  omvh  by  Confucius. 

^Coniucius  spoke  of  himself  as  u a transmitter  and  not  a maker  (Ana.  VII. 

To  make  the  Ch'un  Ts^w  was  the  business  of  the  liistoriogTaphers.  Confucius  wus 
not  a historiographer,  and  [he  said  that]  u he  who  is  not  in  a particular  office  lias 
nothing  to  do  with  plans  for  the  administration  of  its  duties  (Ana.  Vlll.  xiv.);*' — 
how  slioald  he  have  usurped  tho  power  of  the  hiaioriograpliers,  and  in  an  unseemly 
way  made  [this  Work]  for  them? 

‘ [n  the  wonls,  “ Tt  is  [the  TsWw]  which  \vil】  irmke  men  kno'v  me,  aiui 

make  men  condemn  me  (Mencius,  III.  Pt.  ii.  IX.  8)/*  he  appears  to  take  the  posi- 
tion of  an  unscepfcred  king;  but  not  only  would  the  master  not  have  been  willing  to 
d > this,  but  the  ralor  and  ministers  and  historiographers  of  Loo  would  uot  have 
borne  it. 

4 It  is  said  that  u Confucius  wrote  what  be  wrote  and  retrenched  what  be  re- 
trenched, so  that  neither  nor  lira  were  al)le  to  improve  a single  charaot-er  (See 
the  quotation  from  Sze-ma  I's^en,  on  p.  1 l.).n  Now  fcho  fifi/hm  〇t  Confucius  coasnl 
its  labjurs  wlinn  thn  Hu  was  taken,  but  tlie  Clrun  Ts  <;\v  is  c〇utinuf：'(i  alter  tlmt, 

82]  • 


appendix  II.]  CONFUCIUS  DID  NOT  MAKE  TIIK  CII  UX  TSTAV.  [proi.koomkna. 


which  happened  in  [the  spring  of]  Gae58  14th  year,  and  only  ends  with  tlie 
record  of  Confucius， death  in  the  1 6tli  year; — whose  stj//us  have  we  clarin«*  thos^ 
three  years,  and  by  whom  was  this  portion  of  the  work  improved?  It  is  clear  tlmt, 
as  Loo  had  its  historioifraphers,  the  preservation  or  the  loss  ol*  the  Chkun  lia<t 

no  connexion  with  Confucius. 

‘ Of  all  the  books  [about  Confuui us]  there  ia  none  so  trustwortliy  as  tlie  Analeet*. 
They  tell  us  that  the  subjects  which  he  taag'ht  were  the  Odes,  the  Shoo,  and  tbo 
maintenance  of  the  rules  of  Propriety  (Ana.  VH.  xvii.),  and  how,  ntimulating-  him- 
self,  he  said,  that,  [if  his  life  were  prolonged],  he  would  give  fifty  years  to  the  study 
of  the  Yih；  but  there  is  not  half  a character  iu  them  about  the  Clruu  Tske\v. 

4 When  Han  Seaen-t9ze  was  on  a complimentary  visit  to  Luo  (See  above,  p.  8),  lie 
saw  the  Yih  with  its  diagrams  and  kli©  Cii4uu  Ts'ew  of  Lvio.  In  the  “Narratives  oi 
the  States, n under  the  State  of  T^oo,  we  fiad  Shin  Shuh-she,  the  tutor  of  tho 
eldest  son  of  king*  Chwang,  teaching  him  the  Cliciia  Ts'cw  (lb.),  and  under  the  State 
of  Tsin  we  have  Yang-sheh  Heih  celebrated  for  Ilia  acquaintance  with  the  Ch*an 
Ts^w  (lb.).  Thaa  before  Confucius,  the  States  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  kingdom 
had  long  had  their  Chcun  Ts'evv.  Perhaps  when  Confucius  returned  from  Wei  to 
Loo,  in  his  leisure  from  his  correcting*  labours  on  the  Ya  aud  tbe  Sung  (Ana.  IX. 
xiv.),  he  happened  to  read  the  Ch4aa  Ts4e\v,  and  made  some  slight  iinproveinents  in 
it,  so  that  we  find  Kang  and  Kuh  quoting  from  what  they  call  u the  unrevised 
Ch‘im  Ts£6w.”  Oa  this  we  cannot  speak  positively；  bufc  certainly  there  was  no  such 
thing  as  the  making  of  the  Ch'an  Ts'ew.  What  is  still  more  ridiculous,  Loo  T'ung 
laid  the  three  coinmeataries  up  high  on  his  shelves,  and  would  only  look  at  the 
text  to  search  oat  the  begianing*  and  end  [of  the  tilings  referred  to  |.  I?ut  [if  we 
adopt  that  plan],  we  have  the  eutry  that  u the  king-  [by]  Heaven^  [gfrace]  held  a 
court  of  inspection  in  Ho-yang  (V.  xxviii.  lG)/*  which  is  to  the  effect  that  king  Seang* 
of  Chow  held  a court  of  inspection,  without  any  cause,  at  a spot  so  far — a thousand 
le 一 [from  his  capital].  Then  again,  dukes  Yin  and  Hwan  were  both  murdered,  and 
the  text  simply  says  that  they  died.  In  this  way  tho  upright  stylus  of  tlie  sage  turns 
out  not  to  be  equal  to  that  of  Tung  Hoo  of  Tsin,  or  to  Ts'e^  historiographer  of  the 
South.  What  is  there  [in  the  Chcan  Tscew]  to  serve  as  a warning  to  make  rebellious 
ministers  and  villainous  sons  afraid?* 

Having  arrived  at  my  own  conclusions  about  the  Ch^un  Tscew 
before  I met  with  Yuen  Mei's  letter,  I was  astonished  and  gratified 
to  find  such  a general  agreement  between  his  views  and  mine.  He 
puts  on  one  side  with  remarkable  boldness  the  testimony  of  Mencius, 
on  which  I have  dwelt  in  the  first  section  as  presenting  the 
greatest  difficulty  in  the  way  of  our  accepting  the  Ch4un  Tsce\v  as 
the  work  of  the  sage.  He  would  f.iin  deny,  as  T have  said  I should 
be  glad  to  do,  that  Confucius  had  anything  to  do  Avith  compiling 
the  chronicle;  but  the  evidence  is  too  strong  on  the  opposite  side, 
and  his  supposition,  that  Confucius,  without  any  great  purpose, 
made  some  slight  iinproveinents  in  the  Chcun  Ts4ew  of  Loo  towards 
the  end  of  his  life,  does  not  satisfy  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  He 
has  the  same  opinion  that  I have  of  the  serious  defects  of  the  Work, 

83] 


ikolivgomena.]  CONFUCIUS  DID  NOT  MAKE  THE  CII  UN  TS4EW. 


[CH.  I. 


and  on  that  account  he  would  deny  any  authorship  of  Confucius  in 
connexion  with  it；  while  I have  ventured  to  reason  on  those  defects 
as  symptomatic  of  defects  in  the  character  of  the  compiler. 

While  not  scrupling  to  brush  a^vay  traditions  with  a bold  hand, 
Yuen  yet  mentions  one  which  served  his  purpose, — that  Confucius 
ceased  his  labours  on  the  Ch(un  Ts4e\v  when  the  lin  was  taken  in  the 
14th  year  of  duke  Gae.  Some  say  that  it  was  the  appearance  of 
the  lin  which  induced  Confucius  to  set  about  the  compilation  of 
the  classic  as  a lasting  memorial  of  himself.  Others  say  that  the 
appearance  of  the  lin  was  to  signalize  the  conclusion  of  the  sage’s 
Work,  but  how  long  he  had  been  engaged  upon  it  previously  they 
do  not  pretend  to  say.  Nothing  really  is  known  upon  the  subject; 
and  the  silence  of  the  Analects  in  regard  to  it,  to  which  Yuen  calls 
attention,  is  really  note-worthy. 


84] 


SECT.  1.] 


THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  I'HE  CIPUX  TS*E\V. 


[ritOLEOOMKNA. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH^UN  T^EW：— 

WiTH  TABLES  OF  SOLAlt  ECLIPSES  ； OF  THE  YEARS  AND  LUNAR  MONTHS  OF  THE  WHOLE 
PERIOD；  AND  OF  THE  KINGS,  AND  THE  PRINCES  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  FIEFS, 

FROM  THE  COMMENCEMENT  TO  THE  CLOSE  〇F  THE  CHOW  DYNASTY. 


SECTION  I. 

THE  CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  TEXT. 

1.  I have  observed  on  p.  10  that  natural  phitnoinena,  supposed 
to  aftect  the  general  well-being  of  the  State,  formed  one  class  of  the 
things  recorded  in  the  Ch4un  Tsle\v.  Of  this  nature  were  eclipses 
of  the  sun,  included  by  Maou  KVling,  in  the  note  on  pp.  11,  12, 
among  the  “calamities  and  ominous  occuiTeiices，’’  that  are  the  18th 
of  the  divisions  under  which  he  arranges  all  the  subjects  of  these 
Chronicles.  It  must  not  be  supposed  that  these  eclipses  were  re- 
corded with  a view  to  the  accumulation  of  astronomical  facts  for 
any  scientific  purpose ; —— the  whole  doctrine  of  the  ancient  Chinese 
concerning  them  was  that  given  in  the  9th  ode  of  Book  IV.,  Part  II. 
of  the  She,  made  on  occasion  of  an  eclipse  before  the  Ch4un  Ts^w 
period,  and  which  gives  us  the  first  certain  date  in  ancient  Chinese 
history. 

.“The  sun  was  eclipsed, 

A thing  of  very  evil  omen. 

For  the  moon  to  be  eclipsed 
Is  but  an  ordinary  matter; 

Now  that  the  sun  has  been  eclipsed, — 

How  bad  it  is!'' 

But  whatever  was  the  motive  for  recording  the  eclipses,  they  are 

The  eclipses  recorded  in  the  Ch'un)  of  the  utmost  value  for  determining  the 
Ts*ew  determine  its  chronology.  / chronology  of  the  time  comprised  in  our 

Classic.  It  contains  altogether  the  entries  of  thirty-six  eclipses,  the 
table  of  which  given  by  Mr.  Chalmers  at  the  conclusion  of  his  article 
on  the  11  Astronony  of  the  ancient  Chinese, **  in  the  prolegomena  to 
ray  third  volume,  with  his  own  calculation  of  the  times  of  their 
occurrence,  I reproduce  here  with  some  slight  variations. 

85] 


CH  II.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH*UX  TS^EW. 


[PROLKGOMENA. 


SOLAR  ECLIPSES  RECORDED  IN  THE  ( H4UX  TS'EW. 


AS  RECORDED  IX  THE  TEX  l\ 


No. 


Duke’s  sac.  title. 

Year  of  Rule. 

Year  of  Cycle, 

Moon. 

Day  of  Ci/r/e. 

隱公 

3 

58 

II. 

6 

I. 

桓公 

3 

9 

VII. 

29  total. 

】【• 

” ” 

17 

23 

X. 

III. 

莊公 

18 

42 

III. 

IV. 

” ” 

25 

49 

VI. 

8 

v- 

” ” 

26 

50 

xir. 

60 

VI. 

” ” 

30 

54 

IX. 

7 

VII. 

僖公 

5 

3 

IX. 

45 

vm. 

” ” 

12 

10 

III. 

7 

IX. 

15 

13 

V. 

x- 

文公 

1 

32 

II. 

fiO 

XI. 

” ” 

15 

46 

VI. 

38 

xir. 

宣公 

8 

57 

VII. 

1 total. 

XIII. 

” ” 

10 

59 

IV. 

53 

XIV. 

” ” 

17 

6 

VI. 

40 

XV. 

成公 

16 

23 

VI. 

3 

XVI. 

” ” 

17 

24 

XII. 

54 

XVII. 

襄必 

14 

39 

II. 

32 

XVIIL 

” ” 

15 

40 

VIII. 

54 

XIX. 

>9  ” 

20 

45 

X. 

53 

XX. 

” ” 

21 

46 

IX. 

47 

XXI. 

” ” 

21 

46 

X. 

17 

XXII. 

5J  ，》 

23 

48 

II. 

10 

XXIII. 

” ” 

24 

49 

VII. 

1 total. 

XXIV. 

” ” 

24 

49 

VIII. 

30 

XXV. 

” ” 

27 

52 

XII. 

12 

XXVI. 

昭公 

7 

3 

IV. 

41 

XXVII. 

iJ 

15 

11 

VI. 

54 

XXVIII. 

>>  *> 

17 

13 

VI. 

11 

XXIX. 

>>  99 

21 

17 

vn. 

19 

XXX. 

99  V 

22 

18 

XXL 

10 

XXXI. 

9t  V 

24 

20 

V. 

32 

XXXII. 

ff  ft 

81 

27 

XII. 

48 

XXXIII. 

定公 

5 

38 

IIL 

48 

XXXIV. 

，，  ” 

12 

40 

XI. 

3 

XXXV. 

*>  ») 

15 

43 

VIII. 

17 

j XXXVI. 

哀公 


57 


V. 


XXXVII. 


PKCT.  1.] 


TABLE  OF  SOLAR  ECLirSES. 


[l»KULEGOMENA. 


SOLAR  ECLIPSES  RECORDED  IN  THE  CH^UN  TS4EW. 


BY 

CALCULATION. 

1 

Year. 

1 

Month  (lay. 

New  style. 

Chinese  Moon. 

Day  of  Cycle.  | 

—719 

February  

14 

HI. 

〇 

Visible  at  sunrise. 

—708 

July 

8 

VIII. 

29 

Total  about  3h.  p.m. 

一 694  | 

October 

— 3 

XI. 

7 

Visible 一 Afternoon. 

— C75 

April 

6 I 

V. 

49 

Sunset. 

— GG8 

May 

18 

VI. 

8 

Morning. 

— 6G7 

November 

3 丨 

XII. 

GO 

Morning. 

一 663 

August 

21 

IX. 

7 

Afternoon. 

—654 

August 

11 

IX. 

45 

Afternoon. 

— 647 

M；irch 

29 

V. 

7 

Afternoon. 

—644 

January 

28 

III. 

21 

Xot  visible. 

一 G25  j 

January 

26 

III. 

60 

Visible  at  Noon. 

—(ill 

April 

V. 

38 

Sunrise. 

—600 

September 

…… …… ^ 

X. 

i 

Total  3h.  30m.  p.m. 

—598 

February  

26 

IV. 

53 

Visible  at  Sunrise. 

—591 

October 

XI. 

8 

Not  visible. 

—574 

May 

1 

VI. 

3 

Visible  at  Noon. 

-573 

October 

17 

XL 

54 

Morning. 

—558 

January 

8 

II. 

32 

Noon. 

一 557 

May 

23 

VI.  Intercal. 

54 

Scarcely  visible  at  Sunrise. 

—552 

August 

25 

X. 

53 

Noon. 

一 551 

August 

13 

IX. 

47 

Noon. 

—551 

September 

X. 

Xo  Eclipse. 

— 550 

December 

30 

II. 

】0 

Visible  at  Sunrise. 

—548 

June 

12 

VII. 

1 

Total  about  Hi.  15m  r.M. 

— ；48 

July 

VIII. 

No  Eclipse. 

-3-15 

October 

XI. 

: 、 12 

Visible  in  tlie  Morning. 

-5：U 

March 

11 

IV. 

41 

Forenoon. 

-52(> 

April 

10 

V. 

54 

Forenoon. 

—524 

August 

14 

IX. 

】0 

Afternoon. 

^-520 

June 

3 

VII. 

- 

Forenoon. 

一 51U 

November 

18 

XII. 

】0 

Afternoon. 

-517 

I April 

1 

V. 

32 

Sunrise. 

—510 

1 November  .... 

7 

XII. 

48 

Forenoon. 

— 5”4 

i February 

10 

III. 

+8 

Noon. 

—497 

1 September  .•… 

15 

X. 

3 

FortMioon. 

—494 

1 J，llv 

.15 

VIII. 

17 

Forenoon. 

一 480 


PHOLEOOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH^UN  TS  EW. 


[CH.  II. 


2.  In  the  table  in  the  prolegomena  to  vol.  III.  Mr.  Chalmers  has 
referred  these  eclipses  in  the  Ch^un  Tsew  to  the  emperors,  or  kings 
rather,  of  Chow  in  whose  reigns  they  occurred;  as  we  have  to  do 
here  only  with  the  ]>eriod  of  the  Clicun  Ts4ew,  I have  substituted  for 
the  titles  of  the  kings  those  of  the  marquises  of  Loo/  in  connexion 
with  Avhoin  the  eclipses  are  mentioned  in  the  text  of  the  Classic.  At 
his  request  also  I have  given  the  years  in  his  calculation  as -719,- 
708， &c”  instead  of  b.c.  719,  708， &c.， as  being  in  accordance 
with  the  usage  of  astronomers.1  His  calculation  of  the  month  and 
day,  according  to  new  style,  remains  unchanged,  because  it  makes 
the  comparison  of  the  Chinese  moons  with  our  own,  in  relation  to 
the  solstices,  plainer  and  easier  for  general  readers.  I have  also 
introduced  a 37th  eclipse,  wliicli  is  recorded,  in  the  brief  supplement 
to  the  Classic,  in  tlie  4th  paragraph  after  the  text  proper  terminates. 

Comparing  now  the  times  of  the  36  eclipses  as  recorded  and 

Results  of  the  comparison  of  the)  ^ ^ wil1  be  Seen, that  tWO 

eclipses  as  recorded  and  caicuiatcd.j  0f  tlicm  are  entirely  erroneous,  and  could 

not  have  taken  ])lace  at  all.  Two  eclipses  are  given  as  having  occurred 
in  the  21st  and  24th  years  of  duke  Seang,  correspoiuling  to — 551 
and — 548,  on  successive  months; — a thing  physically  impossible. 
On  p.  491  of  this  volume  I have  given  the  remark  of  a scholar  of 
the  T4ang  dynasty  that  such  a thing  perhapsdid  occur  in  ancient  times! 
No  reasonable  account  of  the  twice  repeated  error  has  ever  l)een 
given.  Possil)ly  two  eclipses  did  occur  some  time  during  the  Cli4uii 
Ts4ew  period  on  the  months  and  days  mentioned,  but  in  other  3^ears; 
arid  the  tablets  of  them  got  misplaced,  and  appear  where  they  now  do. 
In  the  mean  time  the  records  must  be  regarded  as  entirely  erroneous.2 

1 Mr.  Chalmers  has  sent  me  the  following  extract  of  a letter  from  Professor  Airy 一 now  Sir.  G.B. 
Airy — the  Astronomer  Koyal.  itli  ^ltom  lie  corrcspondcMl  through  a friend  some  years  a^o  on  the 
subject  of  these  ancient  ('liinese  eclipses: — * The  year  [of  the  eclipse  in  tlie  Slie-king]  may  be 
expressed  in  either  of  these  forms： 一 

一 775  for  Astronomical  purposes; 

B.C.  776  for  Chronological  purposes.* 

2 The  tliroe  early  commentaries  do  not  touch  on  this  error.  Their  writers,  no  doubt,  were  not 
aware  that  there  was  any  error.  In  tlie  note  appended  to  the  article  on  4 The  Antiquity  of  the 
Chinese  proved  by  Mouments.*  in  tlie  2d  volume  of  the  4 Memoircs  conccrnanfc  les  Chinois,'  the 
texts  of  tliese  eclipses  are  given  ami  translated  wilhout  any  intimation  of  tlieir  being  wrong.  In 
the  article,  however,  p.  1)8,  the  writer  says  on  the  eclipses  in  the  Cl^un  Ts4ew： — u Si,  dans  1ft 
multiimlc,  il  s^n  trouve  quelques-unes  (coninie  il  8*en  trouve  en  effet),  qui  n*  aient  pu  avoir  eu 
lieu,  di8〇n8  alors  que,  commc  la  coutume  a toujours  ete  que  les  C'ak*ulatours  Assent  p*irt  du 
rcsultat  do  lours  C'hIcuIs,  plusieurs  jours  avant  oil  dovnnt  arriver  l'eclypse,  afin  qifon  disposat  tout 
pour  l(*s  (Vi.Jnionies  qui  seimiti(iuuient  (lj"isce«  sortes 

fnuto  do  b(；nne8  Tables,  ayant  prodit  uno  fausse  eclipse,  dont  rannonce  a etc  livroe  aus  Historio- 
grnphe8,  ccux-ci  en  out  tenu  registre  de  la  mdme  maniere  que  si  ellc  avoit  otc  vraie;  soit  qirils  la 
crussont  Idle,  pnree  qu'  un  ciol  obscur  et  charge  ilc  nua^es  avoit  enipec])〇  (Vobserver；  suit  que, 
jmr  m^lin：encc,  ou  par  un  simple  o\ibli,  ils  eussent  nianqud  ^ 1«  rnyor  (lu  ciUalogue  (k、s  evene- 
1110118.'  Tlie  explanation  here  sh^osIcmI  is  specially  innpplicHblt*  lo  ll»e  two  ci'Hpsos  under  notice. 


8HJ 


SECT.  I.] 


ERRORS  IN  THE  DATES  OF  SOME  ECLIPSES. 


[PKOLLUOMLN  A. 


It  will  be  seen,  secondly^  that,  two  more  of  the  eclipses  are  somehow 
given  incorrectly.  The  10th  is  recorded  as  happening  in  the  1st 
month  of  the  15th  year  of  duke  He,  corresponding  to  -644.  As 
proved  by  calculation,  there  was  an  eclipse  in  the  3d  Chinese  moon 
of  that  year,  but  it  was  not  visil)le  in  Loo.  Tliis  error,  like  the  two 
former  ones,  must  be  left  unexplained.  The  loth  eclipse  appears 
as  having  occurred  in  the  17th  year  of  duke  Seuen,  corresponding 
to  -591,  in  the  6tli  month,  cn  tlie  〇3Tcle  <i;iy  Kwei-maou.  But  there 
was  then  no  eclipse.  Chinese  astronomers  discovered  this  error  in  the 
time  of  the  eastern  Tsin  dynasty;  but  tliey  have  found  no  way  of 
accounting  for  it.  They  liave  called  attention,  indeed,  to  the  fact 
that  an  eclipse  was  possil  le  on  tlie  】st  day  of  the  fifth  month; 
but  that  would  be  visible  only  in  tlie  southern  hemisphere. 
It  occurred  to  Mr.  Chalmers,  however,  to  try  the  7tli  year  of 
duke  Seuen,  and  he  found  tluit.  tluit  year,  iji  the  6th  montli,  on 
Kwei-maou,  which  was  then  the  day  of  the  new  moon,  there  was 
an  eclipse  visible  in  Loo.  lsT〇  doubt,  this  was  the  eclipse  intended 
in  the  text,  inaccurately  arranged  under  the  17th  year  instead 
of  the  7th.  This  happy  rectification  of  one  error  shows  in  what 
direction  the  rectification  of  the  other  errors  is  to  be  sought. 

It  will  be  seen,  thirdly^  that  of  the  remaining  32  eclipses,  the  years, 
months,  and  cycle-da)Ts  of  18,  as  determined  by  calculation,  agree 
with  those  which  are  given  in  the  text,  while  of  the  other  14  the 
years  and  cycle-days  agree,  and  the  months  are  diiFerent,  generally 
b)^  one  month  or  two,  and  in  two  cases  by  three  months.  Tlie  dif- 
ference of  the  months,  however,  gives  confirmation  to  the  truthfulness 
of  the  text,  showing,  indeed,  that  it  is  not  absolutely  correct,  but 
proving,  to  my  mind,  that  tlie  historiographers  entered  the  eclipses  in 
the  current  months  of  the  years  when  they  were  observed.  In  order  to 
make  those  current  months  agree  with  tlie  true  months  it  would  have 
been  necessary  that  the  process  of  intercalation  should  be  regularly 
and  scientifically  observed.  Bat  it  was  not  so  observed  in  the  time  of 
the  Ch4un  Tsle\v.  In  proof  of  this  I need  only  refer  the  reader  to 
what  Mr.  Chalmers  has  said  on  the  subject  in  the  prolegomena  to 
vol.  III.  p.  99,  and  to  his  valuable  table  of  the  years  and  months  of 
the  Cl^un  Ts4ew,  which  concludes  this  section.  There  was  not  room 
for  the  same  error  with  the  cycle-days.  No  science  was  required  in 
their  application.  Each  successive  day  had  its  name  determined  by 
the  successive  terms  of  the  cycle;  and,  when  these  were  exliausted, 
the  historiographers  had  only  to  begin  again.  Whetlier  the  months 


iK〇i.EG〇MEyA.]  CIIBONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH'UN  Cn*EW.  [ch.  ii. 

were  long  or  short,  and  whether  the  year  contained  an  intercalary 
month  or  not,  the  cyclical  names  of  the  days  were  sure  to  be  given 
correctly.  All  that  was  necessary  was  not  to  let  any  day  go  by 
unmarked.  Those  14  eclipses,3  correct  as  to  the  ^ears  and  cycle- 
daj  s of  their  occurrence,  and  incorrect,  only  in  the  months  to  which 
they  are  referred,  from  an  assignable  cause,  are  to  be  accepted  with 
as  little  hesitation  as  the  ] 8 in  regard  to  the  date  of  which  the  record 
and  the  calculation  entirely  agree.  The  errors  in  them  are  of  such 
a character  as  to  show  that  the  text  was  not  constructed  subsequently, 
but  was  made  by  the  liistoriographers  of  Loo,  in  the  exercise  of  their 
duties,  along  the  whole  course  of  the  period. 

3.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  how  the  long  list  of 
eclipses  thus  verified  determines  the  chronology  of  the  Cli4an  Ts4ew 
period.  The  first  eclipse  occurred  in  the  3d  }7ear  of  duke  Yin,  in 

The  chronology  is  determined^  -71 9,  and  therefore  we  know  that  the  period 
by  thu  eclipses  ；— as  m par.  i.  j conijnenced  in  —721.  The  last  eclipse  oc. 

curred  in  the  last  year  of  duke  Ting,  in  -494,  from  which 、ve  have 
only  to  subtract  14  years  of  duke  Gae's  rule  to  get  the  last  year  of 
the  period;  and  indeed  in  the  supplementary  text  we  have  an  eclipse 
occurring  in  Gaes  14th  year,  or  in  —480. 

I have  called  attention  in  the  preceding  paragraph  to  the  fact  of 
the  cycle-days  being  always  given  correctly  for  the  eclipses.  So 
they  generally  arc  for  other  events;  but  sometimes  they  are  given 
wrong, — as  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  subjoined  table  with  the 
text,  the  days  which  could  not  be  verified  being  omitted  in  the 
table.  The  errors  of  this  kind,  whicli  are  on  the  whole  wonderfully 
few,  are  lor  the  most  part  pointed  out  in  the  notes,  according  to 
the  calculations  ot  Too  Yu,  who  says  that  tliere  must  be  an  error  of 
the  month  or  of  the  day.  In  some  cases  there  may  be  a corruption 
of  the  cyclical  names  through  carelessness  of  transcribers,  wliicli 
would  givo  an  error  of  tlie  clay;  more  frequently,  1 believe,  the 
montli  is  wrongly  given,  througli  the  same  irregularity  of  inturca- 
lutiou  wliich  lias  made  tlie  montlis  given  for  the  eclipses  differ 
from  the  true  months  as  uscertiiiiied  by  calculation. 

4.  I take  this  op[)〇rtimity  to  touch  oil  another  subject  which  lias 
often  perplexed  students  of  ancient  Cliincse  history, —— the  different 
commencements  of  the  year  in  the  three  grout  ancient  dynasties  of 

The  different  cominenccmonts  of  the  I HcU,  Ulld  CllOW.  Accord il)^'  to 

year  in  the  three  ancient  dynasties.  < the  representations  of  tllC  Scllolai'S  of 

3 Ot*  the  tliird  and  fuurth  of  those  eclipses  tlie  text  doos  not  give  the  cyclical  clays ; but  1 have 
not  thought  it  worth  while  to  call  attention  to  tliis  in  uiy  text. 


sect,  i.]  THE  DIFFERENT  COMMENCEMENTS  OF  THE  YEAR,  [proleoomk^.v. 

the  Han  and  all  subsequent  dynasties,  the  beginning  of  the  )Tear  Avas 
changed,  to  signalize  the  new  dynasty,  by  an  exercise  of  the  royal 
prerogative.  Indeed,  the  phrase  { san  chinq^{  occurring  in  the  Shoo, 
III.  ii.  3,  has  been  interpreted  as  meaning  the  ^hree  coimnencements 
of  the  year;*  in  which  case  it  would  be  necessary  to  suppose  that 
even  before  the  Hea  dynasty  the  year  had  begun  at  different  dates 
and  in  different  months.  But  if  I were  translating  the  Shoo-king 
afresh,  I should  feel  compelled  to  cast  about  for  anotlier  meaning 
for  the  phrase  in  that  passage.  In  point  of  fact  the  Ch4un  Ts'ew 
seems  to  show  that  the  new  commencement  arose  from  the  necessity 
of  error  which  there  was  not  sufficient  science  to  correct.  The 
year  of  the  Hea  dynasty  began  originally  with  the  first  month 
of  spring.  By  the  end  of  that  dynasty,  through  the  neglect  of 
the  intercalation,  it  commenced,  I suppose,  a month  earlier,  and 
hence  the  sovereigns  of  Shang  made  that  the  beginning  of  their 
year.  But  during  their  tenure  of  the  kingdom,  the  same  process 
of  error  took  place,  and  the  year,  I suppose  again,  had  come 
to  approximate  to  the  time  of  the  winter  solstice  when  the  kings  of 
Chow  superseded  them.  They  adopted  the  retrogression,  and  made 
it  their  theory  that  the  year  should  begin  with  the  new  moon  pre- 
ceding the  winter  solstice,  i.e.,  between  our  November  22  and 
December  22.  But  their  astronomers  and  historiographei's  had 
not  knowledge  enough  to  keep  it  there.  An  inspection  of  Mr. 
Chalmers'  table  following  this  paragraph  shows  a very  marked 
tendency,  increasing  as  time  went  on,  to  make  the  year  begin  in 
the  month  before  the  new  moon  preceding  the  winter  solstice. 
Previous  to  the  time  of  duke  He,  many  of  the  years  begin  in  the 
commencing  month  of  the  Shang  d)7nasty;  but  subsequently, 
the  30th,  32d,  and  33d  years  of  duke  He,  the  18th  year  of 

AVan,  the  3d,  4th,  and  6th  of  Seuen,  the  1st,  4th,  7th,  10th  and 

12th  of  Ch4ing,  the  16th,  19th,  21st,  and  27th  of  Seang,  the  1st, 
4th,  15th,  20th,  and  28th  of  Ch4aou,  and  the  2d,  7th,  and  10th  of 

Ting,  all  began  in  the  month  before  the  proper  commence- 

ment of  the  Chow  year.  This  was,  no  doubt,  the  ordinary 
commencement  of  the  year  when  the  dynasty  of  Ts‘in  superseded 
that  of  Chow,  and  so  its  emperor  declared  that  the  year  should 
then  begin; — three  months  before  the  period  of  Hea,  embracing  a 
whole  season,  so  that  what  was  called  its  spring  was  actually  the 
winter  of  the  year,  and  the  names  of  all  the  seasons  were  wrongly 

i 三正 


91] 


rROLKGOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CHlUN  TS  EW. 


[CH  II. 


applied.  Thus  each  of  the  four  dynasties  which  ran  out  their  course 
before  our  Christian  era  had  its  different  corumeiicement  of  tlie  vear. 
Chinese  writers,  however,  generully  speak  only  of  { three  correct 
beginnings,5  being  unwilling  to  allow  the  dynasty  of  Ts'in  to  rank 
with  those  of  Hea,  Shang,  and  Chow. 

As  has  been  pointed  out  in  the  4 Astronomy  of  tlie  ancient  Cliinese* 
by  Mr.  Chalmers,  after  the  establishment  of  the  Han  dynasty,  the 
Chinese  endeavoured  to  open  communications  Avith  the  west;  and 
from  India  they  must  have  received  great  additions  to  their  astro- 
nomical knowledge.  Tlieir  scholars  became  able  to  makeareformation 
of  the  calendar;  and  adopting  the  maxim  of  Confucius,  that  the 
seasons  of  Hea  should  be  followed,  they  determined  and  arranged 
that  the  year  should  thencvforth  commence  'Yith  the  beginning  of 
spring,  as  it  has  since,  with  more  or  less  of  correctness,  done. 

Tlie  above  observations  show  t!iat  of  the  four  Correct  beginnings 
of  the  year,5  (including  that  of  Ts4iii),  one  only  was  correct,  and  the 
proper  nomenclature  regarding  them  would  be  ‘one  correct  and 
three  erroneous  beginnings.5  They  should  also  end  the  partial  and 
bigoted  pretensions  of  Chinese  wrifers,  when  they  talk  of  the  universal 
knowledge  of  their  ancient  worthies,  and  the  more  culpable  partiality 
and  bigotry  of  some  Sinologues  avIio  try  to  bear  out  tlieir  assertions. 

5.  In  the  following  table  tlie  intercalnry  months  are  indicated 
by  a line.  The  principal  guide  in  determining  them  has  been  the 
cycle-days  given  in  connexion  with  many  of  the  events  referred  to. 
According  to  the  theory  of  the  Chinese  )Tear,  as  explaitied  in  vol. 
III.,  p.  22,  there  ouglit  to  be  7 intercalary  months  in  every  19  years. 
It  will  be  seen  that  during  the  Ch'un  Ts^w  period  these  months 
were  introduced  very  irregularly. 

The  small  figures  denote  the  c)7clical  numbers  of  tlie  days  men- 
tioned in  tlie  text,  so  far  as  they  can  be  verified.  A small  capital  (r) 
indicates  an  eclipse.  The  most,  important  thing  to  be  observed  in 
ihe  table  is  the  cliaiiging  position  of  the  first  month,  sometimes 
preceding,  sometimes  following,  the  winter  solstice,  "without  any 
apparent  rule. 


\ 


92] 


SECT.  I.] 


TABLE  OF  THE  YEARS  AM)  MONTHS. 


[FKOLEliOMtNA. 


Cyclical 
Number 

of 

Shortest 

X)r/y.  The  small  fiyures  are  the  Cyclical  numbers  of  duys  mentioned  in  the  History. 


LUNAR  MONTHS  ACCORDING  TO  COXFLTCIUS. 


Yeaus. 


60  I 


ii  m iv  v vi  vii  viii  ix  x xi  xii 


IIGe  III  47  IV  28 


III  27  . 
Ill  10  . 


VI 


IV  44  . 
IV  45  . 


5 I 

10  I 
16  I II  . 

21  I 

26  I • • V 58 

31  I 

37  I 

42  I . 

47  I II  50 
52  I% 

58  I . 

31  . 

8 I 

13  I • . . 

191 26 

24  I 

29  I II  36  . . . . 

34  I 16  . . . V 14  . 

39  I 

45  I 57 

50  I • V 20  . 

55  I • . 

60.  I II  . 

6 1 . 

11  I . Ill  32  IV  6 
16  I . . 

21  I 53  II  . . 


. VIII 


VIII  17 


XII  52  - 
. XII  20  , 

XII  18  — - — 


721 

72〇 


VI  36  VII  7 


715 


IX  28 


IX  15  X 


VII  19 


VII29b  . 


XI  29  . 


VIII  19  IX  4 


IX 


27  I 
132  . 

37  I 
42  I 
48  I 
53  I 
581 

I 3 . 

9 131 
IU 
19  I 
24  I 
30  I 
35  I 
401 

45  I 
51  I 
561 


112 

17  I 
22  1 50 
127 
32  I 
381 


• VI 39  VII  24  VIII  . 

• • • • . 

• • • VIII  9 . . • 

VI 

# 參 • • a a 

v 43  VI  14  . VIII  30  . X7e  . 


XII  43 


XI  23  XII  44 


710 


705 


700 


XII  54 


IV  13  V 34 


X 12  . 


. XII  26  , 


XII  22 


IV  28  . 


15  V 


VI 2 . . 

\ * 

• • • 

VII34  Yin  57. 
15  . . 


XI  20. 


VIII31 


IV  49e  _ 


VI  54 


V 58  . YU  So. 
. VII  33  . 


V 50  VI8e  . 


XII  51 


675 


670 


93] 


prolegomena.]  CHRONOLOGY  OF  TI1E  CH^UN  TS*EW.  [Cn.  u. 


】43  • • • • • • • • • • XIIGOk  - ■ — , 

• •••_«  .，  — — 

153  • III  51  IV44  , 605 

I.  •••••  ••• 

4 1 VIII 60  IX7k  . . . , 

T o 

A,t/  • . . . • • . . • . • , 

14  I • , • . VII 30 VIII 60.  X 56.  • , 

201  • • • VI  58  . • • , GfiO 

125  • • • V 22  • .VIII  38  . . . ， 

30  I • • • • • VII  5 • • X 19  . XII54, 

35.  I V 18 

C 1 

4G  I • • 655 

• • • • • • • IX45e  • • • — -一, 

I 56  • • .••••••••, 

12  ••  ••••  •••••  , 

I 7 XII  44  , 

I 12  . Ill  14  • • . VII  22  • IX  5 • . • , 650 

171 

123 ， 

28  I • • IV7e XII  , 

133 , 

38  I VIII 28.  . . . , C45 

44  I 1121  e IX  16  XI  59  . , 

45149  . III9  IV33  . VII  1 

I 64 XII  12 , 

591  . . V 15  . . 24  VIII  • • . . , 

15  . . . VI  46 , 640 

10  I . . . V 42  . . • • . . . ， 

151 XII  50  , 

120 VIII  44  . . XI  6 . , 

I 25  . • V 27 • 

131  . • . • , 635 

I 36  43.  Ill  IV  10 XIItGO , 

41  I 56 

146  . . VI  27  . VIII  32  . . . XII  11  , 


I 52  . Ill  43  IV  6 V 60 9 . . , 

I 57  . • • • , 630 

I .2  • • • ...  IX  31  . • • y 



I 13.  . IV  26 XII  16  , 

I . 18  . IV  18  • • • • . . XII  42  , 

I 23.  III60k  IV  54  * • • • • X 44  . • ■_  _ _，  625 

128  II  1 III  42.  . VIII  4 . • . • 


I 84 XII  6 , 

391  •••  • • • • • .XI  39  • , 

144  . Ill  48 X 21  • • , 

I 49 VIII  12  . • • . , 620 

651  . Ill  11  IV  25 

I GO VIII  45  . X 19  . . , 

I 5 II 38 IX  10.  • . , 

110  . . Ill  28  

I 1G X31  . . , 615 

I 21II37  . . XII 55, 

I 2G  . • • V 19 2G  XII  t 

I 81  . • .12  V VI  10  . IX  21  . . . , 

I 37.  . • VI38e , 


O f • • ■ • T • • ■ • • • ■ . 

142  . . VI  5 . VIII8  . . . . , Ql〇 

94] 


SECT.  I.J 


TABLE  OF  TIIK  YKAKS  AND  MONTHS. 


[HIlOLEOOMtKA. 


I 47  • • TV  60  . VI  20 

I . 52  14  . . V 35  VI  10 , 

Xo8  •••••••  • • • • I 

I 49  311  IX  2 X 12  . . f 

I .8  . . . . . . X 23  . . f 

I . 13  . • • . VI  22  • • . • • , 

I 18 

I #2*4  • • • • • • • • • • 

I 29  •••••  •••• 

I 34  . . . VI  18.  . . X 1b26.  . # 

I 39  . . . . . . . 68  IX  X 10  . . ， 

1 45.  . IV63»  V30 ， 

150  . • • • . • . • X 24 . . , 

1 55  . . . . 62  VI XII  15  , 

I ()0•  • • ••••  •••• 

I 6 • . V 9 . • . . . . . I 

1 11  . . . . VI 40 • 

16  I 

121  . . . VI  66  . . . XI8m19.  f 

I 27 VII  II  . • X59  . . , 

I 32  68  , 

I 37  . • IV  23  . VI  10VII46V1II19.  XI  33  • f 

I 4248II1. XI 43  . , 

I .48  9 III  IV  61 , 

153 XI  46  XII26  , 

I 58  11  18  . IV  . VI  19 , 

I .3 VIII  6 . , 

I 9 . . • . • . • . X 40  • , 

I 14 VII 13.  . . XI  67  . , 

I . 19  . • V 43  VI , 

I 24  . Ill  26 , 

I .•,0  • •••••  • • • • 1 

I 35  • • . . . 

I 40 VIII  . X 27  . . , 

145  HI  42  • . . . VIII  17  . , 

1 51  . . IV  0 . VI3e  . . . X 12  . X!I  2 , 

I 5(5.  . . . VI  22  . 1X38  . 9 X1  XII54k , 

1157 VIII  26.  . . XII 44  , 

1 6 1X58  . . • , 

III  . . . V 27  VI  VII26 

I 17  . . IV  59  . VI  56 , 

1 22.  4G  III  . . . VII 25  VIII48.  . . . , 

127 XII  8 , 

I 32  . Ill  19 

I 38 X 69  . XII 23  , 

143 

I 43  . . V58  . . VIII20.  . . 36  XII  , 

I 63  • V 31 , 

159  . . VII 66 


19  . • 

IX  17  . . 

1 

14  II32e 

IV  56  . 

201 136  . 

. VU54b.  . 

. XI 60 

.25  III  15  . 

V 60  . 

I 

30  II  7 . . 

35.  . 

41  . . 

V1I28  VIII53. 

I 

4(>48.  . 

. . 

VI 57.  . 

. X53e  . 

.51  . 

1X47b  . b . 

605 

600 

69ft 

690 

685 

680 

575 

670 

665 

560 

656 


9-3] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH*UN  TSI * * 4E\V. 


[CH.  II. 


1 56  . . . . YII 58  . . . . . , 

I 2II10eIII6  . . . . YIII16  . X 12  . . 

17  • . . VIIIe  . e . . . , 

1 12  . • . Y12  VI49  . 6 VIII  . 

I 1711 28 VIII19  . . . . , 

I .23  . . . VII  . 18  . . . XII  12e , 

I 28 XII  51  , 

I 33>  • . V 7 • • . • • • , 

138  . . . V 31  . • . • . • ， 

I 44  . . . . VI 18  . . IX  30  X 10  . . , 

I .49  . VI  54  . . . . XI4r>  . , 

n ^ \ ••••••»••••， 

I .4  . YI  43 XII52  , 

I 10  . , . . . VII 5 . . . . . , 

I 15.  Ill  . • VI  23  . . 

120  . . IV41e  . . . VIII 5 • . XI  20  XII  GO  , 

I 25  . IV  38 X 19  . . 

131  5/  II  ••••••••••, 

I 6 VII 25  . . . . XIII , 

I 41  . . IV  54  V 21  . . . IX  36  . XI  34  . , 

146  . Ill  9 

I 52  . • . . . VIII  11  . . . . , 

I II210  . • • VI54e  . • . . 

17*  • • . . VIII36  . . . . 9 

I 13 IX  4 X10e  . . , 

I 18  . . V 19  . . . . . . , 

I 23.  • . V 5 . . . . . . , 

I .28 YIII48 — « —— . • XI  28.  , 

I 34 VII19eVIU12  , 

I 39.  . IV  2 XII  10e, 

14450 VII5  VIII32.  . . . , 

I 4911  23  . . V32e  . • VIII  . 34  . . • , 

I 55 VII  . 1X36  X56  XI3G  . , 

I 60  . . • • • . . IX  57  . . • ， 

I .10  . IV  23  . . VII30 

I 1G  . IV  37 

I 21.  . VI  17 

12(>  . . IV  54.  . . . . . . XII48b  , 

I 31 XII  5G  , 

I 37.  . . VIGO  VII30  . , 

I .42  • . V 29 ••••••， 

I 47  II  28 

I 5211  • 30  IV  17  . • • • • • XI  7 • 

1 57  • 11148k  . • VI33  VII49 

X 00  3 • • • • • ••  • • • • y 

E ••••••••••  ， 

I 13  • • • • • V II 5 • • • • • , 

I 18.  . IV  45  . • • • • • • . ， 

I .2*1  • • • • — • • • • 

I 

I 34.  • • • . • • X 60  XI3b  . 

l〇D  •••••••••••, 

I 45  1118  .......  • • • 

150  II  . . V 48  . V1I9  VIII17ii  1X54  • • , 

1 55  • IV18  • • • • • • • • » 

1 . 1 V 1 3 . • Vlllll  • 


550 

545 

540 

535 

530 

525 

520 

515 

510 

503 

500 

P.»3 


SECT.  I.] 


DATES  IX  THE  TSO  CIIUEX. 


[l»ROLEGOML\A. 


16  : • IV31V28  . VII 13  . . X40  . ， 

111  1147  • . • VI38  . VIII51  , 490 

I 16 1X10.  . • , 

121 VII  27  , 

I 27 VIII46  . . . . , 

132 XIIGO  , 

I 37  II  •••••••••,  483 

I 42.  Ill  35.  . , 

148  . • V 11  . VII  58  • • . . , 

I 53  • • . V41 ， 

X 58  • • • * • • • • • • • 參 - ' — , 

13  • . IV  47  V57  . • VIII 38  . 480 

i » , 

I U . IV  26 478 


SECTION  II. 

THE  DATES  IN  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 

1.  The  chronology  of  the  Ch'un  Ts'ew  period,  as  it  appears  in 
the  Tso  Chuen,  is  the  same  as  that  which  appears  in  the  text;  but 
the  dates  of  many  events  mentioned  in  both  differ  by  one  or  two 
The  dates  of  events  in  the  Tso  Chuen)  months；  and  where  those  dates  are  at 

often  differ  from  the  dates  in  the  text.  i"the  end  or  beginning  of  a year,  the 

years  to  which  they  are  assigned  will  also  differ.  Tliis  circum- 
stance has  wonderfully  exercised  the  ingenuity  of  the  Chinese 
critics ; but  a sufficient  solution  of  the  want  of  correspondence  is 
found,  in  much  the  greater  number  of  cases,  in  the  fact  that  the 
feudal  States  were  by  no  means  agreed  in  using  the  commencement 
of  the  year  prescribed  by  the  dynasty  of  Chow.  I have  shown,  in 
par.  4 of  last  section,  that  the  Shang  and  Chow  dynasties  adopted 
each  a different  month  for  the  beginning  of  the  year  from  that 
employed  by  the  dynasty  of  Hea,  not  by  arbitrary  exercise  of 
sovereignty  to  signalize  their  possession  of  the  kingdom,  but  in 
consequence  of  the  disorder  into  which  the  months  of  the  year 
had  fallen  through  the  neglect  or  irregularity  of  intercalation.  The 
peculiarity  now  under  notice  further  shows  the  feebleness  of  the  sway 
exercised  by  the  kings  of  Chow  over  the  feudal  States,  for  several 
of  those  ruled  by  chiefs  of  the  Chow  surname  yet  co  ntinued  to  hold 
to  the  Hea  beginning  of  the  year. 

For  example,  in  the  narrative  introduced  by  Tso  after  I.  iii.  3, 
we  are  told  that  Ch^ing  sent  plundering  expeditions  into  the  royal 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS^W. 


[cii.  II. 


domain,  which  { in  the  4tli  month  carried  olF  the  wheat  of  Wan,  and 
in  the  autuinn  the  rice  of  Ch‘ing-clio'v;’  meaning  evidently  the  4th 
month  and  the  autumn  of  the  Hea  year. 

Again,  in  V.  v.  1,  we  are  told  that  i in  spring,  the  marquis  of  Tsin 
put  to  death  his  heir-son  Shin-sang,'  whereas,  according  to  the 
Chuen,  the  deed  was  done  in  the  12th  month  of  the  preceding  year. 
]n  V.  x.  3,  Le  K4ih  of  Tsin  murders  his  ruler  in  the  first  month  of 
the  year,  whereas,  according  to  the  Chuen,  he  did  so  in  the  1 1th 
month  of  the  previous  year.  In  Y.  xv.  13,  a battle  was  fought 
between  Tsin  and  Ts4in  in  the  11th  montli,  while  in  the  Chuen  it 
takes  place  in  the  9th.  Tsin  evidently  regulated  its  months  after 
the  Hea  calendar. 

In  Ts£e,  whose  princes  were  of  the  surname  Keang,  it  would 
appear  that  the  year  continued  to  commence  with  the  natural 
spring,  for  in  VI.  xiv.  9 the  murder  of  Shay,  marquis  of  Ts4e, 
appears  as  taking  place  in  the  9th  month,  whereas  the  Chuen  gives 
it  in  thes  7th. 

In  Sung,  where  the  descendants  of  the  kings  of  Shang  held  sway, 
they  naturally  followed  the  calendar  of  Shang.  Thus  in  I.  vi.  4,  an 
army  of  Sung  appears  as  taking  Ch^ang-koh  in  winter,  while  Tso 
says  it  did  so  in  the  autumn.  And  in  the  Shoo,  Y.  viii.,  contuining 
the  charge  to  the  viscount  of  Wei  on  his  appointment  to  be  the  first- 
duke  of  Sung,  it  would  appear  from  par.  1 that  authority  is  given 
to  him  to  use  all  the  institutions  of  his  ancestors. 

This  varying  commencement  of  the  year  among  the  feudal  States 
of  Chow  may  be  substantiated  from  other  sources  besides  the 
Ts^w  and  the  Tso  Chuen.1  It  not  only  shows,  as  I have  said,  the 
feebleness  of  the  djaiasty  of  Chow;  but  it  affords  a strong  confirma- 
tion of  the  genuineness  of  Tsos  narratives.  Had  they  been  con- 
Btructed  to  illustrate  the  text,  or  even  been  introduced  as  subsidiary 
to  it  without  being  occupied  with  events  referred  to  in  it,  the  com- 
])ilcr  would  have  beon  caroful  to  avoid  sucli  a discrepancy  of  dates. 
As  Lew  Yuen-foo  of  the  Sung  dynasty  observed,  4 The  months  and 
da)^s  in  Tso-she  often  differ  from  those  in  the  text  of  the  classic, 
because  he  copied  indiscriminately  from  the  tablets  of  the  historio- 
graphers of  the  (lifFercnt  States,  Avhich  used  the  tlirce  difterent- 
commencements  of  the  year  without  any  fixed  rule.'2 

1 See  in  the  Work  of  Clmou  Yih,  Iik.  II.,  his  appendix  to  tlie  section  hended  ^ ^ 王. 

2 劉原 父謅 左氏月 口多與 經不同 ，蓋左 氏雜 取當時 
諸侯 i 策之文 ，其用 三正， 參差本 — 、故與 經多1 


sect.  n.J  EKHORS  IX  SOMK  OK  Till-：  1)AT1«；S  OK  TSO.  [proi.egomkna. 

2.  '、 Imt  I have  said  in  the  above  paragraph  goes  strongly  to 

su[)i)〇rt  the  genuineness  of  Tso's  nan-atives.  Tlierc*  ure  some  other 
dates,  however,  in  his  commentary  to  which  my  attention  hus  been 
called  by  Mr.  Chalmers,  and  which  would  seem  to  show  that  they 
were  introduced  at  a later  period；  some  of  them  perhaps  in  the  Han 
dynasty.  Tso  gives  the  day  of  the  winter  solstice  in  two  years; 一 the 
5th  of  duke  He,  and  the  20th  of  duke  Chcaou.  In  the  former  case, 
b.c.  654,  he  says  that  the  day  Sin-hae  (the  48th  cyclical  number)  was 
the  day  of  the  winter  solstice,  and  the  first  day  of  the  first  month  ; 
but  this  is  an  error  of  one  day  in  regard  to  the  new  moon,  and  of 
three  days  in  regard  to  the  solstice,  which  fell  that  year  on  Keah-yiu 
(the  51st  cyclical  number).  In  the  latter  case,  b.c.  521,  he  sa)?s 
that  the  solstice  fell  on  the  day  Ke-ch‘ow  (the  26th  cyclical  number), 
Avhereas  it  fell  on  Sin-maou,  two  days  later,  and  the  day  of  new 
moon  was  also  one  day  later.  4 Here,'  says  Mr.  Chalmers,  1 the  far- 
ther back  the  greater  the  error,  so  that  the  date  and  the  method 
could  not  have  been  handed  down  from  any  previous  time.  If  a 
year  had  been  sought  in  duke  He's  time,  when  the  new  moon  and 
solstice  coincided,  646  would  have  been  right;  and  665  (646-f-19) 
or  627  (646-19)  would  also  have  been  the  proper  commencement 
of  a cycle  of  19  years,  which  might  have  been  repeated  down  to  the 
end  of  the  Chfun  Ts(ew  period  without  mucli  error.  The  error 
accuraulates  in  reckoning  onwards  of  course  as  well  as  in  reckoning 
back,  so  that  by  the  time  of  the  Han  dynasty  the  cj^cle  would  have 
to  be  shifted  on  to  another  set  of  years.  But  the  text  of  the  Chuen, 
and  the  commentary  which  you  give  under  the  20th  year  of  duke 
Ch^ou,  were  evidently  written  from  a Han  point  of  view.  T wen  tv- 
two  cycles  of  19  years  are  reckoned  back  from  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Woo, — say  b.c.  103  (103  + 19X22=521)， and  it  is  affirmed 
that  in  521  the  solstice  coincided  with  the  new  moon  because  it 
did  so  in  103.  Bat  it  did  not  do  so.  nor  did  the  new  moon  then 
fall  on  the  day  assigned  to  it.  That  a writer  near  the  time  of  Con- 
fucius should  give  wrong  dates  is  very  likely;  but  that  they  should 
be  systematically  wrong,  so  as  to  agree  with  an  imperfect  method  of 
calculation  adopted  some  centuries  later,  and  founded  on  observations 
then  made — about  b.c.  103 — of  the  actual  position  of  the  sun  and 
moon,  is  so  improbable  that  I cannot  believe  it.  The  Metonic  cycle 
cannot  be  repeated  twenty-two  times  without  incurring  an  error  of 
two  or  three  days/ 

Again,  on  IX.  xxviii.  1,  and  in  some  other  passages,  Tso  mentions 
the  place  of  the  year-star  or  Jupiter,  and  Mr.  Chalmers  contends 

99] 


1R0LEG0MENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CHXTN  TS{EW. 


[CH.  II. 


that  they  were  all  interpolated  at  a subsequent  date.  On  the 
case  in  IX.  xxviii.  1， he  observes: — 4 The  position  of  the  planet 
Jupiter  was  observed  in  the  year  b.c.  103,  and  recorded  correctly 
by  Sze-ma  Ts£een,  in  Sing-Jce  (Sagittarius-Capricorn) ; and  he  thought, 
as  the  writer  of  the  notices  in  the  Tso  Chuen  evidently  did  likewise, 
that  Jupiter's  period  was  exactly  12  years.  But  if  this  had  been 
the  case,  Jupiter  should  not  have  been  in  Sing-Jce  in  the  28th  year 
of  duke  Seang,  b.c.  544,  because  the  intervening  time  of  441  years  is 
not  divisible  by  12.  Moreover,  Jupiter  was  not  really  in  Sing-ke  in 
b.c.  544,  but  he  would  be  there  in  542,  two  years  later.  How  then 
did  the  writer  of  the  Chuen  say  that  Jupiter  was  in  Sing-ke^  or  ought 
to  have  been  there,  but  u had  licentiously  advanced  into 
(Capricorn-Aquarius)  ?''  Probably  because  such  was  the  course  of  the 
planet,  and  such  the  Chinese  manner  of  viewing  it  240  (12X20) 
years  later,  — say  in  b.c.  304.  It  might  be  12  years  before  or  after. 
And  the  Avriter,  knowing  this,  ventured  to  count  back  two  centuries 
and  a half  in  cycles  of  12,  and  then  to  affirm  that  the  same  phteno- 
menon  had  been  observed  b.c.  544,  and  to  found  a story  thereon. 
He  could  not  have  lived  earlier  than  the  time  of  Mencius.  He  might 
have  been  later.  Jupiter  in  fact  gains  a sign  every  86  years,  or  he 
completes  seven  circuits  of  the  starry  heavens  in  about  83  years 
instead  of  84,  and  hence  the  discrepancy  of  3 years,  or  3 signs, 
between  the  observations  of  Sze-ma  Ts^en  and  those  on  which  Tso 
based  his  calculations.  If  he,  or  any  authorities  he  had  to  quote 
from,  had  observed  the  planet  in  b.c.  544,  they  would  have  said 
it  was  in  Ta-ho  (Libra-Scorpio),  not  in  Sing-ke^  and  much  less  in 
Heuen-heaou.  There  Avould  then  have  been  a discrepancy  of  5 signs 
between  liiin  and  Sze-ma  instead  of  3.  In  the  matter  of  the  u year- 
star, as  in  that  of  the  winter  solstice,  Tso-she  is  systematically 
wrong.’ 

I am  not  prepared  to  question  the  conclusions  to  which  Mr. 
Cliahners  thus  comes  regarding  the  dates  of  the  Avinter  solstice,  and 
the  positions  of  the  planet  Jupiter,  given  in  Tso's  commentary.  But 
instead  of  spying,  as  he  does,  that  Tso  could  not  have  lived  earlier 
than  the  time  of  Mencius,  and  may  have  lived  later,  I would  say 
that  the  narratives  in  which  the  Year-star  is  mentioned  were  made 
about  that  time,  and  interpolated  into  liis  Work  during  the  Ts^n 
dynasty  or  in  the  first  Han.  They  will  come  under  the  second 
class  of  passages  for  the  interpolation  of  which  I have  made  provision 
on  p.  35  of  the  first  Chapter.  15ut  after  all  that  Mr.  Chalmers  has 
said,  my  faith  remains  firm  in  the  genuineness  of  the  mass  of  Tso's 

100] 


SKCT. 【L] 


VUK  DAi'INCi  OF  KVKS'VS. 


[l'ltOLKr.4>MKNA. 


narratives  as  composed  by  him  from  veritable  documents  contempo- 
raneous with  the  events  to  wliicli  they  relate. 

3.  Before  passing  on  from  the  chronology  of  the  text  and  of  the 
Tso  Chuen,  it  deserves  to  be  pointed  out  that  neither  in  the  Classic 

Events  not  dat«i  with  referc-nce  t〇  thetIlor  the  Commentary  have  wc  any 
yenrs  of  the  kings  of  chow.  ) indication  of  the  dating  of  events 

■with  reference  to  the  age  of  the*  dynasty  of  Cliow  or  to  the  reigns  of 
its  kings.  In  each  State  they  spoke  of  events  with  reference  to  the 
years  of  their  own  rulers.  The  Classic,  div'uled  into  t\velvre  Books 
according  to  the  years  of  the  twelve  marquises  of  Loo,  is  one  example 
of  this.  Another  is  found  in  the  Chuen  on  VI.  xvii.  4V  where  a 
minister  of  Chking,  defending  liis  ruler  against  the  suspicions  of  Tsin, 
runs  over  various  events,  giving  them  all  according  to  the  years  of 
the  earl  of  Ch'ing,  without  reference  to  those  of  the  king  of  Chow 
or  of  the  marquis  of  Tsin.  We  have  a third  in  tlie  Chuen  at  the 
end  of  II.  ii.,  where  Tso  gives  a resume  of  certain  affairs  of  Tsin, 
prior  to  the  Ch^m  Ts'ew  period,  specifying  them  by  the  years  of 
duke  Hwuy  of  Loo. 

Frequently,  in  order  to  make  definite  the  date  of  an  event,  some 
other  well  known  event,  contemporaneous  with  it,  is  referred  to. 
Thus,  in  the  Chuen  after  IX.  ix.  5,  when  tlie  marquis  of  Tsin  asks 
the  age  of  the  young  marquis  of  Loo,  Ke  AVoo-tszs  replies  that  he 
was  born  in  4 the  year  of  the  meeting  at  Sha-suy.'  Again,  in  X.  vii., 
in  the  4th  narrative  appended  to  par.  4,  a panic  in  Chling  is  referred 
to  £the  year  when  the  descriptions  of  punishments  were  cast;1  and 
on  par.  8 it  is  said  that  one  of  the  sons  of  the  marquis  of  Wei  was 
bom  in  £the  year  when  Han  Seuen-tsze  became  chief  minister  of 
Tsin,  and  went  among  the  other  States,  paying  complimentary  visits/ 

I need  not  adduce  more  examples.  In  these  two  ways  are  the 
dates  of  events  determined  ： — by  referring  them  to  the  years  of  some 
ruler  of  a State,  or  to  some  event  of  general  notoriety,  contempo- 
raneous with  them.  They  are  not  in  any  single  instance  determined 
by  reference  to  the  era  of  the  dynasty  or  to  the  reigns  of  the  kings 
of  Chow.  This  peculiarity  seems  again  to  indicate  that  the  sway 
which  Chow  exercised  over  the  States  was  feeble  and  imperfect. 
Chaou  Yih  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  princes  or  nobles  in 
the  early  part  of  the  Han  dynasty  continued  to  exercise  the  preroga- 
tive of  dating  events  from  the  year  of  their  appointment  or  suc- 
cession, and  that  the  practice  was  stopped  when  the  emperors  of  Han 
began  to  feel  secure  in  their  possession  of  the  empire.  It  was  in  truth 
but  a nominal  supremacy  whicli  was  yielded  to  the  kings  of  Chow. 

101] 


PttOLEGOMENA. 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS^NV. 


[cn.  it. 


SECTION  III. 

LISTS  OF  THE  KINGS  OF  CHOW,  AND  OF  THE  PRINCES  OF  THE 
PRINCIPAL  FIEFS,  FROM  THE  BEGINNING  TO  T11K 
CLOSE  OF  THE  DYNASTY. 


I.  Kings  of  Chow.  Surname  Ke  (^|5).  Given,  as  are  the 
princes  of  tlie  States,  with  their  sacrificial  titles. 


1. 

Woo 

Reign  began 

18. 

Seang 

.(襄 )， 

B.C. 

650. 

[b.c.  1,121. 

19. 

K‘ing 

..( 頃 )， 

” 

617. 

2. 

Chcing 

… (奴 )， 

5) 

1,114. 

20. 

Kcwang- 

..(■)， 

” 

611. 

3, 

K4ang 

… (康 )， 

” 

1,077. 

21. 

Ting 

•(定 )， 

” 

605. 

4. 

Cli‘aou 

.. •(昭 )， 

” 

1,051. 

22. 

Keen 

..( 簡 )， 

584. 

5. 

Muh.  

...( 僇 )， 

” 

1,000. 

23. 

Ling  

••( 靈 )， 

570. 

6. 

Kung 

… (共 )， 

士， a、 

” 

945. 

24. 

King 

_.( 景 )， 

543. 

7. 

E 

… (節 )， 

” 

933. 

25. 

King 

•.( 敬 )， 

” 

618. 

8. 

Heaou 

… (孝 )， 

” 

908. 

26. 

Yuen 

•(元 )， 

474. 

9. 

E 

… (夷 )， 

” 

893. 

27. 

Ching-ting  (貞 、定 )， 

” 

467. 

10. 

Le 

” 

877. 

28. 

K‘aou 

.入考 )， 

439. 

ii. 

Seuen 

… (官 )， 

” 

826. 

29. 

Wei-lgeli.. (咸烈 )， 

” 

424. 

12. 

Tew 

… .(幽 )， 

” 

780. 

30. 

Gan  

••( 安 )， 

400. 

13. 

P£ing 

… (平 )， 

” 

769. 

31. 

Leeh  

..( 烈 )， 

374. 

14. 

Hwan 

•••(中 曰 )， 

” 

718. 

32. 

Heen 

..( 顯 )， 

367. 

15. 

Chwang  ... 

...( 莊 )， 

” 

695. 

33. 

Shin-tsiag 

” 

319. 

16. 

He 

… 4 吾 )， 

” 

680. 

34. 

Nan 

郝 )， 

313. 

17. 

Hwuy  

… (惠 )， 

” 

675. 

Reign  ended 

” 

255. 

II. 

Princes  of  Loo. 

Surname 

Ke. 

Marquises. 

1. 

The  duke 

of  Chow 

8. 

Heen  

… (®). 

(周公 )， B.C. 

1,121. 

9. 

Chin 

… .， .(眞 )• 

2. 

Pih-k^n 

••( 伯禽 )， 

” 

1,114. 

10. 

Woo 

武 ). 

3. 

K‘aou 

(考 ), 

” 

1,061. 

11. 

E 

… .(懿 )• 

4. 

Yang 

(瘍 )， 

” 

1,057. 

12. 

Pih-yu  

(伯御 ) 

5, 

Tew 

… _)， 

” 

1,051. 

13. 

Heaou 

… .（孝 )_ 

6. 

Wei 

(魏 )， 

14. 

Hwuy 

.… (惠 )• 

7. 

Le 

… (麁 )， 

I have  not  given  the  date  of  the  accession  of  the  preceding  niuo  marquises,  it 
being  difficult  to  make  it  out  in  several  cases.  Hvvuy  brings  us  to  tho  Ch^uu  Ts*e\v 
period. 

15.  Yin B-C-  721.  17.  Cliwang (jtl：),  b.c.  (392. 

16.  Hwan (ffi),  „ 710.  18.  Min „ 660. 

102] 


SECT.  III.] 


rRINCES  OF  WEI  AND  TS  AE. 


[l，ROLEGOMKNA. 


19. 

He 

…… 

B.C. 

658. 

24. 

Chcaou 

…… (厢 )， 

B.C. 

540. 

20. 

Wi\n 

…… (文 )， 

625. 

25. 

Ting … •… 

.... (定 )， 

508. 

21. 

Seuen  

…… (官 )， 

” 

G07. 

26. 

Gae 

.…… (坭 )， 

” 

493. 

22. 

Ch‘ing  

•…… (成 )， 

589. 

27. 

Taou  

…… (悼 )， 

” 

4G6. 

23. 

Seang 

…… (蕤 )， 

9> 

571. 

28. 

Yuen 

• (兀 ), 

” 

429. 

29  Mull  (穆 )， 408.  Under  Muh  Loo  entirely  lost  its  independence.  After  him 
we  have:— 30,  Kung  (共 )， 375;  31， K‘ang  (廉 )； 32,  King  (景 )， 342;  33,  P‘ing 
(平 )； 34,  Wan  (^);  35,  K4ing  who  was  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a 

private  man  by  king  K^aou-leeh  of  Ts4oo  in  B.c.  248. 


III.  Princes  of  Wei  (衞 )•  Surname  Ke.  Marquises；  but  for 
some  time  they  had  the  titie  of  Pill  (伯 )， as  presiding  over  several 
other  States. 


1. 

K4angShuh(^^  ； see 

the  Shoo, 

18. 

Tae 

•(戴 )， 

b.c.  (359. 

[V.  ix.) 

19. 

Wan 

.(文 )， 

，， 658. 

2. 

K‘ang  Pih  (康  1 白 )， 

b.c.  1,077. 

20. 

Cli‘ing.". 

•(成 )， 

„ 633. 

3. 

K‘aou  Pih  (考  if 白 )， 

„ 1,051- 

21. 

Muh 

•(穆 )， 

„ 598. 

4. 

Tsze  Pih...( 嗣伯 )， 

„ l,〇15. 

22. 

Ting 

•(定 )， 

„ 587. 

5. 

Tsgeh  Pih  (_  很)， 

„ 933. 

23. 

Heen 

•(獻 )， 

„ 575. 

6. 

Tsing  Pih  (靖伯 )， 

，， 908. 

24. 

Sliang 

遍, 557; 

intermedi- 

7 

ChingPih  (貞伯 )， 

，， 893. 

[ate  till  546. 

8. 

K‘ing (嗔; simply 

marquis), 

25. 

Seang... . 

„ 542. 

，， 865. 

26. 

Ling 

_<靈)， 

„ 533. 

9. 

Le  (釐 )，〇rHe  (僖 )， 

„ 853. 

27. 

CIi‘uh.... 

.(出 )， 

，， 491. 

10. 

Kung*  Pill  f 曰 )， 

„ 811. 

28. 

Cbwang . 

•(壯1)， 478;  intermedi- 

11. 

Woo (武 )， 

„ 811. 

[ate  for  one  year. 

12. 

Chwang  … .(爿 it)， 

„ 756. 

29. 

Pan-sze. . . 

••( 班帥 )， 

477,  inter- 

13. 

Hwan (捋 )， 

„ 733. 

30. 

Keun-kce. 

..( 君起 )， 

477,  inter- 

14. 

Seuen (曰 ), 

„ 717. 

[mediate  for  two  years. 

15. 

Hwuy (惠 )， 

„ 698. 

31. 

Taou 

(悼 )， 

„ 467. 

1G. 

K ‘谷 en-mow (緊 ^ 牟) 

intermedi- 

32. 

King 

. •(敬 )， 

„ 449. 

[ate, 

„ 695. 

33. 

Chcaou  ... 

•職 

„ 430. 

17. 

E (懿 )， 

，， 667. 

34. 

Hwae 

„ 424. 

35.  Shin  413.  Under  Shin  Wei  lost  its  independence,  and  became  attached 
to  Wei  (魏 ）•  We  have  after  him： — 36,  Shing  (^^),  371;  37,  Cluing  (成； he  was 
reduced  in  rank);  38,  P‘ing  (^^)， 331;  39， Tsze  Keun  (晶 旬 still  farther  reduc- 

ed);  40,  Hwae  Keun  齒君、 281;  41， Yuen  Kenn  (兀； ^)， 250;  42， Kenn  KGoh 
(苕角  ), who  was  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a private  man  by  the  second  emperor 
of  Ts‘in. 


IV.  Princes  of  IVae  (蔡 )•  Surname  Ke.  Marquises. 


1.  丁8^8111111-1；。。(^^叔度)’ 

a brother  of  king*  Woo.  Was 
subsequently  banished.  B.c.  1,121. 


2.  Tscae  Chung-hoo  ( 蔡仲胡 )， 

Too’s  son. 

Wasrestoredto  Ts(ae,  in  b.c.  1,106, 
(See  the  Shoo,  V.  xvii. ) 


103] 


PROLKGOMEN.V.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  TIIE  CII  UN  TS  EW. 


[CH  II. 


3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 

9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 

13. 


Tscae  Pih-hwang 

( 蔡伯荒 ). 

Ts‘ae  Kungvhow 

( 蔡宮侯 )， 

Le  (釐) 

W〇〇  (3^) 

E (夷 

He 

Kung (無) 

Tae (戴? 

Seuen  (台) 

Hwan (IlS) 

Gae (J^) 

•Died  a captive  in 
Tscoo,  in 


b.c.  1，052. 


946 

892 

862 

836 

808 

760 

758 

748 

713 

693 

674 


14.  Muh  (穆 )， b.c. 

15.  Cliwang  (爿 ±1)， ，， 

16.  Wan  (女 )’ ，， 

17.  King  (赛 )， ，， 

18-  Ling- (靈 )’ ，， 

Killed  in  T^oo,  in  530. 

19.  P‘ing （平 )• 

Restored  by  Ts‘oo  iu  ” 

20.  Taon  (| 卓 )， ，， 

21.  Ch‘aou (贿 )， ，， 

22.  CVing (或 )， ，， 

23.  Shing (5)， ，， 

24.  Yuen (兀 )， ，， 

25.  Ts‘e (齊 )， ，， 

Ts4ae  was  extinguished  by 

[Ts‘oo  in  ，， 


V.  Princes  of  Tsin  (晉) • Surname  Ke.  Marquises. 


1. 


2. 


T‘ang  Shuh-yn  吳） 

was  invested  with 
T‘ang  in B.c.  1,106. 

His  son  Seeli  re- 


8. 

9. 


moved  to  Tsin,  and 

10. 

was  the  first 

marquis 

11. 

of  that  State.  Then 

we  have： — 

12. 

3. 

Woo  

..( 武 )_ 

13. 

4. 

CVing 

乂成 )； 

14. 

5. 

Le 

.(薦 )； 

15. 

whose  years 

cannot 

16. 

be  determined.  Then 

17. 

come： — 

6. 

Tsing  

.(靖 )， „ 857. 

Le (擊 )， 

Hiien  (踢 )， 

Muh  (穆 )， 

Sh:mg_shuh. . (竭叔 )， 

Wan  (文 )， 

Cli'aou (IJS)， 

Heaou (^^), 

Goh 等 )， 

Gae (域 )， 

Seaou-tsze...  (小子 )， 
Min  (總 )， 


B.C. 


673. 

644. 

610. 

590. 

541. 

527 

520 

517 

489 

470 

455 

449 

44G 


83(J 
821 
810 
/ GO 

779 

744 

737 

722 

71G 

707 

702 


For  several  rules  Tsin  had  been  maintaining  a failing  struggle  against  that 
branch  of  the  ruling  House  which  had  been  established  with  the  title  of  earl  in 
K‘euh-yuh  (曲  and  Hwan  Shuh  (^0  7^〇  and  Cliwang  chiefs  of 

K^uh-yuh,  enter  in  some  lists  into  the  line  of  the  princes  of  Tsin.  At  last  Cli'ing, 
the  successor  of  Chwang  Pih,  put  Min  to  deatli,  in  G78,  and  was  acknowledged  by 
the  king  as  ruler  of  Tsin.  He  is: — 


18. 

Woo  …. 

..( 武 )， 

b.c.  677. 

25. 

Sciang . . 

...( 褒 )， 

B.C. 

G2G 

19. 

Heen . . . 

.乂®)， 

，， 675. 

26. 

Ling  …. 

… (靈 )’ 

” 

Gll> 

20. 

He-ts£e . 

...( 奚齊 )， 

，， 650. 

27. 

CVing  • 

. •(成  \ 

9) 

G05 

21. 

Ch‘oli-tsze(>^  "jp)， 

„ G50. 

28. 

King... 

..(谞)， 

” 

598 

22. 

Hwuy .. 

..( 患 )， 

” G49. 

29. 

Le 

...( 厲 )， 

” 

57i> 

23. 

Hwae.. . 

. •(懷 )， 

„ G35. 

30. 

Taou  … 

(#-)， 

” 

571 

24. 

Wim  ... 

. •(文 )， 

„ (531. 

31. 

r‘—" 

•(中 )， 

V 

50(5 

101] 


BECT.  III.J 


PRINCES  OF  TS4AOU  AND  CiMNG. 


[PKOLEUOMtNA. 


32. 

Ch‘aou  . 

..( 昭 )， 

b.c.  530. 

37. 

Tow  .. 

… (幽 )， 

b.c.  437. 

33. 

K‘ing... 

•頭 )， 

，， 524. 

38. 

Loeh 

...( 烈 )， 

，， 418. 

34. 

Ting  …. 

..( 定 )， 

，， 51〇. 

39. 

Heaou . . 

…每， 

„ 391. 

35. 

CWh... 

•..( 出 )， 

，， 473. 

40. 

Tsing... 

.(靖 )， 

„ 37(3. 

36.  Gae (於)， 

In  his  second  year  Tsing 

„ 455. 

was  deprived  of  his  State  and  title.  It  had,  indeed,  been 

only  a nominal  position  which  the  representatives  of  T^ang  Shuh-yu  had  for  some 
time  enjoyed,  for  they  were  merely  puppets  in  the  hands  lof  the  marquis  of  Wei 
(^®).  The  great  State  of  Tsin  was  broken  up  into  three  great  marquisates,  which 
subsequently  claimed  to  be  kingdoms ; 一 those  of  Wei  (^^),  Chaou  (^^),  and  Han 
($^),  the  independent  existence  of  which  dates  from  402,  and  which  continued  till 
they  were  absorbed  by  Ts'in. 

VI.  The  princes  of  Tscaou  (^).  SuiMiame  Ke.  Earls. 


1. 

Chin-toli.  •••( 振釋 )， a brother  of 
[king  Woo. 

14. 

Le  or  He  . 

..( 鬚 or  俗)， B.c. 

609. 

2. 

T4ae  Pih • (太伯 )， 

B.C. 

1,051. 

15. 

Ch‘aon 

...( 昭 )， 

660. 

3. 

Chung  Keun (仲者 ), 

” 

1,000. 

16. 

Kung 

.(共 )， 

” 

651. 

4. 

KumgPih... (宮伯  \ 

” 

933. 

17. 

Wan 

..( 文 )， 

” 

616. 

5. 

Heaou  Pih..(-^  f 白 )， 

” 

893. 

18. 

Seuen 

，•命 

” 

594. 

6. 

E Pih (夷伯 ), 

” 

863. 

19. 

Cli‘ing 

. •(成 )， 

” 

576. 

7, 

Ygw  Pih.... (幽伯 )， 

” 

833. 

20. 

Woo 

••( 武 )， 

” 

553. 

8. 

Tae  Pih  … (戴伯 )， 

” 

824. 

21. 

P‘ing _ 

._(平)， 

3> 

526. 

9. 

Hvmy  Pill.. (惠伯 )， 

” 

794. 

22. 

Taou 

..( 悼 )， 

” 

522. 

10. 

Shih-foo .…. (右甫 )， 

” 

759. 

23. 

Shing 

■ .( 聲 )， 

” 

513. 

11. 

Duke 

” 

758. 

24. 

Tin 

.. •(隱 )， 

” 

508. 

12. 

Hwau (中 曰 )， 

” 

755. 

25. 

Tsing 

• 靖 )， 

” 

503. 

13. 

Cliwang (Mt)， 

700. 

26. 

Pih-yano-.. 

••( 伯陽 )， 

9? 

500. 

Pih-yang  was  made  captive  by  Sung  in 

486,  and  Ts'aou  was  then  extinguished. 

YI1.  Princes  of  Cli‘ing  (鄭 )•  Surname  Ke.  Earls. 


1.  YfeV  (友 ）, a brother  of  king1 

Seuen,  received  investiture  in 
B.c.  805.  He  is  known  as  duke 

Hwan  (flS  ^V)- 

2.  Woo B.c：  769. 

3.  Chwang...(7|±),  „ 742. 

4.  Ch‘aou.“.( 昭 )，  ，， 700. 

5.  Le (^^),699.  He  fled  from 

the  State  in  696,  and  Chcaou 
returned,  but  was  murdered  in 
694.  _ 

6.  Tsze-mei..(~^  „ 694. 

7.  Tsze-yinpp  ( 子嬰 〕 , or  Tsze-e 

# 儀 )， 693.  He  was  killed 
in  679,  and  Le  restored. 

8.  Wau (文 )，  „ 671. 

105] 


9.  Muh (變 )， 

l〇.  Ling  …… (靈 )， 

11.  Seang  … (裴 )， 

12.  Taou (个 率 )， 

13.  Ch£ing....  (jS；), 

14.  Le. . (釐 )， or  He  (僖 )， 

15.  Keen (簡 )， 

16.  Ting (疋 )， 

17.  Heen 

18.  Shing (^), 

19.  Gae (袁 )， 

20.  Kung (^^)， 

21.  Yew (幽 )， 

22.  Seu (驗， 


B.C. 


626. 

604. 

603. 

585. 

583. 

569. 

564. 

528. 

512. 

499. 

461. 

453. 

423. 

421. 


PKOLEGOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH  UN  TS'EW. 


fCH.  II. 


Seu  was  murdered  in  395;  but  before  that  Ch‘ing  had  become  entirely  dependent 
on  the  new  State  of  Han.  This  allowed  one  other  marquis  known  as  Keun  Yih 
(君乙 )，  or  duke  K^ang  (J^),  to  be  named；  but  extinguished  the  State  in  374. 

VIII.  The  princes  of  Woo  (吳 )•  Surname  Ke.  First,  earls;  then 
viscounts.  After  a time  usurped  the  title  of  king. 

The  State  of  Woo,  under  a branch  of  the  House  of  Chow,  began  before  the  rise 
of  the  Chow  dynasty,  under  T*ae-pih  the  eldest  son  of  the  lord  of  Chow 

afterwards  kinged  as  king  T4ae  by  his  great-grandson  the  duke  of  Chow),  who  fled 
from  Chow,  along  with  his  next  brother,  under  the  circumstances  referred  to  in  Ana. 
VIII.  i.  He  was  the  first  ruler  of  Woo.  We  have： — 

1.  T‘ae-pih (太伯 )•  4.  Shuh-tali....  •( 叔達 )• 

2.  Chimg-yung  . (仲  5.  Chow-cliang.( 廟章 )• 

3.  Ke-keen 簡). 

In  Chow-chang^  time  king  Woo  overthrew  the  dynasty  of  Shang,  and  confirmed 
him  in  the  possession  of  Woo  as  a fief  of  the  dynasty  of  Chow,  with  the  title  of  earl. 
The  point  about  the  title  is  not  clear；  and  we  do  not  know  when  earl  was  exchanged 
for  viscount.  After  Chow-chang  we  have： — 


6. 

Heung-suj  . 

(熊遂 

13. 

E-woo  

( 夷吾 x 

7. 

Ko-seang  . . . 

(柯相 ). 

14. 

K^n-choo  ... 

(禽藷 ). 

8. 

K^'ang-kew-e (弓  夷 ). 

15. 

Chuen  

(轉 )• 

9. 

Yu-kWaou-e-w。。 ( 餘 橋疑吾 

16. 

Pco-kaou.  ... 

(頗高 ). 

10. 

Ko-loo 

(柯盧 ). 

17. 

Kow-pe 

(句串 

11. 

Chow-yaou  、 

(周繇 ). 

18. 

K‘eu-ts‘e  … • 

(去齊 )• 

12. 

K4euh-yu  ... 

(屈羽 ). 

19. 

Sliow-mung 

• ••( 毒夢 )， b.c.  584. 

In 

his  time  Woo 

first  began  to  have  communication  with 

the  northern  States 

which  constituted  the  kingdom  of  Chow  proper. 

Most  of  the  names  of  its  princes 

do  not  sound  like  Chinese  names. 

20. 

Choo-fan. . . . 

.( 諸樊 ). b.c.  5*59. 

23. 

Leaou  

..... (■僚 \ b.c.  525. 

21. 

Yu-chae 

.( 餘榮 〕， ，， 546. 

24. 

Hoh-leu 

•( 闔廬 )， ，， 狐 

22. 

Yu-moh 

.( 餘昧 )， ，， 542. 

25. 

Foo-ch^ae  ... 

(夫差 )， ，， 4.94. 

In  472  the  king  of  Yueh  extinguished  Woo,  when  Foo-ch^e  killed  himself. 


IX.  The  princes  of  Yen  (燕) • Surname  Ke.  Sometimes  called  mar- 
quises， sometimes  only  earls.  In  the  end  assumed  the  title  of  king. 

Descended  from  Sbih,  duke  of  Shaou  (召^  ^J^),  often  mentioned  in  the  Shoo 

(See  V.  xvi.,  ei  al.).  He  was  the  first  ruler  of  Yen.  Eight  of  his  descendants,  whose 
names  and  years  cannot  be  ascertained  are  said  to  have  ruled  in  it,  and  wo 


corae 

10. 

to： — 
Hwuy  ... 

• ••( 惠侯） b.c.  863. 

15. 

Muli (穆侯 )， n.c. 

727. 

ii. 

He  (僖侯 WLe( 廢侯 U 的5. 

16. 

Seuen ” 

709. 

12. 

K‘ing  … 

… (頃侯 )， ，， 789. 

17. 

Hwan ，， 

606. 

13. 

Gae 

...( 於侯 )， ，， 765. 

18. 

Duke  Chwang  (^t  公 )， ，, 

689. 

14. 

Ch^ng  ... 

•••( 郯侯 〉， ，， 763. 

19. 

Seang „ 

656. 

SECT.  III.] 


PRINCES  OF  CH4IN  AND  SUNG. 


[prolegomena. 


20. 

Seuen  

...... (官 )， 

B.C. 

616. 

32. 

Ch‘ing.  •••( 成 ))， 

B.C. 

448f 

21. 

Ch*aou 

(昭 )， 

99 

600. 

33. 

Min (聞 )， 

” 

432. 

22. 

Woo 

•…… (武 )， 

” 

585. 

34. 

LeorHe  .. (鐘。 r 僖)， 

” 

401. 

23. 

wan 

.…… (文 )， 

n 

572. 

35. 

Hwan (誉 曰 )， 

” 

371. 

24. 

E 

….… (懿 )， 

” 

547. 

36. 

wan (文 )， 

>» 

360. 

25. 

Hwuy 

… (惠 )， 

” 

543. 

37. 

King  Yih  (易王 入 

” 

331, 

26. 

Taou 

….… (悼 )， 

” 

534. 

28. 

Yili’s  son  K‘wae(*f  P 會 )， ” 

319. 

27. 

Kang 

… •… (共 )， 

” 

527. 

39. 

CVaou … •(!] 芑土 )， 

99 

310. 

28. 

Pling 

•…… (平 )， 

” 

522. 

40. 

Hwny  •••  •( 患土 )， 

91 

277. 

29. 

Keen 

… (簡 )， 

” 

503. 

41. 

Woo-ch‘ing( 歲成王  \ 

” 

270. 

30 

Heen 

•…… (獻 )’ 

491. 

42. 

Heaou  ... (孝 王 )， 

256. 

31. 

Heaoa  

.…… (孝 )， 

463. 

43. 

The  king  He  (王喜 )， 

” 

253. 

He  was  made  captive,  and  the  State  extinguished,  by  Tslin  in  291. 


X.  The  princes  of  Ch ‘in  (陳〉 . Surname  K'vei  (媽 )， as  being 
descended  from  Shun.  Marquises. 


King  Woo,  it  is  said,  gave  his  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  to  a Kwei  Mwan 
(媽滿 )，  the  son  of  his  chief  potter,  and  invested  him  with  Ch'in.  He  was  the  first 
marquis,  and  is  known  as  duke  Hoo  (古 ^ After  him  come： — 


2. 

Shin... 

..( 申 )• 

12. 

Hwan .... 

4 百 )， 

743. 

3. 

Seang... 

. .( 相 ). 

13. 

Le 

(厲 \ 

” 

705. 

4. 

Heaou  . 

..(#). 

14. 

Le 

.(初 )， 

” 

699. 

5. 

Shin  ... 

..( 愼 ). 

15. 

Cliwang 

(莊 )， 
(宣 )， 

m\ 

” 

698. 

6. 

Yew  — 

.. ( 幽 )， 

B.C. 

853. 

16. 

Seuen  .... 

” 

691. 

7. 

Le  (釐 )orHe  (僖 )， 

” 

830. 

17. 

Muh 

” 

646. 

8. 

Woo ... . 

.(武 )， 

” 

795. 

18. 

Kung* 

(共） 

” 

630. 

9. 

E 

… (夷 )， 

780. 

19. 

Ling  … 

.(靈 )， 

n 

612. 

10. 

P‘ing... 

… (平 )， 

” 

777. 

20. 

Ch‘ing  ... 

(成 )， 

” 

597. 

11. 

Wan  ... 

••( 文 )， 

5J 

754. 

21. 

Gae 

.(哀 )’ 

” 

567. 

Gae  strangled  himself  in  533,  and  the  State  was  held  by  a prince  of  Tsfoo  till  528, 
when  the  Kwei  line  was  restored.  We  have： — 


22.  Hwuy  ...  (墨 )，  b.c.  527  24.  Min (閔 )，  B.c.  500. 

23.  Hwae.  ...  (*^^)，  „ 504. 

Min  was  killed,  and  the  State  extinguished  by  Tscoo,  in  478, — the  year  in  which 
Confucius  died. 


XI.  The  princes  of  Sung  (木 )•  Surname  Tsze  (子 )， as  being  the 
descendants  of  the  sovereigns  of  Yin  or  Sliang,  the  representatives 


of  T‘ang  the  Successful. 

1.  Kfe， viscount  of  Wei  (j 鼓子 

was  made  duke  of  Sung, — say  in 
B.c.  1,111  (See  the  Shoo,  V.viii.) 

2.  WeiChung  (微仲 )，bx.1，0；7. 


3.  Kce,  duke  of 

b.c.  1,052. 

4.  Duke  Ting  ( J jV),  ,,  999. 

5.  Min  (fg)，  „ 934. 


107] 


PROLEGOMRyA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH4UN  TS^EW. 


[CH.  If. 


6. 

Yang  

順） 

B.C. 

907. 

20. 

Cli‘ing  … 

… (成 )， 

B.C. 

635. 

7. 

Le 

•(厲 )， 

892. 

21. 

Ch‘aoii  ... 

.. ( 昭 )， 

” 

618. 

8. 

Le 

.(釐 )， 

” 

857. 

22. 

Wan 

… (文 )， 

” 

609. 

9. 

Hwuy.,.  ... 

… (患 )， 

” 

829. 

23. 

Kung 

… (共 )， 

” 

587. 

10. 

Gae • 

..( 袄 )， 

” 

799. 

24. 

P‘ing 

… (平 )， 

” 

574. 

11. 

Tae 

..( 邀 )， 

” 

798. 

25. 

Yuen 

… (兀 )， 

” 

530. 

12. 

Woo  

•(武 )， 
..( 官) 

764. 

26. 

King 

… (景 )， 

” 

515. 

13. 

Seuen  

” 

746. 

27. 

Ch4aou  ... 

… (賂 )， 

” 

451. 

14. 

Muh 

•(瘳 )， 

” 

727. 

28. 

Taou 

… (悼 )， 

” 

403. 

15. 

Shang 

..( 殤 )， 

” 

718. 

29. 

Hew  

... 

” 

394. 

16. 

Chwang-  ... 

..( 莊 )， 

” 

708. 

30. 

Peih 

.. ( 辟 )’ 

)» 

371. 

17. 

Min … (関 

01，’辱)， 

690. 

31. 

TSih-eVing  •• ( 剔成） 

” 

368, 

18. 

Hwan 

… (中曰 ） 

” 

580. 

32. 

Ten 

... ( 偃 )， 

” 

327. 

19. 

Seangv 

••( 蓑 )， 

” 

649. 

Yen  took  tho  title  of  king  in  3L7,  but  Sung  was  extinguished  by  Ts4e  in  285, 
and  Yen  fled  to  Wan  and  there  died.  Indeed  from  the  time  of  duke  Taou,  Sung 
had  become  dependent  on  Ts4e.  There  is  much  difficulty  in  fixing  the  number  of 
years  that  dukes  King  and  the  second  Ch^ou  ruled. 

XII.  The  princes  of  Ts‘e  (齊 ). Surname  Kfeang  (姜 )， as  being 
descended  from  Yaou's  chief  minister.  Marquises. 


1.  Shang-foo  (尙父 )， wiio  appears  to  have  been  one  of  the  principal  advisers 
of  W^n  and  Woo  both  ia  peace  and  war,  was  invested  by  Woo  with  Tsce,  and  is 
known  as  T‘ae  Kung  公 ). Then  we  have： — 


2. 

DukeTingC  J 

b.c. 1,076. 

16. 

Heaou... 

..( 孝 )， 

B.C. 

641. 

3. 

Yih  … 

■(乙 )， 

” 

1,050. 

17. 

Ch4aou . . 

_.( 照 )， 

” 

631. 

4. 

Kwei  — 

•(癸 )， 

” 

999. 

18. 

E 

.(懿 )， 

” 

611. 

5. 

Gae  … 

(藏 

” 

933. 

19. 

Hwujr  … 

..( 惠 )， 

99 

607. 

6. 

IIoo  • • • • . 

(胡 )， 

892. 

20. 

K‘ing  …. 

” 

597. 

7. 

Heen 

•(獻 )， 

” 

858. 

21. 

Ling … 

•(靈 )， 

» 

580. 

8. 

Woo  … • 

.(武 )， 

” 

849. 

22. 

Chwaiig.XHi), 

if 

552. 

9. 

Le 

.(麁 )， 

823. 

23. 

King.... 

. •(景 )， 

99 

540. 

10. 

Wan 

•(文 )， 

814. 

24. 

Gan  Yu-tsze( 晏儒子 )》 ，， 

488. 

H. 

Chains* . 

.(成 )， 

” 

802. 

25. 

Taou  .... 

..( 悼 )， 

99 

487. 

12. 

Chwang. 

7J 

793. 

26. 

Keen 

..(Ml), 

” 

483. 

13. 

Le  or  He 

(釐 or 僖 ), 

99 

729. 

27. 

P‘ing  …. 

..( 平 )， 

ff 

479. 

14. 

Seang.... 

•(襄 )， 

” 

C96. 

28. 

Seuen.... 

.(宣 )， 

>1 

454. 

15. 

Hwan  ... 

•(桓 )， 

” 

683. 

29. 

K‘ang*  … 

•(康 )， 

99 

403. 

For  a considorablo  time  the  princes  of  Ts^  had  been  at  the  mercy  of  the  Heads 
of  the  Ch‘in  (陳^  family,  the  most  powerful  in  the  State.  A prince  of  Ch*in  took 
refuge  in  Ts4©  in  B.c.  671  (See  the  Chuen  on  III.  xxii.  3),  and  his  descendants  ere 
】uug*  grow  into  a powerful  clau， and  conceived  the  idea  of  supersoding  the  line  of 

108] 


sfct. 


PRINCKS  OF  TSOO. 


[l»KOI.KlW)M  l；V  A. 


Keaug.  They  were  known  as  Ch'ins  (^),  but  that  surnamo  they  excliansred  for 
T'een  (田 );4  is  not  known  when  or  why.  In  390  T4een  Ho  (JJJ^P)  removi'd 
duke  K4ang  from  his  capital,  and  placed  him  in  a city  near  the  sea,  where  bo  might 
maintain  the  sacrifices  to  his  ancestors；  and  there  Le  led  an  inglorious  life  till 
when  the  line  of  Keang  came  to  a close.  T'een  Ho  made  application  to  the  king  of 
Chow  and  to  the  feudal  princes  to  be  acknowledged  himself  as  marquis  of  Tsle,  wliicb 
was  acceded  to,  and  liis  first  year  dates  from  385. 

Of  tlie  line  of  T 义 en  in  Ts‘e  we  have: — 


1. 

T4ae-kang  Ho  (太 和) B.c.  385. 

5. 

Min 

..( 湣 )， 
•.魏 

b.c.  312. 

2. 

Hwan (矛 坦)，  » 383. 

6. 

Seang  — 

„ 281. 

8. 

King  Wei.  •( 威王 )，  ”377. 

7. 

Keen 

._( 麁)， 

„ 2G3. 

4.  King  Seuen (过王 入 331. 

Keen  continued  till  the  first  year  of  the  dynasty  of  Ts4in, 

B.c.  220,  when 

he  made 

his  submission  to  the  new  Power,  and  the  independent  existence  of  T8ce  ceased. 


XIII.  The  princes  ofTs^oo  (j^).  Surname  Me  (^p).  Viscounts- 

They  claimed  to  be  descended  from  the  ancient  emperor  Chuen-heuh  (Jf^  JP[)； 
but  the  first  who  had  the  surname  Me  appears  to  have  been  a Ke-leen  (季速 )， 
about  the  dawn  of  historic  times.  A Yuh  Heung  ( is  mentioned  with  distinc- 
tion in  the  time  of  king  Wan,  and  his  great-grandson,  Heung  Yih  was 

iuvested  with  Tscoo  by  king  Ch'ing,  as  a viscount.  It  was  not  very  long  till  the 
title  of  viscount  was  discarded,  and  that  of  king  usui^ped.  The  Heung  was  a clan- 


name,  derived  from  Yuli  Heung. 

1， 

Hgung  Yili  ( 熊繹 

o 

Heung  E ... (义 )，  B.c. 

1,077. 

3. 

，， Tah  (1§), ，， 

1,051. 

4, 

，， Shiug (勝 )，  ，， 

1,000. 

5. 

，， Yang  (爆） ，， 

945. 

6. 

„ Kceu  He  -assumed 

tlie  title  of  king  about  886,  but 

gave  it  up  again  through  fear 

of  king  Le  of  Chow. 

7. 

Heung  Che-hung(^^^I),B.c.866. 

8. 

„ Yen  (等 )，  ，， 

865. 

9. 

，， YungC-^),  „ 

845. 

10. 

，， Yen  (厭 )，  „ 

836. 

11. 

，， Seang(^),  „ 

826. 

12. 

„ Seun  (f 旬 )，  ，， 

820. 

13. 

，， Oil  …(嗜 )， 至 ，， 

798. 

14. 

„ E,  title  Joh-gaouC"^； 

曰苷 敖]，  ” 

789. 

15. 

„ Klan,  title  Seaou-gaoa 

(坎 ，霄敖 )， ” 

762. 

16. 

„ Heaen,  title  Fua-maou 

傳蚜冒 )， ，， 

756. 

17.  King  Woo  •王 )， b.c.  739. 

The  title  of  king*  was 
assumed  in  703. 


18. 

Wan 

… （文 )’ ，， 

688. 

19. 

Heung  Keen,  title  Chwang*-gaou 

( 艱获敖 )， ，， 

675. 

20. 

King  Ch‘ing  (成王 ， „ 

670. 

21. 

Muh 

•… (櫻 )， ，， 

624. 

22. 

Chwang.. 

•… (莊 )， ，， 

612. 

23. 

Kang  ... 

• •• ( 共 )， ，， 

589. 

24. 

K‘ang  … 

… (康 )， ，， 

558. 

25. 

Heung  Kean,  title  Keah- 

garni  (麝， 白那裁 ), ，, 

543. 

26. 

King  Ling." (靈王 )， ，， 

539. 

27. 

P‘ing  …. 

•… (肀)， ，， 

527. 

28. 

Chsaou  ... 

.. •(昭 )， ，， 

514. 

29. 

Hwuy 

•… (患 )， ” 

487. 

30. 

Keen  

.… (簡 )， ” 

430. 

31. 

Shing 

•… (聲 )， ，， 

406. 

32. 

Taou  

…八悼 )， ，， 

400. 

33. 

Sah 

379. 

34. 

Seuen 

.… (寅 )， ” 

368. 

109] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


CHRONOLOGY  OF  THE  CH‘UN  TS  EW. 


[CH.  IT. 


35. 

Wei  (咸 )， B.C. 

338. 

39.  Yew  (幽 ). B c. 

2:3G. 

3(5. 

H'vae (_)，  ，， 

327. 

40.  The  King*  Hoo-ts4o〇(  3E 

37. 

K'itig-siiang  傾襄 )， ，， 

294. 

(負鄭  ，， 

22G. 

38. 

K4aou-leeh  „ 

261. 

Ts'in  extinguished  Ts*oo  in 

ooo 

XIV.  The  princes  of  Tslin  (^). 

Surname  Ying  (赢 ). At  first 

only  earls. 


They  claimed  to  be  descended  from  the  ancient  emperor  Chuen-heuh,  through 
Pili-e  (伯 ■賽 ） or  Pih-yihi  (伯  the  forester  of  Shun  (Shoo,  II.  i.  22),  who  is  said 
to  have  given  him  the  surname  of  Ying.  Sze-ma  Ts4een  traces  the  family  down 
through  the  Hea  and  Shang  dynasties,  but  there  is  much  that  is  e^dently  fabulous 
ia  the  statements  which  he  makes.  At  last  we  arrive  at  the  tirce  of  king  Heaou  of 
Chow,  who  was  so  pleased  with  the  ability  displayed  by  Fei-tsze  C 非子 )，  a scion  of 
the  family,  in  keeping  cattle,  that  he  employed  him  to  look  after  his  herds  of  horses, 
‘ between  the  K‘fe'en  ancl  the  Wei  (沒^ 、/ 胃 之 間 )/  and  invested  him  with  the  small 
territory  of  Ts‘in， as  chief  of  an  attached  State,  there  to  maintain  the  sacrifices  to 
the  Yiug*.  Fei-tsze  occupies  the  first  place  in  the  list  of  the  princes  of  T84in. 

1.  Fei-tsze (非子 )， b.c.  908.  4.  Ts‘inClmiig  "(^^  仲 ）， b.c.  843. 

2.  Ts4in  How.  ^),  „ 856.  5.  Duke  ChwangC^t  „ 820. 

3.  Kung-pih . (公你 ， ，，  846.  6.  Seang …… ( 餐， „ 776. 

SGang  gave  important  assistance  to  the  House  of  Chow  in  the  troubles  connected 
with  the  death  of  king  Yiiw,  and  the  removal  of  the  capital  by  king  P'ing  to  the 
east,  and  his  rank  was  raised  in  709  to  that  of  earl,  an  1 Ts^n  had  now  an  independent 
existence  anong  the  other  fiefs  of  Chow.  Its  territory  was  also  greatly  increased, 
and  Seang  received,  what  Chinese  writers  think  wss  of  evil  omen,  the  old  domain  of 
the  princes  of  Chow  from  mount  K4e  westwards. 


7. 

Duke  Win 

..( 文公 )， 

B.C. 

764. 

23. 

Tsaou  ..  (SR)，  b.c.  441. 

8. 

Ning 

•(争 )， 

” 

714. 

24. 

Hwae (i)，  „ 427. 

9. 

Ch‘uh-tsze  . 

.( 出子 )， 

” 

702. 

25. 

Ling (靈）  „ 423. 

10. 

Woo 

.(武 )， 

” 

696. 

26. 

Keen (簡 )，  „ 413. 

11. 

Tih 

..( 德 )， 

” 

G7G. 

27. 

Hwuy (惠 )，  „ 398. 

12. 

Seuen 

..( 官 )， 

” 

674. 

28. 

Ch‘uh-tsze.“（ 出子 )， ，， 385. 

13. 

Cluing  . • • • • 

.(成 )， 

” 

662. 

29. 

Heen (傷 „ 383. 

14. 

Mali 

..( 櫻 )， 

” 

658. 

30. 

Heaou (^*),  „ 300. 

15. 

K‘ang 

•(康 )， 

” 

619. 

31. 

King  Hwuy-wJln (惠文 

16. 

Kang 

•(共 )， 

” 

607. 

王 )，  „ 830. 

It  was  in  b.c.  324  that  the  title 

17. 

Hwan 

.加， 

” 

603. 

of  king  was  first  assumed. 

18. 

King 

.( 逯 )， 

•肩 

” 

r>75. 

32. 

King  Woo...( 武 王） ，， 309. 

19. 

Gae 

” 

635. 

33. 

Ch‘aou-siiang*(I 沿褒 )， „ 305. 

20. 

Hway 

. •(恵 )， 

” 

499. 

34. 

•( 孝^文 )， „ 249. 

21. 

Taou 

.(悼 )， 

” 

490. 

35. 

Ch  wang-scang(  n 248. 

22. 

Lo-kung  .. . 

.( 厲共 )， 

” 

475. 

36. 

Cliing (政 )，  ，，245. 

110] 


SECT.  II.] 


TABLE  OF  THE  CYCLE. 


[rUOLEGOMtNA. 


Became  king  in  245,  and  succeeded  in  establishing  his  sway  over  all  the  other 
States  in  220,  from  which  year  dates  the  commencement  of  the  Ts^n  dynasty.  He 
reigned  under  the  style  of  始皇 帝，  emperor  the  First,  till  209.  In  208  lie  was 
succeeded  by  his  son,  emperor  the  Second  (二^  吊 *),  ami  witli  liis  death  in 

204  the  short-lived  dynasty  may  be  said  to  have  ended. 


IT  SEEMS  DESIRABLE  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THIS  CHAPTER  TO 
APPEND  A TABLE  OF  THE  CYCLE  OF  SIXTY. 


酉 戌亥子 丑寅外 辰巳 午未申 酉戌亥 
己庚辛 壬癸甲 乙丙丁 戊己庚 辛壬癸 

678901234-0  67890 
44445  5 5555555  5 6 


, 未中酉 戌亥 子丑寅 外辰巳 午未申 
甲乙丙 丁戊己 庚辛壬 癸甲乙 丙丁戊 

1234-0  678901  2 345 
333333333444444 


外辰 巳午未 申酉戌 亥子 丑寅外 辰巳 
己 庚辛壬 癸甲 乙丙丁 戊己庚 辛壬癸 

678901234  5 6 7 890 
11112222222  2 2 2' 3 


子丑寅 外辰巳 午未申 酉戌亥 子丑寅 
_ 甲乙丙 丁戊己 庚辛壬 癸甲乙 丙丁戊 


0 1 2 3 4 5 
111111 


111] 


I-KOLKUO.HE.NA.]  THE  CHINA  OF  TIIE  CH'UN  TS!EW  PERIUD. 


[cii.  111. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  CHINA  OP  THE  CHlUN  TS;EW  PERIOD：— CONSIDERED  IN 
RELATION  TO  ITS  TERRITORIAL  EXTENT；  THE 
DISORDER  WHICH  PREVAILED；  THE  GROWrH  A^D  ENCROACH- 
MENTS OF  THE  LARGER  STATES；  AND  THE  BARBAROUS 
TRIBES  WHICH  SURROUNDED  IT. 

1.  On  the  territorial  extent  of  the  kingdom  of  Chow,  and  the 
names  of  the  feudal  States  composing  it,  daring  the  Ch4nn  Tslew 

Territorial  extent  and  component  States,  period,  I have  nothing  t.O  add  to 
what  I have  said  on  the  same  subjects  for  the  period  embraced  in 
the  Book  of  Poetry,  on  pp.  127-131  of  the  prolegomena  to  volume 
IV.  A study  of  the  large  map  accompanying  this  Chapter,  in  its 
two-fold  form,  with  the  names  on  the  one  in  English  and  on  the 
other  in  Chinese,  will  give  the  reader  a more  correct  idea  of  these 
points  than  many  pages  of  description  could  do.  The  period  of  the 
Book  of  Poetry  overlapped  that  of  the  Cli^an  Ts4ew  by  more  than  a 
hundred  years.  No  new  State  arose  during  the  hitter,  though  several 
came  into  greater  prominence  than  had  I'onnerly  belonged  to  them; 
and  the  enlargement  of  territory  which  took  place  arose  cliiefly  from 
tlie  greater  development  which  the  position  of  Tsin,  Ts4oo,  and  Tslia 
enabled  them  to  give  themselves. 

2.  It  is  often  said  that  the  period  embraced  in  the  Ch^n  Tslew 
was  one  of  disorder, — a social  and  political  disorganization  to  be 
compared  with  the  physical  disorder  caused  by  the  inundating  waters 

Disorder  of  tlie  Ch'un  Ts'ew  period; — 


cius  tells  us  that  the  Classic  does  not  contain  a simile  instance  of  u 
righteous  war,  a war,  according  to  liim,  being  righteous  only  when 
the  supreme  authority  had  marslialled  its  forces  to  punish  some 
disobedient  vassal,  whereas,  (luring  the  period  clironicli^l  l>y  Con- 
fucius, we  have  notliing  but  the  strifes  and  collisions  of  the  various 
feudal  States  among  themselves.2  This  is  not  absolutely  correct,  but 
it  is  an  approximation  to  tlie  truth.  Tlio  disorder  of  the  period, 
liowever,  was  only  the  sequel  of  tlie  disorder  that  preceded  it.  Not 
long  before  it  commenced,  king  P'ing  had  transferred  the  to 

the  east  in  769,  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  his  father  king  Vow 
at  the  hands  of  some  of  the  wild  tribes  of  the  flung.  This  moveim”*t 
was  an  ojhmi  acknowledgment  of  the  weakness  of  the  sovon'ign 

1 See  Mencius,  III.  Pt.  ii.  IX.  11.  2 Meucius,  VII.  Pt.  ii.  11. 


112] 


) ; 


6>f 


ch.  in.]  DISOKDER  OF  TOE  CII'UN  TS^W  PERIOD.  [prolegomexa. 

power,  which  had  been  brought  very  low  towards  the  end  of  tlie 
first  half  of  the  9th  century,  b.c.,  and  had  only  partially  revived 
during  the  long  reign  of  king  Seuen.  I doubt,  indeed,  whether  it 
had  been  very  strong  in  what  is  regarded  as  its  golden  age,  after 
the  duke  of  Chow  had  consolidated  the  dynasty,  and  introduced  his 
code  of  ceremonial  and  political  regulations.  The  theory  was  then 
good,  but  the  practice  was  very  indifferent. 

The  process  of  degeneracy  and  disintegration,  however,  was  very 
marked  from  the  beginning  of  the  9 th  century.  It  is  an  acknowledged 
fact  that  about  b.c.  880  the  chief  of  the  powerful  southern  State  of 
Ts4oo  usurped  for  a time  the  title  of  king,  and  Avished  to  declare  himself 
independent  of  the  kings  of  Chow.  When  the  Ch'un  Ts£ew  period 
opens  upon  us,  we  find  existing  an  all  but  an  arch  al  condition  of 
things.  There  was  virtually  no  king  in  China  in  those  days,  and 
the  lord  of  each  feudal  State  did  what  was  right  in  his  own  eyes. 
In  706,  the  earl  of  Ch^ng  the  most  recently  established  of  all  the 
States,  if  perhaps  we  should  except  Ts4in,  engaged  in  hostilities 
with  the  king  himself,  who  was  wounded  in  the  battle  between  them. 

King  Woo  and  the  duke  of  Chow  had  parcelled  out  their  conquest 
— the  kingdom  of  Shang — among  the  scions  of  their  own  family  and 
their  adherents  of  other  surnames,  with  the  representatives  of  T'ang 
the  Successful  and  other  great  Names  in  the  previous  history  of  the 
country.  How  many  the  feudal  States,  great  and  small,  were  at  the 
most,  I will  not  venture  to  say  even  approximately.  The  theory  of 
the  constitution  left  them  very  considerable  liberty  in  tlie  administra- 
tion of  their  internal  affairs,  and  in  their  relations  with  one  another. 
They  were  to  be  content  with  their  allotments  of  territory  and  not 
infringe  on  those  of  their  neighbours,  maintaining  a good  mutual 
understanding  by  means  of  court  visits3  and  visits  of  friendship  or 
compliment,4  and  by  interchanging  communications  on  all  important 
events  occurring  within  their  borders.  Any  breaking  of  the  peace 
or  unjust  attack  of  one  State  by  another  was  to  be  represented  to 
the  royal  court,  and  the  king  would  then  call  into  the  field  the 
unwieldy  forces  at  his  disposal,  and  deal  justice  on  the  offender. 

But  this  beautiful  theory  of  government  presupposed  a wonder- 
ful freedom  from  jealousy  and  ambition  on  the  part  of  the  feudal 
lords,  and  an  overwhelming  superiority  of  force  on  the  part  of  the 
king；  and,  neither  of  these  things  existing,  the  constitution  of  the 
kingdom  was  torn  into  shreds.  Instead  of  the  harmony  which  the 

3 朝 4 聘 


113] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CHlUN  TSCEW  PERIOD. 


[CH.  III. 


principles  of  benevolence  and  righteousness,  carried  out  with 
courtesy  and  in  accordance  with  the  rules  of  propriety,  should  have 
produced,  we  find  the  States  biting  and  devouring  one  another, 
while  the  large  and  strong  oppressed  and  absorbed  the  small  and 
weak.  In  the  Chuen  on  IX.  xxix.  7,  during  a dispute  at  the  court 
of  Tsin  on  some  encroachments  which  Loo  had  made  on  the  territory 
of  K(e,  an  officer  reminds  the  marquis  of  what  Tsin  itself  had  done 
in  the  same  way.  ‘The  princes,’  said  he,  4 of  Yu,  Kwoh,  Tseaou, 
Hwah,  Hoh,  Yang,  Han,  and  Wei  were  Kes,  and  Tsin's  greatness  is 
owing  to  its  absorbing  of  their  territories.  If  it  had  not  encroached 
on  the  small  States,  where  would  it  have  found  territory  to  take? 
Since  the  times  of  Woo  and  Heen,  we  have  annexed  many  of  them, 
and  who  can  call  us  to  account  for  what  we  have  done?5  The  fact 
was  that  Might  had  come  to  take  the  place  of  Right；  and  while  states- 
men were  ever  ready  to  talk  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  justice, 
benevolence,  and  loyalty,  tlie  process  of  spoliation  went  on.5  The 
number  of  States  was  continually  becoming  less,  the  smaller  melting 
away  into  the  larger.  * The  good  old  rule’  carae  more  and  more 
into  vogue, 

1 the  simple  plan, 

That  they  should  take  who  have  the  power, 

And  they  should  keep  who  can.5 

3.  To  ameliorate  the  evils  arising  from  this  state  of  disorder 
and  anarchy,  and  to  keep  it  moreover  in  check,  there  arose  during 
the  Ch4un  Ts(ew  period  the  singular  device  of  presiding  chiefs, — the 
The  system  of  presiding  chiefs,  system  of  one  State  taking  the  lead  and. 
direction  of  all  the  others,  and  exercising  really  royal  functions 
throughout  the  kingdom,  while  yet  there  was  a profession  of  loyal 
attachment  to  the  House  of  Chow.  The  seeds  of  this  contrivance 
were  sown,  perhaps,  at  the  very  commencement  of  the  dynasty, 
when  the  dukes  of  Chow  and  Shaou  were  appointed  viceroys  over 
the  eastern  and  western  portions  of  tlie  kingdom  respectively,  and 
other  princes  were  made,  on  their  first  investiture,  Chiefs  of  regions,1 
embracing  their  own  Stiifes  and  others  adjacent  to  them.  Those 
arrangements  were  disused  as  the  kings  of  Chow  felt  sccui*e  in  their 
supremacy  over  all  tlie  States,  ami  tho  nominees  in  the  iirst  instiince 
had  been  sinceroly  loyal  and  devoted  to  the  establishment  of  the 
dynasty;  but  now  in  the  Chcun  Tsfe\v  ])eriod  the  kings  were  not 

5 See  the  discourse  of  Ke  Wan-tsze  in  the  Chuen  on  VI.  xviii.  9 a9  a specimen  of  the  admirable 
sentiments  which  men,  thcmsclvos  of  questionable  character  and  course,  could  express. 

1 方伯 • 


CU.  III.]  TI1E  SYSTEM  OF  PRESIDING  STATES.  [i-roi.kcomesa. 

sufficiently  sure  of  any  of  their  vassals  to  delegate  them  to  such  un 
office.  When  one  raised  himself  to  the  position,  they  were  obliged 
unwillingly  to  confirm  him  in  it. 

Five  of  these  presiding  chiefs  are  named  during  the  time  under 
our  review 2: — Ilwan  of  Ts4e  (683—642);  Wan  of  Tsin  (634— G27); 
Seang  of  Sung  (649—636);  Muh  of  Ts4in  (658-620);  and  Chwang  of 
Ts4oo  (612-590).  The  first  two,  however,  are  the  best,  and  I think 
the  only  representatives  of  the  system.  Hwan  was  endowed  with  an 
extraordinary  amount  of  magnanimity,  and  Wan  had  been  disciplined 
by  a long  experience  of  misfortune,  and  was  subtile  and  scheming. 
Both  of  then  were  fully  acknowledged  as  directors  and  controllers  of 
the  States  generally  by  the  court  of  Chow;  and  it  seems  to  me  not 
unlikely  that  if  Wan  had  been  a younger  man  when  he  came  to  the 
marquisate  of  Tsin,  and  his  rule  had  been  protracted  to  as  great  a 
length  as  that  of  Hwan,  he  would  have  gone  on  to  supersede  the 
dynasty  of  Chow  altogether,  and  we  should  have  had  a dynasty  of  Tsin 
nearly  nine  hundred  years  earlier  than  it  occurs  in  Chinese  chronology. 
As  it  was,  his  successors,  till  nearly  the  end  of  the  Ch^n  Ts'ew  period, 
claimed  for  their  State  the  leading  place  in  the  kingdom;  and  it  was 
generally  conceded  to  them.  Though  the  system  of  'vliich  I am 
speaking  be  connected  with  the  names  of  the  five  princes  which  I have 
mentioned,  it  yet  continued  to  subsist  after  them.  They  were  simply 
the  first  to  vindicate,  or  to  endeavour  to  vindicate,  a commanding 
influence  for  the  States  to  which  they  belonged  throughout  the  king- 
dom; and  though  neither  Hwan  nor  Wan  had  any  one  among  their 
successors  fully  equal  to  them,  they  had  many  who  tried  to  assert  a 
supremacy,  and  Tsin,  as  I have  said,  was  long  acknowledged  to  be 
‘lord  of  covenants.’ 

Seang  of  Sung  was  not  entitled  to  a place  among  the  five  chiefs, 
either  from  his  own  character,  or  from  the  strength  and  resources 
of  his  State.  He  appears  rather  as  a madman  than  a man  of  steady- 
purpose;  and  many  scholars  exclude^his  name  from  the  category, 
and  introduce  instead^  Hoh-leu  of  Woo  or  Kow-ts£een  of  Yueh. 
Nor  is  Muh  of  Ts^n  much  better  entitled  to  the  place  assigned 
to  him,  for  though  he  was  a prince  of  very  superior  character  to 
Seang,  his  influence  was  felt  only  in  the  west  of  the  kingdom,  and 
not  by  the  States  generally.  Chwang  of  Ts(oo,  moreover,  did 
certainly  exercise  the  influence  of  a chief  over  several  of  the  States, 
but  he  was  not  acknowledged  as  such  by  the  king  of  Chow,  and  the 


115] 


2 See  Mencius,  VI.  Pt.  ii.  VII. 


prolegomena.]  THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH'UN  TSEW  PERIOD.  [ch.  iu. 

title  of  king  which  he  claimed  for  himself  sufficiently  showed  his 
feeling  and  purpose  towards  the  existing  dynasty.  Still  he  and  other 
kings  of  Ts‘oo  called  the  States  frequently  together,  and  many 
responded  to  their  summons,  knowing  that  a refusal  would  incur 
their  resentment,  and  be  visited  with  direst  punishment. 

I am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  system  of  presiding  chiefs,  or 
rather  of  leading  States,  did  in  a degree  mitigate  the  evils  of  the 
prevailing  disorder.  Ts‘e  and  Tsin  certainly  kept  in  check  the 
encroachments  of  Ts4oo,  which,  barbarous  as  it  was,  would  other- 
wise have  speedily  advanced  to  the  overthrow  of  the  House  of  Chow. 
Yet  the  system  increased  the  misery  that  abounded,  and  if  it  retarded, 
perhaps,  the  downfall  of  the  descendants  of  king  Woo,  it  served  to 
show  that  that  was  unavoidable  in  the  end.  It  was  most  anomalous, 一 
an  imperium  in  im^erio, — and  weakened  the  bond  of  loyal  attachment 
to  the  throne.  Of  what  use  were  the  kings  of  Chow,  if  they  could 
not  do  their  proper  work  of  government,  but  must  be  continually 
devolving  it  on  one  or  other  of  their  vassals?  No  line  of  rulers  can 
continue  to  keep  possession  of  the^supreme  authority  in  a nation,  if 
their  incompetency  be  demonstrated^' for  centuries  together.  The 
sentimental  loyalty  of  Confucius  had  lost  its  attractions  by  the  time 
of  Mencius,  who  was  ever  on  the  outlook'for  4 a minister  of  Heaven,' 
who  should  make  an  end  of  Chow  and  of  the  contentions  among  the 
Avarring  States  together. 

But  the  system  also  increased  the  expenditure  of  the  smaller 
States.  There  still  remained  their  dues  to  the  kings  of  Chow,  even 
though  they  paid  them  so  irregularly  that  Ave  have  instances  of 
messengers  being  sent  from  court  to  Loo,  and  doubtless  they  were 
sent  to  other  States  as  well,  to  beg  for  money  and  other  supplies. 
But  they  had  also  to  meet  the  requisitions  of  the  ruling  State,  and 
sometimes  of  more  than  one  at  the  same  time.  There  are  many 
allusions  in  the  narratives  of  Tso  to  the  arbitrariness  and  severity 
of  those  requisitions.  On  X.  xiii.  5,  6,  for  instance,  we  find  Tsze- 
ch{an  of  Chcing  disputing  on  this  point  with  the  ministers  of  Tsin. 

* Formerly,’  said  lie,  4 the  sons  of  Heaven  regulated  the  amount  of 
contribution  according  to  the  rank  of  the  State.  Cluing  ranks  as  the 
territory  of  an  earl  or  a baron,  and  yet  its  contribution  is  now  on 
the  scale  of  a duke  or  a marquis.  There  is  no  regular  rule  for 
what  we  have  to  pay;  and  when  our  small  State  fails  in  rendering 
what  is  required,  it  is  held  to  be  an  offender.  When  our  contribu- 
tions atid  offerings  have  no  limit  set  to  them,  we  have  only  to  wait 
lor  our  ruin.'  It  is  evident,  as  we  study  the  history  of  this  system 

116] 


cu.  in.]  TUE  GROWTH  OF  T11E  LAKGE  STATES.  [i.Koi.tuiKMKNA. 

of  a leading  State,  that  there  was  no  helj)  to  come  l'rom  it  to  the 
】 louse  of  Chow,  autl  no  permanent  alluviation  of  tlie  evils  under 
which  the  nation  was  suffering. 

4.  At  the  close  of  the  Cli^un  Ts4ew  period  the  kingdom  was  in  a 
worse  and  more  hopeless  condition  than  at  its  commencement;  and 
it  seems  strange  to  us  that  it  did  not  enter  into  the  mind  of  Confu- 
cius to  forecast  that  the  feudal  system  which  had  so  long  prevailed 
in  China  was  4 waxen  old  and  ready  to  vanish  away/  But  what 
State  was  to  come  out  victorious  from  its  conflicts  Avith  all  the 
others,  and  take  the  lead  in  settling  a new  order  of  things?  Only 
the  event  could  reveal  this,  but  it  could  be  known  that  the  struggle 
for  supremacy  would  lie  between  two  or  three  powers;  and  the 

Tlie  growth  of  some  of  the  States  an  important)  Study  of  their  growth  Supplies 

subject  of  study.  The  causes  of  it.  } one  of  the  most  important  les- 

sons which  the  Work  of  the  sage  and  the  Commentary  of  Tso  are 
calculated  to  teach  us. 

A glance  at  the  map  shows  us  that  the  China  proper  of  Chow 
was  confined  at  first  within  narrow  limits.  Even  at  the  besinniner  of 
the  Ch4un  Ts4ew  period  it  consisted  of  merely  a few  States  of  no  great 
size,  lying  on  either  side  of  the  Yellow  River,  from  the  point  where 
its  channel  makes  a sudden  bend  to  the  east  onwards  to  its  mouth. 

North  of  the  Royal  Domain  was  Tsin,  but,  though  a fief  dating 
from  the  commencement  of  the  kingdom,  its  growth  had  been  so 
slow,  that  it  is  not  till  the  second  year  of  duke  He,  b.c.  657,  that  it 
appears  in  Confucius’  text,  on  the  eve  of  its  subjugation  of  the 
small  States  of  Yu  and  Kwoh.  This  was  the  first  step  which  Tsin 
took  in  the  career  of  enlargement  by  which  it  ere  long  attained  to 
so  great  a size. 

South  of  the  Domain  was  Ts‘oo;  and,  though  it  had  been 
founded  in  the  time  of  king  Ch'ing,  it  does  not  appear  in  the 
text  of  our  Classic  till  the  tenth  year  of  duke  Chwang,  b.c.  683. 
It  is  then  called  King,  and  we  do  not  meet  with  it  under  the  name 
of  Ts(oo  till  the  first  year  of  duke  He,  b.c.  658. 

West  from  the  Domain  was  Tslin,  the  first  lord  of  which  was  given 
a local  habitation  and  name  only  in  b.c.  908;  and  it  did  not  become 
an  iudepeiident  lief  of  the  kingdom  till  the  year  769.  Its  first 
appearance  in  our  text  is  in  the  fifteenth  year  of  duke  He,  b.c.  644. 

A long  way  east  from  Ts4oo,  and  bordering  on  the  sea,  was  the 
State  of  AYoo,  which,  though  claiming  an  earlier  origin  than  the 
kingdom  of  Chow  itself,  is  not  mentioned  in  the  classic  till  the 
seventh  year  of  duke  Ch'iog',  b.c.  583. 

117] 


i>koi.egomesa.]  THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH'UN  TS  EW  PERIOD.  [ch.  m. 

J3ut  it  will  be  observed  that  these  four  States  had  from  their 
situation  grand  opportunities  for  increasing  their  territory  and  their 
population  ； and  the  consequence  was  that  before  the  end  of  the  Ch4un 
Ts4ew  period  each  of  them  occupied  an  extent  of  country  many  times 
larger  than  the  Royal  Domain,  whileTscoo  was  nearly  as  large  as  all  the 
Middle  States,  as  those  of  Chow  proper  were  called,  together.  The  way 
in  which  it  and  Tsin  proceeded  was  by  extinguishing  and  absorbing 
the  smaller  States  adjacent  to  them,  and  by  a constant  process  of 
subjugating  the  barbarous  tribes,  which  lay  on  the  south  and  west  of 
Ts^o,  and  on  the  north  and  east  of  Tsin.  Ts‘in  lay  farther  off  from 
the  settled  parts  of  the  country,  and  its  princes  had  not  so  much  to 
do  in  absorbing  smaller  States,  but  they  early  established  their  sway 
over  all  the  Jung,  or  the  Avild  hordes  of  the  west.  The  leadership, 
which  I have  said  in  the  preceding  paragraph  is  improperly  ascribed 
to  duke  Mull  of  Ts4in  as  being  over  the  feudal  States  belonged  to 
him  in  his  relation  to  the  Jung.  The  sea  forbade  any  extension 
of  the  border  of  Woo  on  the  east,  but  it  found  much  land  to  be 
occupied  on  the  north  and  south,  and  its  armies,  going  up  the 
Keang  or  Yang-tsze,  met  those  of  Ts(oo,  and  fought  with  them  for 
the  possession  of  the  country  between  that  great  river  and  the  Ilwae. 

The  States  of  Chow  proper  had  little  room  for  any  similar 
expansion.  They  were  closely  massed  together.  From  the  first 
immigration  of  the  ancestors  of  the  Chinese  tribe,  their  course  had 
been  eastwards  and  mainly  along  the  course  of  the  Yellow  River,  and 
most  of  the  older  occupants  of  the  country  had  been  pushed  before 
them  to  the  borders  of  the  sea.  TsJe  extended  right  to  the  sea,  and 
so  did  Ke  Avhich  the  other  absorbed.  Then  came  the  small  States  of 
K£e  and  Keu,  the  latter  of  which  had  a sea  border,  while  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  ever  thought  of  pushing  their  way  into  what  is  now  called 
the  promontory  of  Shan-tung.  The  people  of  both  K4e  and  Keu  were 
often  taunted  by  the  other  States  with  belonging  themselves  to  the 
E barbarians.  South  from  Keu  there  was  a tract  extending  inland 
a considerable  way,  occupied  by  E tribes  and  the  half-civilized  peo- 
ple of  Seu,  and  reaching  clown  to  the  hordes  of  the  Hwae,  which 
Loo  pleased  itself  with  the  idea  of  reducing,1  bat  which  it  was 
never  able  to  reduce.  Altogether  there  was,  as  I have  said,  hardly 
any  room  for  the  growth  of  these  middle  States.  Ts‘e  was  the 
strongest  of  them,  and  longest  maintained  its  independence,  ulti- 
mately absorbing  Sun^,  which  had  itself  previously  absorbed  Ts{aou. 
Of  the  otlicrs,  Heu,  Tscae,  Cli4in,  the  two  Clioo,  Loo,  and  in  the  end 

1 See  the  IShe,  Part,  IV..  Bk.  II.,  ode  III. 

118] 


C H.  III.] 


THE  FINAL  STRUGGLE  FOR  SUPREMACY. 


[rHOLEGOMENA. 


Cluing  fell  to  Tscoo,  and  Wei  became  clopendent  on  one  of  the  mar- 
quisates  or  kingdoms  into  which  Tsin  was  divided. 

Woo  for  a time  made  rapid  progress,  and  seemed  as  if  it  would 
at  least  Avrest  the  sovereignty  of  the  south  from  Ts^o;  but  its  down- 
fall was  more  rapid  than  its  rise  lmd  been.  It  Avas  extinguished  by 
Yueh  a very  few  years  after  the  close  of  the  Ch^n  Tslew  period, 
and  Yueh  itself  had  ere  long  to  succumb  to  Ts^o, 

Thus,  as  time  went  on,  it  became  increasingly  clear  that  the  final 
struggle  for  the  supreme  po^ver  would  be  between  Ts4in  and  Ts‘oo. 
If  Tsin  had  remained  entire,  it  would  probably  have  been  more 
than  a match  for  them  both ; but  the  elements  of  disorganization 
had  long  been  at  work  in  it,  and  it  was  divided,  about  the  year 
b.c.  400,  into  three  raarquisates.  The  lords  of  these  soon  claimed, 
all  of  them,  the  title  of  king,  and  the  way  in  wliich  they  maintained 
for  a century  and  a half  the  struggle  with  Ts4in  and  Ts4oo  shows 
how  great  the  power  of  Tsin  unbroken  would  have  been.  Ts4e  and 
Yen  also  assumed  the  royal  style,  and  made  a gallant  defence 
against  the'powers  of  the  west  and  the  south;  but  they  would  not 
have  held  out  so  long  as  they  did  but  for  the  distance  which  inter- 
vened between  them  and  the  centres  of  both  their  adversaries. 
Ts4in  at  last  bore  down  all  opposition,  and  though  of  all  the  great 
States  that  developed  during  the  Oilman  Ts4ew  period  it  was  the 
latest  to  make  its  appearance,  it  remained  master  of  the  field. 
From  the  kings  of  Cliow  it  cannot  be  said  to  have  met  with  any 
resistance.  Their  history  for  three  hundred  years  before  the 
extinction  of  the  dynasty  is  almost  a blank.  They  continued  to 
hold  a nominal  occupancy  of  the  throne  so  long  only  because  there 
were  so  many  other  princes  contending  for  it. 

The  above  review  of  the  closing  centuries  of  the  dynasty  of  Chour, 
and  of  its  overthrow  by  the  king  of  Ts4n,  seems  to  prove,  brief  as 
it  has  been,  that,  given  a number  of  warring  States  or  nations,  vic- 
tory will  in  the  long  run  declare  itself  in  favour  of  that  one  which 
has  the  most  extensive  territory  and  the  largest  population.  Ts4in 
and  Tscoo,  when  they  first  came  into  contact  with  the  States  of 
Chow  proper,  were,  no  doubt,  inferior  to  them  in  the  arts  of  civiliza- 
tion generally,  and  among  these  of  the  art  of  war;  but  they  had 
vast  resources  and  a rude  energy,  which  compensated  in  the  first 
place  for  want  of  skill,  and  they  soon  learned  from  their  adversaries 
whatever  was  required  for  their  effective  application.  A fixedness 
of  purpose  and  recklessness  in  the  expenditure  of  human  life  char- 

acterized  t.lieir  measures， and  the  struggle  came  at  last  to  be  mainly 

110] 


PROLEGOMEXA.] 


THE  CIIINxY  OF  THE  CHlUN  TS£EW  PERIOD. 


[CH.  III. 


between  themselves.  It  ended  more  from  the  exhaustion  of  the 
combatants  than  from  any  real  superiority  on  the  part  of  Ts^n. 

While  the  downfall  of  Chow  has  led  me  thus  to  speak  of  the 
success  which  must  inevitably  attend  the  efforts  of  the  combatant 
whose  resources  are  the  greatest,  if  the  contents  of  my  volume  led 
me  to  trace  the  history  of  China  downwards  for  a few  more  years, 
it  would  be  as  evident  that,  while  material  strength  is  sure,  when 
not  deficient  in  warlike  skill,  to  gain  a conquest,  it  cannot  consoli- 
date it.  The  brief  existence  of  the  Ts4in  dynasty  seemed  but  to 
afford  a breathing  time  to  the  warring  States,  and  then  China 
became  once  more  horrid  'vith  the  din  of  arms.  Most  of  the  States 
which  had  contended  over  the  throne  of  Chow  again  took  the  field, 
and  others  with  them,  until,  after  sixteen  years  more  of  strife  and 
misery,  the  contest  was  decided  in  favour  of  the  House  of  Han, 
which  joined  to  force  of  arms  respect  for  the  traditions  of  the  coun- 
try, and  a profession  at  least  of  reverence  for  the  virtues  of  justice 
and  benevolence. 

6.  An  incident  occurred  during  the  time  of  duke  Seang  which 
deserves  to  have  attention  called  to  it,  as  illustrating  the  saying  that 
4 there  is  nothing  new  under  the  sun,5  wliere  we  should  not  expect 
its  illustration.  The  strife  between  Ts4oo  and  Tsin  was  then  at  its 
height;  and  the  States  generally  were  groaning  under  the  miseries 
which  it  occasioned.  It  occurred  to  Heang  Seuh,  a minister  of 

An  endeavour  made  to  put  an[Sung5  that  he  would  be  deserving  Well  of 
end  to  war  by  covenant.  ) the  country  if  he  could  put  an  end  to  the 

constant  wars.  The  idea  of  a Peace  Society  took  possession  of  his 
min  cl.  He  was  by.  no  means  without  ability  himself,  and  had  a 
faculty  for  negotiation  and  intrigue.  He  was,  no  doubt,  sincerely 
desirous  to  abate  the  evils  which  abounded,  but  we  are  sorry  to  fimi 
that  lie  was  ambitious  also  c to  get  a name,  for  himself  by  his  measure, 
and  had  an  eye  to  more  substantial  advantages  as  \vell.  How  his 
scheme  worked  itself  out  in  his  own  mind  we  do  not  know；  but 
after  long  brooding  over  it,  he  succeeded  in  giving  it  a practical 
shape,  which  may  have  been  modified  by  the  force  of  circumstances. 

Being  on  friendly  terms  with  the  cliicf  ministers  of  Tsin  and 
Tscoo,  lie  first  submitted  his  plan  to  them,  and  procured  their  assent, 
to  it.  In  Fsin  they  said,  4 War  is  destructive  to  the  people  and  eats 
up  our  resources;  and  it  is  the  greatest  calamity  of  the  small  Starrs. 
Seuh^  plan  will  perhaps  turn  out  iinpracticable,  but  we  must  give 
it  our  sanction;  for  if  we  do  not,  Ts4oo  will  do  it,  and  so  improve 
its  position  with  the  States  to  our  disafl vantiige/  Similarly  tln*y 


CII.  III.] 


PLAN  FOR  PUTTING  AN  END  TO  WAR. 


[ritOLEGOMLNA. 


reasoned  and  agreed  in  Ts4oo,  Ts*e,  and  Ts(in,  The  great  powers 
appeared  all  to  be  willing. 

Having  succeeded  thus  far,  Seuh  proceeded  to  call  a meeting  of 
the  States  generally,  and  in  the  summer  of  535  the  representatives 
of  not  fewer  than  fourteen  of  them  met  in  the  capital  of  Sung, 
Various  jealousies  were  displayed  in  making  the  arrangements  pre- 
liminary to  a covenant.  Ts{e  and  Ts4in  were  exempted  from  taking 
the  oath,  so  that  the  agreement  was  narrowed  to  a compact  between 
Ts^o  and  Tsin,  and  the  States  which  adhered  to  them  respectively; 
and  though  this  would  secure  a temporary  peace  to  the  kingdom,  yet 
tlie  two  other  great  States,  being  left  unbound,  might  take  advan- 
tage of  it,  to  prosecute  their  own  ambitious  designs.  Tscoo,  more- 
over, displayed  a fierce  and  unconciliating  spirit  which  promised  ill 
for  the  permanence  of  the  arrangement.  However,  the  covenant 
was  accepted  with  tliese  drawbacks.  There  should  be  war  no  more  ! 
And  to  assure  so  desirable  an  end,  the  princes  who  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  acknowledging  the  superiority  of  Ts4oo  should  show  their 
respect  for  Tsin  by  appearing  at  its  court,  and  those  who  had  been 
adherents  of  Tsin  should  similarly  appear  at  the  court  of  Ts‘oo. 
Thus  these  two  Powers  would  receive  the  homage  of  all  the 
States;  and  it  was  implied,  perhaps,  that  they  would  unite  their 
forces  to  punish  any  State  which  should  break  the  general  peace. 
Nothing  was  said  of  the  loyal  service  which  was  due  from  them 
all  to  the  kings  of  Chow;  and  Ts‘in  and  Ts‘e  were  left,  as  I 
have  said,  unfettered,  to  take  their  own  course.  I apprehend 
that  the  princes  and  ministers  who  were  at  the  meeting  separated 
without  much  hope  of  the  pacification  being  permanent; — as  indeed 
it  did  not  prove  to  be.  Heang  Seuh  alone  thought  that  he  had 
accomplished  a great  work;  and  without  being  satisfied,  as  we  wish 
that  he  had  been,  with  the  consciousness  that  he  had  done  so,  he 
proceeded  to  ask  a grant  of  lands  and  towns  from  the  duke  of  Sung 
as  a reward  for  4 arresting  the  occasion  of  death.’  His  application 
was  acceded  to,  but  it  did  not  take  effect.  Seuh  showed  the  charter 
of  the  grant  which  he  had  obtained  to  Tsze-han  the  chief  minister 
of  the  State,  who  said  to  him,  4 It  is  by  their  arms  that  Tsin  and 
Ts‘oo  keep  the  small  States  in  awe.  Standing  in  awe,  the  high  and 
low  in  them  are  loving  and  harmonious,  and  thus  the  States  are  kept 
quiet,  and  do  service  to  the  great  powers,  securing  their  own  pre- 
servation and  escaping  ruin.  Who  can  do  away  with  the  instruments 
of  war?  They  have  been  long  in  requisition.  By  them  the  lawless 
are  kept  in  awe,  and  accomplished  virtue  is  displayed.  On  them 

121J 


MtOLEGOMENA.] 


THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH4UN  TS^VV  PERIOD. 


[cii.  III. 


depends  the  preservation  or  the  ruin  of  a country; — and  you  have 
been  seeking  to  do  away  with  them.  Your  scheme  is  a delusion, 
and  there  could  be  no  greater  offence  than  to  lead  the  States  astray 
by  it.  And  not  content  with  having  escaped  punishment,  you  have 
sought  for  reward.!”  With  this  he  cut  the  document  in  pieces  and 
cast  it  away,  while  Seuh  submitted,  and  made  no  further  claim  to 
the  grant  which  had  been  assigned  to  him. 

So  ended  the  first  attempt  which  was  made  in  the  world  to  put 
an  end  to  war  on  principles  of  expediency  and  by  political  arrange- 
ments. It  was  a delusion  and  proved  a failure;  but  there  must 
have  been  a deep  and  wide-spread  feeling  of  the  miseries  whicli  it 
was  intended  to  remove,  to  secure  for  it  its  temporary  acceptance. 
Though  a delusion  it  was,  it  was  a brilliant  one.  Though  Seuh  was 
a dreamer,  I have  thought  that  his  name  should  have  prominent 
mention  given  to  it.  More  than  two  thousand  years  have  elapsed 
since  his  time;  Christianity,  calling  to  universal  { peace  on  earth, ! lias 
come  into  the  field;  and  under  its  auspices  nations  unheard  of,  it 
may  be  said  unborn,  in  the  era  of  the  Chcun  Ts^ew,  have  attained  a 
wondrous  growth,  with  appliances  of  science  and  a development 
commerce,  which  were  then  all-unknown: — and  is  it  still  a delusion 
to  hope  for  arrangements  which  will  obviate  the  necessity  of 
a recurrence  to  4thc  last  resort/  the  appeal  to  the  force  of  arms.-* 

6.  Of  the  wild  tribes  which  infested  the  territory  of  China  pro- 
per during  the  Ch£un  Ts(ew  period,  and  burrounded  it  on  every 
side,  it  is  impossible  to  give  an  entirely  satisfactory  account.  After 
we  have  gathered  up  the  information  supplied  by  Confucius  and 
The  rude  tribes  in  China  andiaround  it.  the  Commentary  of  TsO,  there  OCCUI' 
questions  connected  with  them  to  which  we  do  not  find  aii}^  reply. 

In  the  Shoo  V.  ii.,  at  the  final  straggle  of  king  Woo  with  the  last 
king  of  Shang,  we  find  4 the  Yung,  the  Sluili,  the  Kciang,  the  i\Iaou, 
the  Wei,  the  Loo,  the  P'aiig,  and  the  Puli."  eight  tribes  from  the  south- 
west, liaving  their  scuts  mostly  in  the  present  provinces  of  Sze-ch^ueu 
and  Hoo-pili,  all  assisting  the  fonner.  As  most  of  them  appear  during 
the  Cl^an-Ts^ew  period,  occupying  the  same  locations,  the  })robability 
is,  that,  when  Sliang  was  subdued,  t'ney  received  thoir  share  of  tlie 
spoils,  and  returned  to  tlieii*  fastnesses.  Some  honours  and  titles  may 
have  been  conl'erred,  besiclos,  on  their  chiefs  by  Woo,  but  it  does  not 
ap[>ear  that  they  acknowledged  any  allegiance  to  the  House  of  Chow. 
If  they  did,  we  may  be  sure  it  was  nothing  more  than  nominal. 

The  wild  tribes  are  generally  divided  into  four  classes,  called  by 
rlifferent  names,  according  to  their  situation  relative  to  the  Middle 

122] 


CII.  m.]  TIIE  TRTBFS  OF  THE  JUNG.  [prolegomena. 

States.  There  were  the  Jung,1  or  hordes  of  the  west;  tlie  Teih,2  or 
hordes  of  the  north;  tlie  E,3  or  hordes  of  the  east;  and  the  Man,4  or 
hordes  of  the  south.  These  designations  are  in  the  main  correct, 
yet  we  find  Jung  tribes  widely  diffused,  and  not  confined  to  tlie 
west  only.  Wlien  we  bring  together  the  hints  and  statements  of 
the  Text  and  the  Commentary,  the  knowledge  obtained  concerning 
the  four  classes  may  be  brought  within  small  compass. 

First,  of  the  Jung.  Seven  divisions  of  these  are  indicated. 

[i.]  At  the  beginning  of  the  period,  we  find  tribes  in  the  noigh- 
bourhood  of  Loo,  which  are  simply  called  Jung,  and  whose  seat  was 
in  the  present  district  of  Ts^aou,  department  Ts4aou-chow.  Yin  is 
introduced  twice  in  his  2d  year  covenanting  with  tliem.  In  his 
7th  year,  we  find  them  making  captive  an  earl  of  Fan,  on  his 
return  from  Loo  to  the  royal  court,  and  carding  him  off  with  them 
to  their  own  settlements.  Duke  Hwan  covenants  with  them  in  his 
2d  year.  Duke  Chwang  in  his  18th  year  pursues  them  across  the 
Tse  river;  and  in  his  20th  year  they  are  invaded  bv  a force  from 
Ts(e.  In  his  24th  year  they  make  an  inroad  into  the  State  of  Tscaou, 
and  compel  a Ke,  who  may  have  been  the  earl  of  it,  to  flee  to  CliMn. 
The  duke  appears  in  his  26th  year  conducting  an  expedition  against 
them;  and  after  that  we  hear  nothing  more  about  them.  We  may 
suppose  that  they  were  then  finally  subdued,  and  lost  tlieir  indi- 
viduality among  the  population  of  Loo. 

[ii.]  There  were  the  4 Northern  Jung/5  the  1 Hill  Jung,，G  and  the 
* Woo-chungs,'7  who  are  referred  to  the  present  Tsun-hwa  Chow8  in 
Chih-le.  Tso  mentions  an  incursion  which  they  made  in  the  9th 
year  of  duke  Yin  into  Ch£ing,  when  they  sustained  a great  defeat, 
chiefly  because  they  fought  on  foot,  and  had  no  chariots  like  the 
States  of  Chow.  According  to  him,  moreover,  they  invaded  Tsce  in 
the  6th  year  of  Hwan,  and  were  again  defeated  through  the  assistance 
of  Ch‘ing.  In  the  30th  year  of  Chwang,  they  reduced  the  State  of 
Yen  to  great  distress,  and  Ts4e  directed  an  expedition  against  them, 
which  brought  away  great  spoil.  In  the  10th  year  of  He,  the  mar- 
quis of  Tsle  and  the  baron  of  Heu  appear  engaged  in  an  invasion 
of  them;  and  we  hear  no  more  of  them  till  the  4th  year  of 
Seang,  when  Kea-foo,  viscount  of  Woo-chung  (according  to  Too,  the 
capital  of  the  Hill  Jung),  presents  a number  of  tiger  and  leopard 
skins  to  Tsin,  begging  that  that  State  would  be  in  harmony  with  the 

戎 . 2 狄. 3 夷. 4 蠻. 5 北戎. 6 山戎. 7 無終. 

8 遵化州 • 


123] 


prolegomena.]  THE  CHINA  OF  TIIE  CH‘UNJTS‘EW  PERIOD.  [ch.  111. 

Jung.  In  a discussion  at  the  court  of  Tsin  on  the  advances  thus 
made,  one  of  its  ministers  argued  for  a conciliatory  policy  on  five 
grounds,  the  first  of  which  was  that  these  tribes  were  continually 
changing  their  residence,  and  \vere  fond  of  selling  their  lands  for 
goods,  so  that  they  might  be  acquired  without  the  trouble  and 
risks  of  war.  Lastly,  in  the  first  year  of  duke  Ch(aou,  an  officer  of 
Tsin  inflicts  a great  defeat  on  the  Woo-chungs  and  the  various  tribes 
oftheTeih;  after  which  we  have  no  further  mention  of  the  Hill 
Jung,  the  Northern  Jung,  or  the  Woo-chungs.  They,  no  doubt, 
disappeared  among  the  multitudes  of  Tsin. 

[iii.]  There  were  the  4 Jung  of  Luh-hwan/9  who  had  also  the 
names  of  the  4 Jung  of  the^surname  Yun/10  the  4 Little  Jung,'11  the 
4Keang  Jung,，la  the  4 Yin  Jung/13  and  the  £ Jung  of  Kew-chow.*14 
These  had  originally  dwelt  in  the  far  west,  in  the  territory  which 
now  forms  Suh  Chow15  in  Kan-suh,  which  they  called  Luh-hwanj 
but  in  the  22d  year  of  duke  He,  Tsin  and  Ts4in  united  in  removing 
them  to  E-chluen,  or  the  present  district  of  Sung,16  in  the  department 
of  Ho-nan.  In  Chwang's  28th  year  they  are  called  the  Little  Jung, 
and  it  appears  that  the  mother  of  duke  Hwuy  of  Tsin  belonged  to 
their  tribe.  In  the  33d  year  of  He,  they  give,  as  the  Keang  Jung, 
important  help  to  Tsin  in  a great  defeat  which  it  inflicted  on  the 
troops  of  Ts^in  in  the  valley  of  Heaou.  In  the  3d  year  of  Seuen, 
Ts(oo  invaded  them,  and  they  seem  to  have  coquetted  subsequently 
both  with  Ts4oo  and  Tsin,  which  led  to  the  final  extinction  of  their 
independence  by  the  latter  power  in  the  17th  year  of  Ch4aou.  In 
his  7th  year  a body  of  them  appears  as  the  Yin  Jung,  under  thd 
command  of  an  officer  of  Tsin,  and  mention  is  made  of  how  they 
had  troubled  the  Royal  Domain,  and  the  Ke  States  generally,  since 
their  removal  from  their  original  seat.  In  the  Chuen  on  Ch*aou, 
xxii.  8,  another  body  of  them  is  called  the  Jung  of  Kew-chow,  and 
the  sarne  branch  of  them  is  mentioned  as  late  as  the  4th  year  of  Gae. 

[iv_]  There  were  the  ‘ Jung  of  Yang-k‘eu,  Ts‘euen-kaou,  and 
about  the  E and  the  Loli，’17.  who  had  their  seats  about  those  t'vo 
rivers,  in  the  present  district  of  Loh-yang,  and  perliapB  other  parts 
of  the  department  of  Ho-nan.  Yang-k4eu  and  Ts4euen-kaou  are 
taken  to  be  the  names  of  thoir  principal  settlements  or  towns.  Thus 
these  tribes  infested  the  Royal  Domain,  and  they  were  at  one  time 

陸 渾之戎  10 允 姓之戎  11 小戎  12 姜戎  13 
陰泰  14 九州 之成  15 肅州  16 嵩縣  17 楊拒 ，泉 

皋伊 雒之戎 


cn.  in.] 


THE  TRIBES  OF  THE  JUNG. 


[trolegomena. 


very  troublesome  to  the  capital  itself.  In  the  1 1th  year  of  duke  Ho, 
on  the  invitation  of  the  king's  brother  Tae,  they  attacked  it  with  all 
their  strength,  entered  the  royal  city,  and  burned  one  ot  its  gates. 
Tsin  and  Ts^n  came  to  the  help  of  the  king,  and  obliged  tlie  Jung 
to  make  peace  with  him;  but  in  the  following  year  the  services  of 
the  marquis  of  Ts^,  wlio  was  then  the  presiding  prince  among  the 
States,  were  required  for  the  same  purpose,  and  in  He’s  lGth  year 
he  was  obliged  to  call  out  the  forces  of  all  the  States  to  occupy  the 
Domain,  and  keep  the  Jung  in  check.  Iii  the  8th  year  of.  AVan,  an 
officer  of  Loo,  having  gone  to  the  west,  to  meet  a minister  of  Tsin, 
took  the  opportunity  to  make  a covenant  -with  these  Jurig,  who,  it  is 
supposed,  were  them  meditating  an  attack  on  Loo.  Only  once  again 
do  we  meet  with  them.  In  the  6th  year  of  duke  Cluing  they  are 
associated  with  other  tribes,  and  with  the  forces  of  Tsin,  Wei,  and 
Ch4ing,  in  an  incursion  into  Sung.  By  this  time  they  had  probably 
settled  down  in  the  Domain  as  subjects  of  Chow. 

[v.]  There  were  the  ‘Man,’18  called  also  the  ‘Jung  Man ’19  to 
distinguish  them  from  the  Man  of  the  south,  and  the  4Maou  Jung/20 
whose  seats  were  in  the  present  Joo-chow,21  Ho-nan.  The  Jung  who 
are  mentioned  in  the  Chuen  after  Yl.  xvii.  5 as  having  been  sur- 
prised by  Kan  Ch4uh  of  Chow,  when  they  were  drinking  spirits, 
belonged  to  these；  and  in  the  first  year  of  Ch4ing  the  royal  army 
received  a severe  defeat  from  them.  The  Mans  are  enumerated 
among  the  other  tribes  in  the  expedition  against  Sung  in  the  6th 
year  of  Ch‘ing,  as  mentioned  above.  In  the  5th  year  of  Seang  we 
find  the  king  sending  a member  of  the  royal  House  to  the  court  of 
Tsin  with  a complaint  against  them.  In  the  16th  year  of  Ch(aou, 
Tsloo  appears  in  the  field,  inveigles  Kea,  viscount  of  the  Man,  into 
its  power,  and  puts  him  to  death;  then  establishes  its  superiority 
over  all  their  territory,  and  appoints  Kea^  son  as  viscount  in  his 
room.  Thenceforth  this  branch  of  the  Jung  appears  to  have  been 
subject  to  Ts‘oo.  They  rebelled  against  it  in  the  4th  year  of  duke 
Gae;  and  when  their  viscount  Chlih  was  driven  to  take  refuge  in 
Tsin,  that  State  gave  him  up  to  Tscoo; — a proceeding  which  is  justly 
deemed  to  have  been  disgraceful  to  it. 

[vi.]  There  were  the  ‘ Dog  Jung,’22  whose  original  seat  'vas  in 
the  present  department  of  Fung-ts4earig,  Shen-se.  Many  critics 
identify  them  with  the  Heen-yun  of  the  She  in  II.  i.  VII.  and 
other  odes,  though  Choo  He  says  that  these  belonged  to  the  Teih. 

18 蠻氏  w 戎蠻. 茅戎. ” 汝州. 22 犬戎 • 

125] 


PROLEG  OM  EX  A.] 


THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH4UN  TSEW  PERIOD. 


[cn.  iii. 


In  b.c.  770  they  made  common  cause  with  the  marquis  of  Shin,  and 
joined  him  in  his  measures  against  king  Yew.  Then,  contrary  to  the 
wishes  of  the  marquis,  they  gave  the  reins  to  their  own  greed  of 
plunder,  spoiled  the  capital,  — the  old  capital  of  Fung,  and  put  tlie 
king  to  death.  Tsin  and  Ts4in  came  to  the  relief  of  the  court,  and 
drove  the  Jung  away;  but  some  branches  of  them  appear  to  have 
maintained  themselves  in  the  more  eastern  regions  which  they  had 
found  so  attractive.  In  the  2d  year  of  Min,  the  duke  of  Kwoh 
defeated  them  near  the  junction  of  the  Wei  with  the  Ho,  and  again, 
in  the  second  year  of  He,  at  a place  in  the  present  district  of  Wan- 
heang,  Shen  Cliow,23  Shan-se.  This  is  the  last  we  hear  of  them. 
Their  original  territory,  no  doubt,  fell  to  the  lot  of  Ts^n,  but  any 
portion  of  the  tribe,  which  had  settled  on  the  east  of  the  Ho,  would 
be  absorbed  by  Tsin. 

[vii.]  There  were  the  4 Le  Jung/24  who  occupied  in  the  present 
district  of  Lin-t^ing,  department  Se-gan.  According  to  the  Cliuen 
on  III.  xxviii.  1,  duke  Heen  of  Tsin  invaded  their  territory,  the 
chief  of  which,  who  had  the  title  of  baron,  gave  him  his  daughter  in 
marriage.  She  was  the  Le  Ke  whose  union  with  Heen  was  the  occasion 
of  so  much  confusion  and  misery  in  Tsin.  That  State,  soon  after, 
put  an  end  to  the  independent  existence  of  the  tribe. 

The  above  are  all  the  tribes  of  the  Jung  mentioned  in  the  Ch'un 
Tsew  and  in  Tso,  excepting  the  Loo  Jung,  of  whom  I shall  have  to 
speak  when 've  come  to  the  Man  of  the  South.  Neither  the  sage  nor  his 
commentator  had  occasion  to  bring  forward  any  others,  for  only  these 
made  their  appearance  in  connexion  Avith  the  States  of  China  during 
the  Ch^in-Ts'ew  period.  There  were,  however,  many  more  tribes, 
which  constituted,  properly  speaking,  the  Jung  of  the  west,  by  the 
absorption  of  which  it  was  that  Ts‘in  reached  such  an  eminence  of 
power. 

Second,  of  the  Teih.  Sze-ma  Tsleen  and  Too  Yu,  the  latter  led  away 
probably  by  Sze-ma,  place  some  tribes  of  these  on  the  west  of  the  Ho; 
but  so  far  as  the  evidence  of  Confucius  and  Tso-she  goes,  they  arc 
all  to  be  sought  on  the  cast  of  that  river,  and  appear  extc*ncling 
from  it,  along  the  north  of  the  different  States,  as  far  as  the  pre- 
sent Shan-tung.  Up  to  the  time  of  duke  Seucn,  we  read  in  tlie 
text  only  of  the  Teih,  blit  subsequently  there  appear  two  great 
divisions  of  them, — the  4 Red  Teih,'25  and  the  4 White  I'eih.'26  Then 
the  Red  Teih  are  no  more  mentioned  after  the  third  year  of  duke 

23 瞼州， 閿鄕縣  24 驢戎  25 赤伯  26 白伯. 

12G] 


C1I.  111.1 


THE  TKIBES  OF  TIIK  TEIH. 


[I'UOLEGOMENA. 


Cliking,  and  the  extinction  of  several  tribes  of  them  is  recorded;  but 
the  White  continued  beyond  the  Cl^un-Ts'ew  period,  and  one  tribe 
of  them  held  its  own  till  tlie  time  of  the  Warring  States,  when  its 
chief  took  the  title  of  king,  and  contended  with  the  other  combatants 
for  the  possession  of  all  the  dominions  of  Chow. 

Of  the  Red  Teih  six  tribes  seem  to  be  specified:  — the  1 Kaou-lohs 
of  the  eastern  hills,'27  whose  seat  was  the  present  district  of  Yuen- 
k4euh,  Keang  Chow,  Shan-se  ； the  Tseang-kaou-joo,28  whose  seat  is 
unknown  ; the  4 Loos,'29  who  have  left  their  name  in  the  district  of 
Loo-shing,  department  Loo-gan,  Shan-se;  the  4Keahs,，3°  who  occu- 
pied in  the  present  district  of  Ive-tsili,  department  K\vang-pling, 
Chih-le;  the  ^ew-yu/31  in  the  present- district  of  T'un-lew,  depart- 
ment Loo-gan  above;  and  the  ^roli-sliin,'32  who  were  also  somewhere 
in  the  same  department. 

Of  the  Wliite  Teih  there  were  three  tribes： — the  4 Seen -yu, 5 or  the 
‘Cliui】g-shan，，33  in  the  present  district  of  Ching-ting,  department 
Ching-ting,  Chili-le；  the  ^ei,'34  in  Kaou-shing  district  of  the  same 
department;  and  the  <Koo,，3r,  in  Tsin  Chow,  also  in  Ching-ting. 

I will  now  give  an  outline  of  what  is  related  about  the  Teih  in 
the  text  and  in  Tso. 

[i.]  While  there  is  no  intimation  of  any  general  distinction  among 
their  tribes. 

They  ap[>ear  first  in  the  32d  year  of  Chwang,  invading  the  small 
State  of  Hing,  which  "was  by  no  means  able  to  cope  with  them. 
Ts4e  went  in  the  first  place  to  its  rescue,  but  in  the  first  )rear  of  He 
Hing  removed  its  principal  city  to  a situation  where  it  would  be 
more  out  of  the  way  of  the  Teih,  and  the  forces  of  Ts^,  Sung,  and 
Tslaou  are  introduced  as  fortifying  the  new  capital. 

About  tlie  same  time  the  Teih  attacked  the  more  considerable 
State  of  Wei,  and  nearly  annihilated  it.  In  tlie  2d  year  of  Min, 
they  took  its  chief  city,  the  inhabitants  of  which  fled  across  the  Ho. 
There  only  730  people,  men  and  women,  could  be  got  together 
again,  and  when  to  them  were  added  the  inhabitants  of  the  two  other 
chief  towns  of  the  State,  the  whole  did  not  amount  to  more  than  5,000 
souls.  This  gives  us  a correct,  but  not  an  exalted  idea,  of  the  resources 
of  many  of  the  States  of  Chow  in  those  days.  Ts(e  went  to  the  help 
of  Wei,  as  it  had  done  in  the  case  of  Hing,  gathered  up  the  ruins  of  the 
State,  and  called  out  the  other  States  to  prepare  a new  capital  for  it. 

27 車山 皋落氏  28 麕咎如  29丨路 氏. 3〇 甲氏. 31 

留 坪 • 3:’  _ M.  33 鮮虞， 亦曰中 34 肥 35 鼓. 

127] 


PKOLEGOMENA.] 


THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CH^N  TS4EW  PERIOD. 


[CH.  III. 


While  the  Teih  were  thus  successful  against  Hing  and  Wei,  they 
came  into  contact  with  the  Power  which  was  ultimately  to  destroy 
their  independence.  In  the  2d  year  of  Min,  the  marquis  of  Tsia 
sent  his  eldest  son  against  the  settlements  of  the  Kaou-lohs.  Other 
expeditions  followed,  and  in  the  7th  year  of  He  a general  of  that 
State  inflicted  a defeat  on  a portion  of  the  Teih;  but,  when  urged 
to  follow  up  liis  victory,  he  said  that  lie  only  wanted  to  frighten 
them,  and  would  not  accelerate  a rising  of  all  their  tribes.  The 
consequence  was  that  in  the  following  year  we  have  the  Teili 
retaliating  by  an  invasion  of  Tsin. 

In  duke  He's  10th  year  they  penetrated  into  the  Royal  Domain, 
and  overthrew  the  State  of  Wan,36  the  viscount  of  which  fled  to  \Yci. 
From  that  tiiiie,  for  several  years,  we  find  Wei,  Ch‘ing,  and  Tsin, 
one  after  another,  suffering  from  their  incursions.  In  He’s  18th 
year  Ts{e  was  in  confusion  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  duke 
Hwan,  and  the  Teih  went  to  succour  the  partizans  of  his  younger 
sons;  and  two  years  after,  Ts£e  and  they  made  a covenant  in  the 
capital  of  Hing.  In  the  24th  year  they  invaded  Ch'ing,  which  the 
king,  who  was  then  in  great  distress  from  the  machinations  of 
his  brother  Tae,  took  for  some  reason  as  an  acceptable  service  to 
himself.  He  married  a daughter  of  one  of  their  chiefs,  and  macbs/ 
her  his  queen; — a position  of  which  she  soon  proved  herself  un- 
worthy. 

In  He's  31st  year  we  find  them  again  actively  engaged  against 
Wei,  which  Avas  compelled  to  make  another  change  of  its  capital.  It 
•was  able,  however,  the  year  after,  to  make  in  its  turn  an  incursion 
into  their  settlements,  when  they  entered  into  a covenant  with  it,  and 
left  it  unmolested  till  the  13th  year  of  duke  Wan.  Meanwhile  they 
continued  their  incursions  into  Ts£e,  and  went  on  to  attack  Loo  and 
Sung,  notwithstanding  a check  Avhich  they  received  from  Tsin  in 
the  last  year  of  duke  He.  Loo  also  defeated  them  in  the  12th  year 
of  Wan. 

[ii.]  In  the  time  of  duke  Scucn  and  subsequently,  we  read  no 
more  in  the  same  way  of  the  Teih,  but  of  the  Red  and  the  White 
Teih.  Of  the  latter  we  have  an  earlier  mention  in  the  Chuen,  in 
the  account  of  the  battle  of  Ke,  wlien  Tsin  defeated  the  Teih,  as  I 
have  mentioned  above.  It  is  then  said  that  a viscount  of  the  White 
Teih  was  taken  prisoner.  From  some  hints  which  are  found  in  Tso 
it  appears  that  about  this  time  jealousies  began  to  spring  up  among 


CII.  III.] 


TIIE  TRIBES  OF  TIIE  TEIII. 


[l'RuLEOOMLNA. 


the  Tcihs  themselves.  The  Red  tribes  were  trying  to  asisert  a 
superiority  which  tlie  AVliite  would  not  allow,  and  so  they  were  left, 
unsup[)〇rted,  to  cope  uith  Tsin  for  which  they  were  by  no  means  a 
match. 

That  great  State  had  now  consolidated  its  resources,  ami  it  niadu 
short  work  of  the  Red  Teili.  Tliey  invaded  it  in  Seuen  s 4tii  and 
7th  years,  and  met  with  little  opposition;  Tsin  purposely  retiring 
before  them  to  increase  their  arrogance.  But  in  his  15th  3’ear  !m 
anny  entirely  reduced  the  tribe  of  the  Loos,  and  carried  oif  their 
viscount  Ying-urh;  and  next  year  another  army  similarly  reduced 
the  Keahs  and  the  Lew-yu.  I11  tlie  3d  year*  of  Ch‘iiig,  Tsin  and 
AVei  joined  in  an  invasion  of  the  Tseang-kaou-joo,  Avitli  whoin  they 
dealt  probably  in  the  same  way;  for  we  have  no  further  mention  of 
the  Red  Teili.  Wherever  the  Teih  are  mentioned  after  this,  other 
circumstances  show  that  the  Wliite  Teih  are  meant. 

[iii.]  The  White  Teih  made  a bolder  resistance,  nor  was  Tsin 
ever  able  to  destroy  the  independence  of  the  tribe  of  the  Seen-yu. 

In  the  8th  )7ear  of  Seuen,  we  find  the  White  Teih  associated  •with 
Tsin  in  the  invasion  of  Ts^in.  They  would  seem  to  have  broken  off 
entirely  from  the  Red  Teih,  and  to  have  been  willing  to  join  with 
the  State  which  was  in  deadly  hostility  with  them.  Three  years 
after,  the  marquis  of  Tsin  had  a great  meeting,  at  a place  \vitliin 
their  territories,  with  all  their  ti'ibes. 

The  alliance  thus  formed  between  them  and  Tsin  was  not  very 
lasting.  I11  the  9th  year  of  Ch4ng,  they  are  confederate  with  Ts(iii 
and  Ts4oo  in  invading  Tsin;  but  they  took  nothing  by  their  fickle- 
ness, for  Tsin  inflicted  a defeat  upon  them  in  Chang's  12th  year. 

In  Seangs  18th  year,  an  embassy  from  them  visited  the  court  of 
Loo, — for  what  purpose  we  cannot  tell.  Nor  are  they  again  mention- 
ed in  the  sage's  text,  though  the  Chuen  speaks  frequently  of  them. 

In  Seang's  28th  year,  they  appear,  with  the  States  which  acknow- 
ledged the  presidency  of  Ts{oo,  visiting  at  the  court  of  Tsin, in 
accordance  with  the  treaty  of  Sung.  It  would  thus  appear  tliat 
they  had  gone  over  finally  to  the  side  of  Ts4oo.  They  soon  suffered 
for  their  course.  In  Ch^ous  lirst  year,  an  army  of  Tsin,  under 
Seun  Woo,  defeated  them  at  Ta-loo.  In  his  12th  year,  the  same 
commander  put  an  end  to  the  independent  existence  of  the  Fei 
tribe,  and  carried  away  their  viscount  prisoner.  So  he  dealt  with 
the  Koo  tribe  in  Ch‘aou’s  15th  year;  but  he  subsequently  restored  its 
viscount,  which  seems  to  have  encouraged  them  to  revolt  again,  and 
in  Ch'aous  22d  year,  cSeun  Woo  a second  time  extinguished  Koo.' 

129] 


TJt  )M-：f；OMENA. 


TUi：  CHINA  OF  THE  CIPUN  TS  EW  PERIOD. 


fen.  in. 


The  Seen-yu  were  not  so  easily  disposed  of.  Tsin  attacked  this 
tribe  in  Ch^aou's  12th  year,  and  in  his  13th  and  15th,  but  without 
any  decisive  success.  In  the  3d  year  of  Ting  the  army  of  Tsin  was 
defeated  by  it,  but  returned  to  the  attack  in  the  following  year, 
assisted  by  a force  from  Wei.  Soon  after  this,  the  great  families  of 
Tsin  began  contending  among  themselves,  and  no  effective  action 
could  be  taken  against  the  Seen-yu.  The  tribe  maintained  its 
independence  on  into  the  period  of  the  Warring  States,  and  finally 
yielded  to  the  kingdom  of  Chaou  about  the  year  b.c.  296. 

Third,  of  the  E.  Confucius  is  reported,  in  the  Analects,  IX.  xiii., 
as  declaring  tliat  he  would  like  to  go  and  live  among  i the  nine 
E,?  on  which  expression  it  is  generally  said  that  there  were  nine 
tribes  of  the  E.  There  may  have  been  so  many  originally,  and 
Confucius  may  have  used  a phrase  which  had  come  clown  as  descrip- 
tive of  them  from  a former  time.  Bat  we  do  not  find  nine  tribes, 
nor  even  half  that  number,  mentioned  in  the  Ch{un  Tsce\v  or  in 
Tso's  Commentary.  I believe  that  the  power  of  the  E tribes  had 
been  broken,  and  that  many  of  them  had  disappeared  among  the 
inhabitants  of  the  eastern  States,  before  the  time  under  our  notice. 
We  have  to  do  only  with  the  1 E of  the  Hwae  river, ，37  of  4 Keae,'38  of 
4 Lae,’39  and  of  ‘ Kin-mow.’40 

[i.]  The  tribes  of  the  Hwae  were  the  only  E whose  power  and 
numbers  were  considerable  in  the  Ch^n-Ts^w  period.  The  Chucn 
on  V.  xiii.  3 mentions  that  tliey  were  at  that  time  distressing  the 
State  of  K4e,  so  that  they  must  have  penetrated  a long  way  north 
from  the  river  about  which  lay  their  proper  seats.  From  that  time, 
for  more  than  a hundred  years,  we  do  not  again  meet  with  tliein ; 
hut  in  the  4th  year  of  duke  Ch{aou,  at  the  first  meeting  of  the 
States  called  by  Ts4oo,  we  find  that  the  chiefs  of  these  tribes  were 
nlso  present,  and  that  they  went  on,  immediately  after,  under  the 
leading  of  rrsloo,  to  invade  Woo.  One  other  reference  to  them  is 
all  that  occurs； — under  the  27th  year  of  Ch‘‘aou.  Then,  in  the; 
meeting  at  TIoo,  Fan  Ileen-tsze  of  Tsin,  wlien  enumerating  the  dif- 
ficultios  in  tlie  way  of  restoring  duke  Ch£aou  to  Loo,  says  that  tlic 
HcjhI  of  the  Ke  family  IkuI  succeeded  in  securing;  the  adhorcMicc 
of  the  Hwae  E.  All  these  tribes  fell  in  the  end  to  the  lot  of  Ts^o. 

[ii.]  Kiiac  was  tlie  name  of  a small  tribe  of  the  E.  — in  tlic  prc'sent 
Kcaou  Chow,  department  of*  Fiae-chow.  In  the  25)th  year  of  duki* 
He,  their  chief  comes  twice  to  the  court,  of  Loo,  when  T.so  tells  a 

38  介 an 


…根牟 . 


CH.  III.] 


T11K  TRIBES  Ol'  T11K  K AND  MAX. 


[l*ROLEG0Ml；N  A. 


ridiculous  story  ubout  his  interpreting  the  lo\vin〇;  of  a cow.  His 
visit,  no  doubt,  had  reference  to  an  incursion  wliicli  his  tribe  made 
the  year  after  into  Seaou,  a dependency  of  Kciue  must  have 

been  absorbed  either  by  Tsle  or  by  Loo. 

[iii.]  Lae  was  in  tlie  present  district  of  Ilwnng,  department- 
Tang-cliow, — on  the  borders  of  Ts‘e.  Its  original  inliabitunta 
appear  to  have  been  brought  to  comparative  civilization,  iincl  been 
ruled  by  a viscount  of  the  surname  lveang,  before  tlic-  Ch‘uii-Ts‘Uw 
period.  We  find  Ts4e,  however,  in  constant  hostility  with  it  from 
its  first  appearance  in  the  7th  year  of  duke  Seuen  to  its  extinction 
in  the  6th  year  of  Seang. 

[iv.]  Kin-mow  was  the  principal  town  of  a small  tribe  of  E, — in 
the  present  district  of  E-slnvuy,  department  E-chow.  Its  captui.e 
by  Loo  is  mentioned  in  the  9th  year  of  duko  Seuen,  aiul  afterwards 
it  appears,  in  tlie  Cliuen  on  X.  viii.  6,  as  the  most  eastern  city 
belonging  to  the  State. 

Fourth,  of  the  Man.  We  have  not  much  information  in  the  Cl^un 
Ts4e\v  or  in  Tso  about  the  tribes  of  the  south,  and  that  for  tfie  same 
reason  which  I have  mentioned  as  making  our  authorities  almost 
silent  about  tlie  Jang  proper,  or  the  hordes  of  tlie  far  west.  Ts;oo 
kept  the  Man  under  its  control,  and  lay  between  most  of  their  tribes 
and  the  States  of  Chow,  so  that  the  two  hardly  came  into  contact 
or  collision,  and  the  historiographers  of  the  States  had  little  occasion 
to  refer  to  what  was  taking  place  among  tlie  southern  populations. 
What  we  find  related  about  them  will  be  given  under  the  divisions 
of  the  ‘ Loo  Jung,’41  the  ‘ various  tribes  of  the  Man,'42  the  4 many 
tribes  of’ the  Puh,’43  and  the  tribes  of  ‘Pa.’44 

[i-]  In  the  Chuen  at  the  beginning  of  the  13th  year  of  duke  Hwan 
we  have  an  account  of  a fruitless  expedition  from  Ts{oo  against  the 
small  State  of  Lo/5  Lo  being  assisted  by  an  army  of  the  Loo  Jung. 
One  of  the  names  in  king  Woo's  1 Speech  at  Muh/  which  I have 
referred  to,  thus  comes  here  before  us.  These  Jung  occupied  what 
is  now  the  district  of  Nan-chang,  in  the  department  of  Seang-yang, 
Hoo-pih.  Tso  says  that,  though  they  were  called  Jung,  they  be- 
longed to  the  Man  of  the  south.  Geographically,  they  must  be 
classed  with  them.  They  must  have  been  reduced  to  subjection  by 
Ts4oo  not  long  after  the  above  expedition,  and  their  chief  settlement 
converted  into  the  town  of  Leu;46  for  in  the  Chuen  oji  VI.  xvi.  6, 

4 丨盧戎 • 42 羣鲁 沾百 _•  “巴. 衫羅  仏廬. 

Ying-tali  says  this  was  the  sam^  as  J 黨 It  should,  perhaps,  be  pronouned  Loo. 

131] 


prolegomena.]  THE  CHINA  OF  THE  CII'UN  TS!EW  PERIOD.  [ch.  in. 

■\ve  have  an  army  of  Ts^o  marching  on  from  Leu,  where  the  Loo 
Jung  had  dwelt,  and  throwing  open  its  granaries  to  soldiers  and 
officers  alike. 

[ii.]  It  is  only  in  the  Chuen  just  referred  to,  in  the  16th  year  of 
duke  Wan,  that  mention  is  made  of  the  { many  tribes  of  the  Man.' 
There  was  then,  we  are  told,  a great  famine  in  Ts4oo,  and  the  people 
of  Yung,  who  are  also  mentioned  in  the  Speech  at  Muh,  and  who 
had  by  tliis  time  coalesced  into  a State  of  some  order  and  civilization, 
took  advantage  of  ir.  to  incite  a general  rising  of  all  the  tribes  of  the 
south  against  that  Power.  The  Man  came  to  join  in  the  movement 
from  their  seats  in  what  are  now  the  departments  of  Shin-chow  and 
Yuen-chow  in  Hoo-nan.  It  was  a critical  time  in  the  history  of 
Ts£oo,  and  it  was  proposed  that  the  capital  should  be  abandoned. 
But  bolder  counsels  prevailed;  an  army  took  the  field；  assistance 
came  from  Tslin  and  Pa；  the  Man  were  severed  from  the  combination, 
and  made  a covenant  on  their  own  account;  and  Yung  was  extin- 
guished, that  is,  the  sacrifices  of  its  chiefs  were  abolished,  and  it  was 
reduced  to  be  a city  of  Ts(oo.  There  is  no  farther  mention  of  the 
Man  in  the  Ch^n-Ts^ew  period.  It  was  not  till  the  time  of  the 
AVarring  States  that  Ts£oo  succeeded  in  depriving  them  of  their 
independence. 

[iii_]  The  Puli,  it  has  been  seen,  wei*e  among  the  auxiliaries  of 
king  Woo  in  the  conquest  of  Shang.  The  1 hundred ' or  many 
tribes  of  them  took  a principal  part  in  the  rising  against  Ts‘oo,  of 
which  I have  just  spoken,  and  appear  in  it  under  the  direction  of 
the  people  of  Keun,47  a small  State  between  Yung  and  Lo.  Where 
their  own  settlements  were  is  uncertain.  Some  say  they  were  in  the 
present  department  of  K^uh-tsing,  Yun-nan,  which  is  too  far  off, 
though  some  tribes  may  have  wandered  there  at  a subsequent 
period;  others,  with  more  probability,  place  them  in  the  depart- 
ments of  Cli^an^-tih  and  Shin-chow,  Hoo-nan.  On  the  occasion 
under  our  notice,  Wei  Kiia,  one  of  the  generals  of  T‘s‘oo， said  about 
them,  4 They  think  that  we  are  unable  from  the  famine  to  take  the 
field.  If  we  send  forth  an  army,  they  are  sure  to  be  afraid,  and 
Avill  return  to  their  own  country.  The  Puh  dwell  apart  from  one 
another;  and  when  they  are  hurriedly  going  off,  each  tribe  for  its 

own  to'vns,  'vho  tunong  thein  will  have  leisure  to  think  of  anybody 

but  themselves?’  It  happened  as  he  said.  In  fifteen  days  from 
Ts^os  appearing  in  force  there  was  an  end  of  the  attempt  ofthe  Puh. 

47 聲 


132] 


CH.  III.l 


THE  TKIBKS  OF  THK  SOUTH. 


[lMlOf.KGOMKN  V. 


Only  twice  more  are  tliey  mentioneil  in  the  Chuen.  In  CIimou  ^ 
9th  year,  on  occasion  of  a dispute  between  Chow  and  Tsin,  tlie 
representative  of  the  royal  court  says  boastfully  tliat,  wlien  W oo 
subdued  Sliar.g,  Pa,  the  Pub,  Ts'oo,  and  Tang  were  the  territories 
of  the  kingdom  in  the  soutli;  and  in  his  19tli  year,  wo  have  l's'oo 
preparing  a naval  expedition  against  the  Pali.  \\  luit  became  of 
tlieui  aftenvards  I have  not  been  able  to  asmtiii". 

[iv.]  Pa  in  the  time  of  the  Ch'un-Ts'ew  appears  as  a State  ruled 
by  viscounts  of  the  surname  Ke.  It  lias  lcfl  its  name  in  the  present 
district  of  Pa,  department  Chung-k^ng,  Sze-cli*uen.  In  the  Chuen 
on  the  9th  year  of  duke  Hwun,  we  find  it  in  good  relations  with 
Ts4oo,  and  co-operating  with  that  State  in  the  siege  of  Yew,  a city 
in  the  present  department  of  Yun-yang,  Hoo-pih.  Under  the  18tli 
year  of  duke  Chwang,  Tso  tells  us  that  Pa  then  revolted  from  I's^o, 
and  invaded  it,  its  army  advancing  even  to  attack  Ts4oos  capital. 
The  only  other  mention  of  it  is  ia  the  text  of  Wans  18th  )'ear,  in 
connexion  witli  the  rising  of  the  southern  tribes  against  Ts(oo,  when, 
as  has  been  stated  above,  Pa  and  Ts4in  came  to  the  assistance  of  thci 
latter.  In  the  time  of  the  Warring  States,  Pa  fell  to  the  share  of 
Ts‘in. 

I have  thus  gathered  up  into  as  brief  space  as  possible  the 
information  that  we  derive  from  the  Cl^un  Tscew  and  Tso  about 
the  rude  and  uncivilized  or  semi-civilized  tribes  that  infested  the 
kingdom  of  Chow  or  surrounded  it.  The  strongest  impression 
wliich  I receive  from  the  review  is  one  of  grave  doubt  as  to 
most  of  what  we  are  told  about  the  previous  dynasties  of  Shang 
and  Hea.  Is  it  possible  that  they  could  have  held  the  territory 
occupied  by  the  States  of  Chow  for  a thousand  years  before  the 
rise  of  king  Woo,  and  that  we  should  find  it,  five  and  six  cen- 
turies after  his  time,  in  the  condition  which  is  revealed  to  us  by  the 
sage  and  his  commentator?  I do  not  think  so.  We  have  seen  that 
the  China  of  Chow  was  a small  affair;  that  of  Shang  and  Hea  must 
have  been  much  smaller ; — extending  not  so  far  towards  the  sea  on 
the  east,  and  to  a smaller  distance  north  and  south  of  the  Yellow 
river.  It  was  evidently,  however,  in  the  plan  of  Providence  that 
by  the  Chinese  race  all  the  other  tribes  in  tlie  space  now  included 
in  China  proper  should  be  first  broken  to  pieces  and  stript  of  their 
individualities,  ancl  then  'velded  as  into  one  homogeneous  nation. 
Its  superior  culture  and  capabilities  fitted  it  for  this  task;  and  the 
process  went  on  very  gradually,  and  Avith  many  disturbances  and 
interruptions,  frequently  with  ‘hideous  ruin  and  combustion.’ 

133] 


l^tOLCGOMKNA.] 


TIIE  CHINA  OF  THE  CIPUN  TS^W  PERIOD. 


[cii.  III. 


Having  first  made  good  a settlement  along  the  Yellow  river,  in  the 
south-wjstern  parts  of  the  present  Shan-se;  and  perhaps  also  on  the 
other  side  of  the  stream,  the  early  immigrants  sent  forth  their 
brunches,  scions  of  different  families,  east,  west,  north,  and  south, 
as  so  many  suckers,  among  the  ruder  populations  sparsely 
scattered  about,  which  gradually  gathered  round  them,  till  they 
lost  their  original  peculiarities,  and  were  prepared  to  be  collected 
into  larger  coimnunities,  or  into  States.  The  first  stage  ia  tlie 
formation  of  the  Chinese  nation  terminated  with  the  ascendency  of 
the  State  of 'rs'in  and  the  establishment  of  its  short-lived  dynasty. 

We  have  seen  that  of  the  more  considerable  of  the  wild  tribes 
during  the  Ch^un-Ts'ew  period  their  chiefs  had  titles  like  tlie  princes 
of  the  States  of  ("how.  V\re  read  of  the  viscounts  of  the  Loos,  of 
Fei,  of  Koo,  and  of  tlie  Iveang  Jung,  and  of  the  baron  of  the  Le 
Jung;  and  it  has  been  ask^d  whence  they  derived  those  titles.48  rHie 
Tso  Chuen  gives  us  no  information  on  the  point,  and  I am  inclined 
to  suppose  that  they  assumed  tliem  themselves,  to  assert  thereby  their 
equality  with  the  feudal  nobles  of  Chow.  Where  they  claimed  to 
be  the  descendants  of  some  great  name  in  former  ages  v〇f  Chinese 
history,  it  would  be  easier  to  do  so;  and  the  title  might  be  acknow- 
ledged by  the  kings  of  Chow.  Or  where  intermarriages  were  formed 
with  them  by  the  royal  House,  or  by  the  princes  of  the  States,  as 
we  know  was  frequently  done,  the  fathers  of  the  brides  might  be 
ennobled  for  the  occasion,  and  then  the  titles  would  be  jealously 
retained.  But  the  title  was  generally,  I believe,  the  assumption  of 
arrogance,  as  the  Chinese  would  deem  it. 

There  is  one  passage  in  the  Chuen  which  shows  that  the  tribes 
differed  from  the  Chinese  not  only  in  their  habits  of  life,  but  also  in 
their  languages.  Inthe  account  of  the  meeting  at  Heang  in  the  14th 
year  of  duke  Seang,  whicli  was  attended  by  the  representatives  of 
more  than  a dozen  States,  and  by  the  chief  of  at  least  one  of  tlu.* 
Jang  tribes,  who  wms  a viscount  (though  the  text  does  not  say  so), 
Fail  Seun-tsze  appears  as  wanting  on  behalf  of  Tsin  to  seize  the 
viscount,  who  belonged  to  the  Keang  Jung  or  the  Jung  of  Luli-lnvan, 
attributing  the  loss  of  Tsirfs  power  and  influence  to  unfavoural)le 
reports  of  its  proceedings  leaking  out  through  them  among  the 
other  States.  The  viscount  makes  a good  defence,  and  says  in  con- 

48  There  is  the  sayinp  of  Confucius  in  the  Analects,  III.  v.: 一 *The  rude  tribes  of  the  east  an«l 
north  liave  their  rulers,  ami  arc  not  like  the  States  of  our  groat  land  which  nro  without  tlirin.* 
Without  adopting  tlie  view  of  Ho  An  whicli  I have  pivon  in  my  note  upon  the  pussa^e,  I conclmli1 
that  tlie  sage  is  merely  uttering  a lmiient  over  the  <lisorganizati(”i  iiiul  <lis (山 c 山 unce  U>  niitliorit.v. 
which  he  saw  p：oing  on  in  Loo  and  other  States.  The  rude  tribes  obeyed  the  1 Powers  that  were ' 
luiiong  thein,  titk'i  ()r  uiUitloil ; but  very 


連 

方 

湛 

約 

% 


CH.  Ill  ] 


TIIE  LANGUA(  KS  OF  THE  1HIBKS. 


fritOLKCORIKNA. 


elusion: — {Our  food,  our  drink,  and  our  clotlios  arc  all  different,  from 
those  of  the  Flowery  States;  we  do  not  exchange  silks  or  other 
articles  of  introduction  with  their  courts;  their  language  and  ours 
do  not  admit  of  intercourse  between  us  and  them: — what  evil  is  it 
possible  for  us  to  have  done?'  If  it  was  so  with  those  Jung,  it  was 
the  same,  doubtless,  with  other  tribes  as  well;  and  they  had,  probably, 
difFerent  languages  among  tlieinsclvos,  or  at  least  dilferent  dialects 
ot  the  same  language  Avliich  would  render  communication  between 
them  difficult.  Even  where  the  outlying  chiefs  or  princes  claimed 
connexion  with  the  House  of  Chow,  or  traced  their  first  appoint- 
ment to  it,  the  languages  spoken  in  their  States  may  have  been 
different  fVom  that  of  China  proper.  I have  pointed  out  how  the 
names  of  the  lords  of  AVoo,  both  in  structure  and  sound,  do  not  appear 
to  be  Chinese.  And  in  the  account  of  Tszc-wan  who  had  been 
chief  minister  of  Ts‘oo,  given  in  the  Clnien  on  VII.  iv.,  his  name 
of  Now-woo-tcoo  is  explained  by  reference  to  the  fact  that  he  had  been 
suckled  by  a tigress,  when  he  was  a child  and  cast  away  in  a forest. 
The  people  of  Ts4oo,  we  are  told,  called  suckling  now,  an  d their  name 
for  a tiger  was  wootloo;  and  hence  when  the  child  avjis  grown  up,  he 
was  known  by  the  name  of  Noiv-ivoo^oo,  or  Tiger-suckled.  It 
would  so  happen  that  the  languages  of  the  people,  who  were  not  of 
a Chinese  origin,  and  of  their  chiefs,  would  difFcr  for  a time;  but  in 
the  end,  the  culture  and  the  force  of  the  superior  race  prevailed  to 
bring  the  language  and  other  characteristics  into  conformity  with  it. 


13-5] 


i>H〇LKG〇Mii.NA.]  BOOK  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK.  [cii.  iv. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

LrSt  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL  WORKS  WHICH  HAVE  BEEN  EMPLOYED 
IN  THE  PREPARATION  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 

SECTION  I. 

CHINESE  WORKS ; WITH  BRIEF  NOTICES  OF  THEM. 

1.  In  the  十 三經 目主疏 (See  proleg.  to  vol.  ].,  p.  129): — 

[i.] 春 秋左傅 目主疏 ，六 十卷， ‘The  Ch‘un  and  tlie 

Chuen  of  Tso,  with  Commentary  and  Explanations；  in  60  Books;' 

[ii.] 春被公 羊傅註 亭二十 八卷’  ‘ The  6h‘un  Ts 私 v and 

the  (Jhuen  of  Kang-yang,  with  Commentary  and  Explanations;  in 
28  Books；' 

[iii.]  _ 秋 穀梁傅 目主疏 ，二 十卷， ‘The  Chkim  TVhv  a 丨 id  the 

Chueri  of  Kuh-liiang,  with  Commentary  and  Explanations;  in  20 
Books.5 

The  above  three  Works  are  of  course  K4ung  Ying-tah's  editions 
of  the  labours  of  Too  Yu,  Ho  Hew,  and  Fan  Ning,  on  the  text  of 
tlie  Ch'un  Ts^ew  and  the  early  Commentaries  of  Tso-she,  Kung- 
yang,  and  Kuh-leang; — of  all  of  which  1 have  spoken  in  the  first 
chapter  of  these  prolegomena.  King's  own  explanations  are  as 
learned  and  prolix  as  in  the  case  of  the  other  Classics.  Very  little 
is  to  be  gleaned  after  him  from  the  books  that  have  come  down  to 
us  of  the  dynasties  from  the  Han  to  the  T‘ang.  I have  generally 
used  the  edition  of  the  thirteen  King  by  Yuen  Yuen;  and  to  the  text 
of  the  She  in  it  1 have  referred  in  tlic  prolegomena  to  vol.  IV.,  p.  172. 
The  student  should  use  no  other,  where  this  is  jjrocuruble.  The 
above  Works  all  contain  Yuen's  exaniination  of  K4ung's  texts 

( 春秋 ，左傅 ，公羊 慢 穀梁傅 註疏饺 勘記 > 

4. 欽定 春秋傅 說棄給 ；， ‘Compilation  ;iiid  Digest  of  Coin- 
mentaries  and  Remarks  on  the  Cli‘un  Ts'ew.  By  imperial 
authority/  In  40  Books,  the  lirst  two  being  occupied  with  intro- 
ductory matter.  The  Work  was  ordered  and  its  preparation 
entrusted  to  a committee  of  the  principal  scholars  of  the  einpii’e 
in  1,G9!),  the  38th  year  of  the  period  K'ang-he,  and  appeared  in 
1,721,  the  GOth  year  of  the  same.  I have  generally  called  it  the 
K4ang-lio  Cli'un  Ts^w.  It  deserves  the  praise  which  I have 
bestowed  on  the  imperial  editions,  in  tl»e  present  dynasty,  of  tlic 
Shoo  and  tlie  She,  thougli  I have  been  disposed  to  dissent  nu>re 

i:M;] 


CII.  IV.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PKmmXG  THE  w(m 


[ritOLKtiOMLXA. 


frequently  from  tlie  decisions  of  the  editors  themselves.  They  drew 
in  preparing  it  from  134  writers: — 3 of  tlie  Chow  dynasty;  10  of 
the  Hun；  1 of  the  Tsin  ； 2 of  tlie  Suy;  13  of  the  T4ang;  57  of  the 
Sung;  12  oi  the  Yuen;  and  36  of  the  Ming. 

According  to  their  plan,  there  are  subjoined  to  the  text  occasionally 
brief  notices  of  the  different  readings,  the  pronunciation  of  characters, 
and  the  matter.  Then  follow  the  Ooinmentaries  of  Tso,  Kung-yang, 
Kuh-lgang， and  Hoo  Gan-kwoh  (胡 安國， styled  康侯 )， for  the 
most  part  in  full;  but  the  editors  sometimes  take  it  on  them  to  curtail 
or  even  suppress  them  entirely  wlicre  they  think  them  to  be  in  error. 

Hoo  Gan-kwoh  was  a scliolar  and  officer  of  the  Sung  dynasty 
(born  in  1,074;  died  in  1,138).  PI  is  commentary  on  our  classic,  in 
30  Books,  is  not  intrinsically  of  much  value,  but  it  was  received 
on  its  publication  with  great  applause  by  Kaou  Tsung,  the  first 
emperor  of  the  southern  Sung  dynasty;  ami  all  through  the  Ming 
dynasty  its  authority  was  suprcMiie.  It  formed  the  standard  for 
competitors  at  the  literary  examinations.  Having  given  those  four 
Commentaries,  the  editors  draw  upon  their  host  of  Authorities 
|^),  and  conclude,  when  they  think  it  necessary,  with  their  own 
decisions  (案) • 

6.  There  was  published  in  1,677,  at  the  district  city  of  Keun-shaa 
li|),  department  Soo-chow,  Keang-soo,  a large  collection  of  Works 
on  the  Classics,  under  the  title  of  通志堂 經解, taken  from  the  name 
of  the  hall  or  library  of  the  gentleman  to  whom  the  books  belonged. 
The  expense  of  publication  seems  to  have  been  borne  by  a Manchoo, 
called  Nah-lan  Ch‘ing-tih,  'vith  the  style  of  Yung-joh  (納蘭 成德， 
容若 ). The  Collection  contains  33  Works  on  the  Ch4un  Ts*ew,  all 
but  the  last  by  writers  of  the  Sung  and  Yuen  dynasties.  I have  had 
the  opportunity  of  consulting: — 

卩.] 春秋傅 ，‘  Commentaries  on  the  Ch‘uri  Ts%w.’  In  15 
Books;  by  Le'v  Ch‘ai】g  (劉 敞； styled  原父 )； born  1,019,  died  1，077. 
The  author  had  Avritten  an  earlier  Work  on  the  Ch4un  Tscew,  called 
春 秋權衡 . The  one  under  notice  remained  in  manuscript,  until 
the  publication  of  the  Collection  in  which  we  now  find  it,  Still  there 
seems  no  doubt  of  its  genuineness.  Lew  draws  largely  on  the  three 
early  Commentaries,  but  decides  between  them  according  to  his  own 
judgment,  having  adopted,  however,  the  praise-and-censure  theory 
from  Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang. 

臥] 春。 秋傅，  { Commentaries  on  the  Ch^un  Ts^w.5  In  20  Books, 
by  Yeh  Mung-tih  (葉 夢得； styled  少蕴， and  also  called  石林 ). 
These  last  two  characters  are  generally  prefixed  to  the  title  of 

137] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK. 


[CH.  IV. 


the  Work,  to  distinguish  it  from  the  preceding  and  others.  The 
author  was  born  in  1,077,  and  died  ir*  1,148.  He  shows  on  the  one 
hand  his  dissent  from  Sun  Full  and  others  who  wished  to  discard 
the  three  early  Commentaries  altogether,  and  not  go  beyond  the  text 
for  its  explanation,  and  on  the  other  hand  from  Soo  Cheh,  who  held 
to  Tso-she  and  paid  no  regard  to  Kung  and  Kuh. 

[iii.] 春秋 通說， ‘A  general  Exposition  of  the  Chcun  Ts ‘谷 \v •’ 
In  13  Books;  by  Hwang  Chung-yen  (黃 仲炎； styled  若晦 )， a 
scholar  of  the  Sang  dynasty,  who  seems  for  some  reason  or  other  not 
to  have  advanced  beyond  his  first  degree.  His  Work  was  completed 
in  1,230.  He  entirely  discards  the  praise-and-censure  theory,  and 
is  more  than  necessarily  independent  in  his  treatment  of  the  three 
early  Commentaries. 

[iv.] 春秋集 註， 1 Collected  Comments  on  the  Ch*un  Ts'ew.'  In 
11  Books;  by  Chang  Hgah  ( 張洽； styled  兀德 )， a scholar  of  tlie 
first  half  of  the  13th  century.  He  had  previously  prepared  a Work 
on  the  classic， which  he  called  春秋 集傅； and,  dissatisfied  with 
the  finish  of  it,  lie  prepared  the  present  one,  in  which  he  strove  to 
imitate  the  style  and  manner  of  Choo  He  on  the  Analects  and  Men- 
cius;— and  hence  its  name  of  集 註.  It  .is  a useful  Work,  very 
perspicuous. 

[v.] 春秋 或問， ‘The  meaning  of  the  Cli‘un  Ts£Sw  Catechetically 
elicited.5  In  20  Books;  by  Leu  Ta-kwei  (呂 大圭； styled  圭 叔， and 
{ilso  called  樸鄕 )， who  took  his  3d  degree  i 丨 l 1，247.  The  catechetical 
form  enables  the  author  to  bring  out  his  views  with  force;  but  there 
is  nothing  which  can  be  called  peculiarly  his  own.  As  between  the 
early  commentators,  he  adheres  to  Tso  for  the  facts,  and  to  Kuh-leang 
for  the  principles,  having  much  to  say  against  Kung-yang,  and  more 
against  Ho  Hew. 

[vi.] 讀春秋 編， ‘Digest  to  help  in  reading  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘g'v.’ 
In  12  Books;  by  C 丨丨 ‘in  Sliiii  ( 陳深； styled  子微 )， who  lived  both 
in  the  Sling  and  Yuen  dynasties.  lie  had  given  to  his  study  tlic 
name  of  淸 全 which  characters  often  enter  into  tlie  title  of  his 
Work.  He  makes  constant  use  of  Tsos  Commentary,  but  is  an 
advocate  of  the  views  of  Hoo  Gan-kwoh. 

[vii_] 泰秋 諸國統 ，祀， ‘ The  Records  in  the  CIPun 
arranged  under  the  Status  to  wliicli  the}7  scverall}7  belong.'  In  22 
Books ; by  Ts‘e  Le-k$en  (齊 履謙； styled  伯怪 ). His  preface  is 
dated  in  1,319.  The  peculiar  character  of  the  Work  is  shown  in 
the  title.  He  has  placed  the  notices  belonging  to  Loo  before  tho^e 
of  Chow； — very  naturnllv,  it  seems  to  mo,  but  the  critics  profess  to 

138] 


CH.  IV.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PHEPAUINO  TI1E  WORK. 


[prolegomena. 


be  shocked  by  the  arrangement.  A good  deal  of  freedom  is  shown 
in  the  handling  of  subjects. 

[viii.] 春秋或 問， ‘ The  metmiiig  of  the  Cli‘uii  Ts‘S\v  Catechet.i- 
cally  elicited.’  I 丨 l 10  Books;  by  Cli‘i 丨丨 g T'van- 丨丨 Soh  (程 端學； 
styled  時叔， called  also  積齋 )， who  took  liis  third  degree  in  1，321. 
He  was  much  employed  in  the  office  of  historiography,  and  com- 
posed the  Work  next  mentioned  und  another  on  the  C!ilun  1 s(ew 
before  he  felt  equal  to  tliis,  which  is  reckoned  bis  chef  cV oeuvre.  It 
betrays  a sceptical  disposition  in  referc*nce  to  tlie  three  early  Com- 
mentaries, and  is  particularly  rich  in  adducing  the  opinions  of  the 
Sung  scholars. 

[ix.] 春秋 本義， ‘The  proper  Meaning  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts々w.’ 
In  30  Books;  by  Cli4ing  Twan-heoh  above.  This  was  his  earliest 
Work  oil  our  Classic,  and  shows  the  same  tendencies  which  are 
fully  developed  in  ‘The  Meaning  Catechetically  elicited.’  He  gives 
the  names  of  176  Works  and  Authors,  which  he  had  consulted  in 
preparing  for  his  task. 

[x.] 春 秋諸傅 會通， ‘All  the  Commentaries  on  the  Ch‘un 
Ts*ew  in  one  view.5  In  24  Books;  by  Le  LSen  ( 李廉； styled  行簡). 
The  Authors  preface  bears  date  in  1,349,  towards  the  end  of  the 
Yuen  dynasty.  The  substance  of  the  three  early  Commentaries, 
and  of  their  editors,  Too  Yu,  Ho  Hew,  and  Fan  Ning,  of  K'ung 
Ying-tah， Hoo  Gan-k'voh,  Ch4ing  E-cli‘uen， Ch‘in  Foo-lgang  (陳德 
and  Chang  Heah,  is  all  to  be  found  here,  with  the  judgments 
on  their  different  views  of  Le  Leen  himself.  It  is  a Work  of  great 
value. 

[xi.] 春秋 師說， ‘ My  Master’s  Teachings  on  the  Ch‘un  TVSw.’ 
In  3 Books;  by  Chaou  Fang  (趙 方； styled  子常 )•  First  pub- 
lished  in  1，348.  The  author  had  studied  under  H'vangTsih  (黃澤 )， 
famous  for  his  knowledge  of  the  Yih  King  and  the  Ch4un  Ts4ew;  and 
here  he  gives  what  he  had  learned  from  him  on  the  true  meaning  of 
those  Classics,  and  the  successes  and  failures  of  previous  commen- 
tators. 

[xii.] 春秋 屬辭， ‘The  Style  and  Expression  in  tlie  Ch‘un 
Ts^ew  on  similar  Subjects.7  In  15  Books;  by  the  same  author 
as  the  above.  This  is  an  ingenious  attempt  to  make  out  the 
principles  by  which  Confucius  was  guided  in  his  work  of  compil- 
ing the  Ch^un  Ts4ew  from  the  historiographers  of  Loo.  His  princi- 
pal Authorities  are  Too  Yu  and  his  own  master  Hwang  Tsih  ; 
but  he  often  differs  from  them.  He  did  his  work  well;  but  we  have 
seen  that  all  conclusions  on  the  subject  must  be  very  uncertain. 

139] 


TROLECOMENA.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPAEING  THE  WORK. 


「CH.  IV. 


[xiii.] 泰秋左 氏傅補 目主， 4 Supplementary  Comments  on  the 
Chuen  of  Tso-slie.'  In  10  Books,  by  the  same  Chaou  Fang.  A valu- 
able Work.  The  writer  has  before  him  the  three  early  Commentaries, 
and  it  is  his  object  to  correct  errors  and  supply  defects  in  Tso  from 
Kunof-^  ang  and  Kuli-leang.  He  has  also  before  him  the  labours  of 
Too  Yu  on  Tso  and  of  Cli ‘in  Foo-leang  on  Kuli-leang,  and  he  en- 
deavours 4 to  take  what  is  long  in  the  one  to  supplement  what  is  short 
in  the  other.' 

19.  春秋 釋例， ‘ The  Laws  of  the  Oil ‘un  Ts$w  Explained.’  By 
Too  Yu;  in  10  Books.  This  was  a production  of  Too  Yu,  after  he 
lmd  completed  his  great  Work  on  Tso's  Chuen.  It  contains  laws  of 
style  under  42  heads;  then  proceeds  to  the  names  of  places,  gene- 
alogies, and  Too's  scheme  of  the  chronology  of  the  Ch{un-Ts4ew 
period.  It  seems  to  me  that  three  different  Works  of  Too  have 
here  got  mixed  together.  Choo  E-tsun  mentions  the  Laws  of  Style 
as  a Work  by  itself,  published  under  the  Sung  dynasty  in  15 
Books;  noting  that  he  had  not  been  able  to  see  it.  He  also  notices 
the  Chronology  as  a Work  by  itself,  saying  that  only  Too's  preface 
to  it  remains.  Indeed  the  Avhole  was  long  supposed  to  be  lost,  but 
it  was  reproduced,  as  we  have  it  now,  in  1,777,  from  a Collection  made 
in  the  period  Yang-loli  (1,403-1,424)  of  the  Ming  dynasty. 

20.  The  皇 淸經解  contains  several  "Works  on  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘S'v 
by  the  scholars  of  the  present  dynasty.  I have  used: 一 

[i.] 左傅 杜解補 正， ‘ Supplement,  wit] 丨 Corrections,  to  Too、 
Explanations  of  the  Tso  Chuen. 5 In  3 Books;  by  Koo  Yen-woo  (See 
proleg.  vol.  IV.,  p.  101).  Contains  many  useful  hints  for  the 
translator  of  Tso.  Koo  makes  much  use  of  two  scholars  of  the  Ming 
dynasty, — .Shaou  Paou  (邵寶 ） and  Foo  Sun  (傅遥 )， who  had  made 
it  their  business  to  discover  the  inistakes  of  Too. 

[ii.] 學春秋 隨筆， ‘Jottings  in  the  study  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts ‘谷 w.， 
In  10  Books;  by  Wan  Sze-ta  (萬 斯大； styled  充宗 ’； born  in 
1,633,  died  in  1,783.  Wan  was  well  acquainted  Avith  the  Le  Ke, 
the  official  Book  of  Chow,  and  the  E Le,  and  most  of  his  remarks 
are  based  upon  them.  Cliinese  scholars  praise  him  as  having  always 
fr〇〇d  ground  for  what  he  says.  I confess  I have  been  inclined 
to  call  in  question — now  his  Authorities,  and  now  his  interpretation 
of  them. 

[iii.] 春秋毛 氏傅， 4 Commentary  on  the  Ch‘un  T8‘Sw  by 
Maou.’  This  is  the  work  of  Maou  K(e-ling  of  whom  I have  had 
much  to  say  in  my  previous  volumes.  In  35  Books.  It  is  every- 
Avlierc  referred  to  in  ray  notes.  Occasionally  one  has  to  differ  from 

140] 


CH.  IV.T 


BOOKS  USED  IN  rREPARIXG  TIIK  WOUIv. 


[IMIOLEGC.M  A . 


the  author,  but  his  views  have  in  general  commaruled  iny  a[)proval. 
I thought  at  one  time  of  simply  translating  his  Work  instead  ot 
giving  all  the  Tso  Chuen;  but  I considered  that  to  do  the  latter 
Avould  be  more  useful  lor  students.  Agreeing  for  the  most  part 
uith  Tso,  ^laou  seems  glad  when  he  finds  reason  to  (liffiT  from  him； 
and  he  makes  How  Gan-kwoh  his  butt. 

[iv.] 春 秋簡書 刊誤， ‘Errors  in  the  Tablets  of  the  Ch‘1111 
Tsle\v/  In  two  Books;  by  Maou  KSi-ling.  This  is  a defence  of  the 
text  of  Tso  against  the  ditferent  readings  that  are  found  in  Kung 
nncl  Kuh. 

['，.] 春秋 屬雙上 (l  事記， ‘An  Exl 丨 ibition  of  the  Style  of  tlie 
Cli'un  Ts'ew  according  to  the  analogies  of  the  Subject-inatter.'  In 
two  Books.  Also  by  Maou  Kce-ling.  It  contains  a good  demon- 
stration of  the  baselessness  of  the  praise-and-censure  theory,  and  is 
intended  to  vindicate  Maou's  own  four  laws  of  interpretation,  given 
in  the  introduction  to  liis  Commentary. 

[vi.] 春 秋說， ‘ Discourses  on  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘Sw.’  In  15  Books; 
by  Hwuy  Sze-k‘e  (惠  士奇; styled  仲儒 ). He  'vas  also  called  半農; 
and  these  two  characters  are  often  prefixed  to  the  titles  of  liis  Works. 
This  one  on  the  Ch^un  Ts^w  is  of  great  value.  The  notices  in  the 
Classic  are  all  classified;  the  views  or  illustrations  of  them  afforded 
in  the  early  Commentaries  adduced；  and  the  whole  adjudicated  on 
by  the  author. 

[vii.] 春 秋地理 考實， ‘The  Geography  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘Sw 
Examined  and  Determined.’  In  4 Books;  by  Keang  Yung  (See 
proleg.  vol.  IV.,  p.  98,  n.  6).  Displays  much  research；  and  is 
particularly  valuable  as  bringing  down  the  identifications  of  the 
ancient  places  to  the  geographical  arrangements  of  the  country  at 
the  present  day.  A foreigner  is  apt  to  err,  as  I have  sometimes 
done  in  this  matter,  by  accepting  the  geographical  determinations  in 
the  K‘ang-he  edition  of  our  classic,  and  then  finding  that  the 
arrangement  of  departments  and  districts  in  a province  has  since 
been  changed. 

[viii.] 春 秋左傅 小疏， ‘Short  Glosses  on  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘gw 
and  Tso  Chuen.'  In  one  Book;  by  Shin  T‘ung  (沈 形； styled  冠 
雲， and  also  果堂 )， who  lived  from  1,688  to  1,752,  and  was  em- 
ployed by  the  government  in  various  literary  tasks.  He  published 
1 short  glosses 1 on  several  of  the  other  classics  as  well  as  the  Ch^un 
Ts‘S、r.  I have  found  them  useful. 

[ix.] 春秋 左傅補 § 主，‘  Supplementary  Comments  on  the  Ch‘un 
Tslew  and  Tso  Chuen/  A Work  similar  to  the  above.  In  8 Books; 

141] 


PROLEGOMENA.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK. 


[cil.  IV. 


h.y  H'vuy  Tung  ( 惠棟； styled  定宇 )•  It  had  been  growing  up  in 
liis  family  for  three  generations,  until  be  revised  the  labours  of  liis 
father,  grandfather,  and  great-grandfather,  added  to  them  his  own 
researches,  and  published  it  in  1,708.  The  reader  of  Too  Ya  will 
get  consideriible  help  from  it. 

[x.] 春秋 正辭， ‘ The  Language  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘g'v  Determined 
and  Regulated.'  In  13  Books;  by  Chwang  Ts‘un-yu  ( 莊存與 ), 
a scholar  of  the  K4een  lung  period.  Tlie  Work  is  for  the  most  part  an 
examination  of  the  Classic  according  to  the  views  and  nomenclature 
of  Kung-yang  find  Ho  Hew. 

[xi.] 春 秋左傅 舖疏， ‘Supplementary  Explanations  of  tlie 
Ch‘im  Ts‘Sw  and  Tso  Ciiuen.’  In  5 Books;  by  TsSaou  Seun  (焦 循; 
styled  理 堂 and  里堂 )•  Tlie  writer’s  principal  object  was  to  sup- 
plement Ivlung  Ying-tuhs  Explanations  of  Too  Yu's  oonnnents  on 
Tso. 

[xii.] 春 秋左傅 補註， ‘Supplementary  Comine 丨丨 ts  on  the 
Cli‘un  TVS'v  and  Tso  Clmen.’  In  3 Books;  by  Ma  Tsung-liien 
( 馬宗缠 )•  Intended  as  a supplement  to  the  Work  with  the  same 
title  by  Hwuy  Tung,  Tioticed  above. 

[xiii.] 公 羊何氏 釋例， ‘On  the  La'vs  〇!• 丨丨。 Hii'v  in  explain- 
ing the  Commentary  of.  Kmig-yang.’  In  10  Books；  by  Lew  Fung- 
luL  (劉 逢藏； styled  申甫 )， a scholar  of  the  IQia-k‘i"g  period.  A 
Work  similar  in  design  to  No.x. 

[xiv.] 公羊何 氏解言 古箋， ‘Glosses  on  Ho  Hii'v’s  Explana- 
tions of_  Kung-yang.’  In  1 Book；  also  by  Lew  Fung-luh. 

fi 墨 守評; 穀 梁瘢疾 申何; 左 氏养秋 考譜； 

錄膏 有評. These  are  four  Works  by  the  same  aut.hor.  I have 
not  translated  the  titles  because  they  refer  to  controversies  in  the 
Han  dynasty  between  Ho  Hew  and  Ch4ing  K^mg-shing.  The 
writers  object  is  to  maintain  the  authority  of  Kung-yang  and  even 
of  Kuh-leang  against  Tso-she. 

[xix.] 春秋異 文萎， 4 Glosses  on  the  different  readings  in  tlie 
text  of  the  Ch‘un  IVS'v.’  In  13  Books;  by  Chaou  T‘an  (趙坦 )， 
a scholar  of  the  Kiia-k‘ing  period. 

[xx.] 公羊 禮說， ‘ Remarks  on  the  rules  of  ceremony  insisted 
on  by  Kung-yang/  In  1 Book;  by  Ling  Shoo  (凌曙 )； of  the  same 
period.  He  was  a believer  in  Kung-yang. 

[xx 丨 .] 經義 述聞， ‘ Recollections  of  Lessons  on  the  meaning  of 
the  Classics/  In  10  Books,  three  of  wliicli  arc  occupied  with  the 
Chlun  Ts4ew.  By  Wang  Yin-che,  whose  4 Recollections  of  Lessons 
in  the  She'  are  noticed  in  the  proleg.  to  vol.  IV.,  p.  178. 

142] 


ch.  iv.]  BOOKS  USED  IN  THEPARING  TIIE  WORK.  [prolegomena. 

41.  春 秋地名 考略， ‘ An  Examination  into  tlie  Names  of 
places  in  the  Chcun  Ts'ew/  In  14  Books;  by  Kaou  Sze-ke  (|^j  士 
奇； styled 澹人 )，  a great  scholar  of  the  K^ang-he  period.  The 
w riter  sometimes  defeats  his  end  by  tlie  minuteness  ofliis  researches. 
The  Work  is  valuable,  but  not  so  convenient  for  the  student  as  that 
on  the  same  subject  by  Keang  Yung,  which  I liave  already  noticed. 

42.  春秋夫 事表， ‘ The  pri 丨丨 dpal  things  in  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘Sw 
exhibited  in  a tabular  form.'  In  50  Books,  with  one  Book  of  Plates, 
and  an  Appendix.  By  Koo  Tung-kaou  ( 顧 棟局； styled  震清 a 
scholar  and  officer  of  the  K4ang-he  and  Kleen-lung  periods.  I have 
met  with  no  Work  on  the  Ch4un  Tsce\v  more  exhaustive,  and  cer- 
tainly with  none  from  which  I liave  myself  derived  more  assistance. 
The  authors  tables  and  disquisitions  supply  the  most  abundant 
matter  for  study  and  research. 

43.  春秋內 傅古註 輯存， ‘The  old  Comments  on  the  C 丨丨 ‘un 
Tsle\v  and  Tso  Cliuen  Collected  and  Preserved/  In  3 Books  (三册 ); 
by  Yen  Wei  ( 嚴蔚; styled  豹人 )； published  in  1,788.  The  Work 
is  an  attempt  t.o  gather  and  preserve  the  Coinmonts  of  Fuh  K^eri 
and  other  Commentators  of  the  Han  dynasty,  to  wliicli  the  writer 
thinks  Too  Yu  was  often  under  obligation  without  ackn〇-\vleclging  it. 

44.  左氏春 秋集說 ， 4 Collected  Discourses  on  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘Sw 
of  Tso-she.'  In  10  Books;  with  two  Books  of  Introduction  and 
Appenjdix,  chiefly  on  the  Laws  of  the  Cl^un  Ts4ew.  By  Choo  Goh- 
ling  (恭 德齡； styled  長孺， and  also  called  愚巷 )， a graduate  of 
the  Ming  dynasty  who  lived  on  into  the  present.  The  Work  is 
useful,  principally  because  the  author  is  constantly  quoting  from 
Tan  Tsoo  and  Chaou  K(\vang  of  the  Tcang  d}rnasty,  though  he  does 
not  himself  agree  -with  them. 

45.  春 秋占篮 書， 4 On  the  Articles  on  Divination  in  the  Cl^im 
Tslew.'  in  3 Books.  This  is  another  Work  bearing  on  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Tso  Chuen  by  Maou  Iv{e-ling,  which  has  not  been 
reprinted  in  the  皇 淸經解 . The  title  is  incorrect,  because  the 
references  to  divination  in  the  text  of  the  Ch£un  Tscew  are  the 
briefest  possible,  and  the  Work  deals  with  articles  in  the  Tso  Chuen. 
It  is  said  correctly  in  Maous  introductory  notice  that  no  satisfactory 
attempt  to  explain  those  articles  had  been  made  by  Too  Yu,  K£ung 
Ying-tah,  or  any  other  of  the  critics.  It  was  bold  in  Maou  to  try 
to  do  so；  but  I do  not  think  he  has  succeeded.  So  far  as  I have 
attained  hitherto  in  the  study  of  the  Yih  King  and  the  ancient  divina- 
tion of  the  Chinese,  I have  failed  to  understand  their  principles; — 
it  there  be  any  principles  in  them. 

143] 


rROLEGOMENA.]  BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK.  [cn.  iv. 

46.  春秋條 貫篇， ‘ On  the  Connexion  between  the  Notices  in 
the  text  of  the  Cli‘un  Ts‘gw.’  In  11  Books；  also  by  Maou  K4e-ling. 
The  Work  arose  out  of  a dispute  between  Maou  and  the  other 
Examiners  at  the  competition  for  the  third  degree  in  1,685,  they 
contending  that  the  connexion  coald  only  be  discovered  by  means 
of  the  Chuen,  and  he  that  it  could  be  ascertained  from  tlie  text  itself. 
The  editors  of  the  4 Catalogue  of  the  Books  in  the  Imperial  Libraries 
(欽 定四庫 全書總 目 ） ’ condemr 丨 it  as  inferior  to  Maou’s  other 
productions  on  the  Ch^m  Ts4ew  ； but,  like  every  other  thing  tliat  he 
•wrote,  there  is  a great  deal  of  force  in  many  of  his  reasonings. 

47.  春秋琪 _ 要， ‘The  most  important  Points  in  the  Interpreta- 
tion of  the  (】h‘im  Ts%w  Determined.’  In  6 Books；  by  Le  Shin- 
kuh  (李 式穀； styled  海飽) • The  writer  adopts  the  K‘ang-he 
Cli^un  Tscew  as  the  standard  for  interpreting  the  Classic,  but  now 
and  then  introduces  a view  of  his  own.  It  is  a useful  Work. 

48.  讀左 漫筆, ‘ Occasional  Jottings  to  help  in  reading  tlie 
Tso  Chuen/  In  16  Books ; by  Ch‘ang  Mow-lae  (常 茂徠； styled 

J|).  Tliis  is  one  of  the  most  recent  Works  on  our  Classic,  the 
Muthors  preface  being  dated  in  1,867.  He  tells  us  that  the  Tso 
Chuen  had  been  the  mental  food  of  his  whole  life,  and  tliat  he  had 
published  two  Works  on  special  subjects  connected  with  it.  But 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  reading  his  favourite  author,  and  the  long  list 
of  critics  and  commentators  on  him,  with  pencil  in  hand;  and  wher- 
ever tlieir  remarks  seemed  to  require  addition  or  correction,  he  made 
his  own  notes;  and  so  the  materials  for  the  present  Work  grew  up 
gradually  under  his  hand.  One  may  get  a good  many  suggestions 
from  it. 

49.  春 秋左傅 平議， ‘ Quiet  Discussions  on  Tso’s  Commentary 
on  tlie  ClViui  TVihv.’  Li  3 Books;  by  Yu  Yiieli  (偷 継； styled  蔭甫 ,.； 
like  the  last,  a very  recent  writer.  These  3 Books  are  only  a portion 
of  a large  Work  on  all  the  classics,  published  in  1,8(56.  1:1  u is  helpful 
in  determining  the  punctuation  of  the  original;  in  fixing  the  exact 
meaning  ot  characters;  and  on  the  interchanging  use  of  cliaracters 
by  the  ancient  writers. 

50.  * The  Elegancies  of  Tso.'  In  30  Books;  by  Fung  Le-hwa 
(瑪全 弹;， led  天閑 、 and  Luh  Ilaou  ( 陸浩; styled  大漏 X After 

various  preliminary  matter  on  the  best  way  of  reading  the  Tso 
Chuen,  &c.,  the  pages  in  the  body  of  the  \York  are  divided  into  two 
parts.  In  the  lower  part  there  are  given  the  text  and  Tsos  Com- 
mentary,  with  the  comments  of  Too  Yu  at  length,  Lull  Tih-min^'s 
prommeiation  of  chnractovs,  ami  the  glosses  of  Lin  Yaou-sow  (ffC 

144] 


CH.  IV.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK. 


[PKOLEGOMENA. 


^ of  the  Sung  dyn<asty,  these  last  often  abbreviated,  but  of  real 
value.  There  are  occasionally  quotations  from  Ying-t, all,  ami 

from  Koo  Yen-woo's  Work,  tlie  first  of  those  mentioned  above  from  tli<* 
皇 淸經解 • The  upper  part  of  the  page  is  occupied  with  Fuiig  ami 
Liih's  own  remarks,  mostly  designed  to  show  the  force  and  beauty 
ot'  Isos  style.  These  give  the  name  to  the  Work. 

51.  讀左 補義， ‘Aids  to  t.he  reading  of  Tso.’  In  50  Books ; 
by  Keang  Ping-chang,  whose  Work  on  the  Slie  Kin〇;  I liave  noticed 
in  the  proleg.  to  vol.  IV.,  p.  175.  The  present  Work,  first.  |)ul)lished 
in  1,768,  deserves  much  of  the  praise  which  I gave  to  tlie  former. 
He  differs  from  Too  Yu  on  the  laws  of  st^-le  in  the  classic,  and  thinks 
that  Confucius  simply  copied  the  liist〇ri〇gru[)hers  of  Loo  without 
altering  or  abbreviating  their  text. 

From  the  first  chapter  of  these  prolegomena  it  will  be  seen  tliat  I 
have  very  much  adopted  those  views  myself,  though  aware  of  tlie 
objections  that  can  be  urged  against  them.  Keang  appends  short, 
essays  or  disquisitions  of  his  own  on  the  events  related  to  the  nar- 
ratives of  Tso. 

52.  春秋 左汚傅 集釋， ‘ Explanations  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘gw 
and  the  Tso  Chuen  from  all  Sources.5  In  GO  Books.  This  Work 
is  still  in  manuscript,  having  been  prepared,  with  a special  ^iew  to 
my  own  assistance,  by  iny  friend  Wang  T4aou.  It  is  entitled  to  the 
praise  which  I have  bestowed,  in  the  proleg.  to  vol.  IV.,  p.  17fi,  on 
his  Work  on  the  She. 

53.  春 秋朔閏 考辨， ‘An  Examination  into  the  first  days.,  of 
the  moon,  and  the  intercalary  months,  during  the  ChSin-Ts^w 
period.’  In  3 Books;  also  by  AVang  T4aou,  and  in  manuscript.  He 
shows  the  unsatisfactory  nature  of  the  chronological  schemes  pro- 
posed  by  Too  Yu,  Koo  Tur 丨 g-kaou,  and  Ch‘in  Ho'v-yaou  (陳 厚耀) r 
and  then  proceeds  to  his  task,  taking  his  data — now  from  the  text,  and 
now  from  the  Chuen.  His  mind  was  first  thorouglily  stimulated  on 
the  subject  by  tlie  Rev.  Mr.  Chalmers.  There  is  certainly  no  Work  in 
Chinese  on  the  chronology  of  the  Ch{im-Tsle\v  period  at  all  equal  to 
this.  He  has  also  prepared  in  Cliinese  a table  of  the  days  of  new 
■moon  and  of  the  winter  solstice  for  the  'vl 丨 ole  period  (春秋 至朔表 >. 

54.  春 秋日食 圖說， ‘ The  Eclipses  mentioned  in  the  (〕丨丨  Mi” 
Ts‘g'v， with  Plates,  and  Disquisitions.’  In  1 Book.  Also  by  Wari.s; 
T4aou,  and  in  manuscript.  For  the  matter  in  this  treatise,  as  for  that 
in  the  above,  Wang  is  mainly  indebted  to  Mr.  Chalmers. 

55.  春秋 問答，  4 Difficulties  with  reirard  to  the  Ch^m  Ts4ew, 
by  way  of  Question  and  Answer.5  In  1 Book;  by  Wang  T*aou,  and 

145] 


FKOLEGOMENA.] 


BOOKS  USED  IN  PREPARING  THE  WORK. 


fen.  it. 


in  manuscript.  This  treatise  may  be  considered  as  Wangs  endeav- 
our to  reply  to  questions  proposed  by  myself,  while  engaged  in  the 
preparation  and  printing  of  this  volume.  It  embraces  most  of  the 
subjects  which  I liave  discussed  in  the  previous  chapters  of  these 
prolegomena.  His  answers  are  more  or  less  satisfactory,  but  show  the 
conservative  character  of  the  Chinese  mind  in  regard  to  the  views 
on  the  classics  which  have  been  current  since  the  Han  dynasty. 

56.  左傅經 世鈔， ‘ Extracts  from  the  Tso  Chuen.’  In  23 
Books;  by  i'rei  He  ( 魏禱； styled  水叔 )， of  the  Ming  dynasty.  This 
Work  contains  the  greater  number  of  the  narratives  iu  Tso,  those 
of  them  belonging  to  the  same  subject,  which  in  his  commentary  are 
scattered  over  several  years,  being  brought  together.  Explanatory 
glosses  from  Too  Yu,  Lin  Yaou-sow,  and  Wei  He  himself  are  occasion- 
ally interspersed  tliroughoutTsos  text,  and  each  paragraph  is  followed 
by  reflections  of  a general  or  liistorical  character  from  the  compiler.  It 
lias  been  useful  to  me  from  the  large  characters,  finely  cut,  in  which 
the  copy  that  I have  is  printed ; and  which  is  probably  a reprint 
from  an  edition  published  in  1，748  by  P ‘这 ng  KSa-ping  (彭 家屛; 
styled  樂君 )•  The  經世  of  the  title  is  hardly  translatable， and 
is  taken  from  a remark  by  Clnvang-tsze  of  the  Chow  dynasty  about 

the  Ch‘un  Ts‘gw  (春 秋 ，經 lit 允王之 志) • 

57.  古文 析義， ‘Ancient  Compositions,  'vith  Notes  on  t 丨 M'i 丨’ 
meaning.  ， In  16  Books;  by  Lin  Yun-ming  (林 雲銘； styled  西仲 X 
who  took  his  third  degree  in  1,658.  The  Work  is  a little  of  the 
same  nature  as  some  volumes  of  “ Elegant  Extracts”  from  our 
Eno-lisli  masters,  which  I have  seen.  A selection  is  made  of  tlie 
most  celebrated  pieces  of  composition  from  the  Chow  dynasty 
downwards,  with  explanations  of  the  meaning  and  notes  on  tlie 
style  interspersed,  Avith  a disquisition  at  tlie  end  on  the  subject- 
matter  by  the  compiler.  The  first  two  Books  are  occupied  with 
pieces  from  tlie  Tso  Cliuen.  Lin  Yun-ming  was  called  a bibliomaniac 
(書癒 ） by  his  neighbours;  but  scholars  speak  contemptuously  of 
liis  Works.  Wang  Tlaou  calls  the  one  before  us  1 a series  of  Lessons 
for  a village  school  ( 鄕璧課 蒙之本 ).’  The  foreign  student, 
liowever,  is  glad  to  get  hold  of  it,  especially  at  the  commencement 
of  his  studies  in  the  Tso  Chuen. 

The  class  of  Works  represented  b}r  the  preceding  is  numerous.  I 

have  consulted  tht; 古 文析義 叙編； tlie 古女 快筆； the 古 

文分編 集評; the 古文觀 the 古文 評註； the 古文翼 
the  古文 肩逢; and  the  古女 淵鑑. Unfortunately  they  all  deal 
«ith  nearly  the  same  pieces  in  Tsos  Work. 

146] 


t、H.  ir.] 


TRANSLATIONS  AND  OTHER  FOREIGN  WORKS.  [prolboombna. 


I have  not  felt  it  necessary  to  introduce  in  the  above  list  the 
Dictionaries  and  Works  of  general  reference,  with  many  others  oil 
the  classics  in  general,  wliich  were  mentioned  in  the  lists  in  my 
preceding  volumes,  and  have  again  been  referred  to  as  occasion  re- 
quired. 


SECTION  II. 

TRANSLATIONS  AND  OTHER  FOREIGN  WORKS. 

I have  not  to  add  to  the  Works  of  this  class  mentioned  in  ray 
former  volumes. 

Dr.  Bretschneider  of  Peking  having  stated  in  the  Chiaese  Recorder 
for  December  1870,  p.  173,  that  the  Ch^n  Ts4e\v  had  been  translated 
into  European  languages,  I made  inquiry  on  the  subject,  to  which 
that  gentleman  replied  in  the  Recorder  for  1871,  pp.  51,  52. 

4 Some  40  years  ago,*  he  says,  father  Daniel,  of  the  Russian  Eccle- 
siastical Mission  at  Peking,  translated  the  Ch^un-ts^u  into  Russian; 
but,  so  far  as  I know,  this  translation  has  never  been  published.  The 
manuscript  exists  still.  Besides  this,  parts  of  the  Ch^n-ts^u  were 
translated  into  Russian,  and  published  by  other  Russian  Sinologues.' 
I havTe  not  seen  these  translations.  Dr.  Brotschneider  refers  also  to 
a translation  of  the  first  book  of  the  Ch^un  Tsce\v  by  Bayer,  with  a 
Latin  translation,  wliich  appeared  in  tlie  ‘ Commentaria  Academics 
PetrOjpolitance,'  vol.  7;  but  neither  have  I met  with  this. 


THE  Cn(UN  TS^W; 

WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I.  DUKE  YIN. 
First  year. 


春秋 附左傅 

隱公 

一於 年春 王正月 。 

一一 章 > 

三月公 及邾儀 艾 盟于 一 

三章、  I o 

夏五月 鄭伯克 段于鄢 

四章 i 

秋七月 天王廣 宰晅 來歸 
惠公仲 子之賵 

s I o 

九月 及宋人 盟于宿 

k o 

^ 十 有二月 。祭 伯來 
y 于益師 40 


左溥 曰‘ 惠 # 兀 如孟子 。孟子 
卒‘ 繼室以 聲子‘ 生隱先 朱武 
公 生仰子 。仲 子生而 有文在 
其手‘ 日爲魯 夫人故 仲子歸 
于舐 生桓公 而惠公 氬 是以 
隱公立 而奉之 

元年 。春王 周正凡 不書 卽位‘ 
攝也。 

三月 i 及邾肩 父 盟于览 W 
子克也 > 未王命 ‘故不 書歡日 
儀父 貴之也 攝 I 而欲求 
好於紙 故爲蔑 之盟。 

©1 四凡 費伯帥 師城亂 不 
書‘ 非公 命也。 

衹鄭 武公 娶于申 >日 武篆生 
莊各及 共叔段 。莊公 寤主駕 
姜氏故 名 日寤生 •遂惡 之愛 


TOL.  V. 


1 


2 


TIIE  CH4UN  TSkE\V,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHEUN. 


BOOK  I. 


©惠 © 夫秋 .是 大之母 ，曰 JR 可延 。將可 非謂共 
冬石 八三七 之隧悔 。皆 不段矣 。子 若除, 制之叔 
十之月 .月 4月.111 之對嘗 及不命 封之况 也> 京段, 
月 .季紀 同天乎 。外 小黃弟 .子曰 > 何君 君城欲 
痍异. 人位王 其君入 鼠故釦 可欲之 蔣大立 
申冰 伐至 ，使 樂何 之無不 帥 矣展 寵不叔 。之、 

也 患食相 曹車厚 犬弟堪 。祭亟 
洩焉 、芫 見弟。 二將叔 .乎。 公仲請 
拽 。若 未也。 如百得 臣公曰 , 氐於 
遂 鼠嘗旣 二乘衆 。請曰 羞都武 


改米夷 •士宰 
P 師萬蹄 I P 旦 
惠于 不月 . 來 
公 .黃  >告>  外歸 

弗立 k 不至 .公 
臨 ，而— 膾伸 
故求 © 死子 
J 成 有不之 
書屬廣 .及賵 , 
惠九 不 尸 M 
公月 ，爲弔 i 
之及災 k 生子 
薨宋 亦不氏 
也 .人 不及未 
有盟書 。 氣薨. 
朱于 豫故 
師 .宿 > 凶名。 
女 始 % .天 
子通 非子 
禮七 
也 ，月 


备也。 


故 

有 

是 

以 

vk 

葬。 


衞 

侯 

來 

# 

不 


而 

葬‘ 

同 

畢 

至‘ 

諸 

侯 

五 

月. 

同 

盟 

至。 

大 


爲地 君而君 ，以 公事多 氏城么 
毋及 之悔故 伐曰之 ，行 欲過公 
子泉 ，羹 .之 。曰京 ,不 若不之 百弗 
如隧請 潁克。 京義弗 義^雉 .許。 
初。 而以# 稱 蘇不與 .必 辟國芨 
君相 遺叔鄭 大暱、 則自害 。之莊 
子見之 。爲伯 .叔厚 請斃, 對害公 
曰 ，其公 頌譏段 .將 除子曰 .也> 卽 
穎誰曰 .谷 失段崩 。之姑 姜先位 k 
考曰爾 封教入 犬無待 氏王爲 
叔不 有人 .也 。于叔 生之。 何之之 
純然 。母 聞謂鄢 .完民 旣厭制 ，請 
孝公遺 之公聚 》心\ 而 之大制 
也屈翳 有鄭伐 繕公大 有⑩ ，公： 
愛之 我獻志 .諸甲 氏叔 不不曰 
其必獨 于不鄢 .兵 ，無命 如過制 
毋 .. 八無 。公 .言五 具庸西 早參巖 • 
施 而穎公 ⑴月 卒將鄙 爲國邑 
及賦 t 考賜奔 ，辛 氣自北 之之也 
海 大叔之 li 去 典及, 所 》 一 •嫌 
公麗曰 ，食 .之 尤襲大 ■無中 ，叔 
詩之敢 食也叔 鄭、 叔於 使五死 
曰 ，中 .問舍 遂° 出夫又 己。 滋之焉 , 
孝 其何肉 .真 奔人收 公蔓广 .他 
子樂謂 公姜共 。將 蕺子 蔓小浥 
不也也 。問氏 書啟以 呂雛九 1 唯 
遗. 融公之 。于曰 .之 。爲曰 . 圖之命 
乐 融語對 城鄭公 己國也 .二請 ° 
錫姜之 曰4潁 .伯聞 邑不 蔓今京 
附⑴故 .小而 克其 至堪草 京使' 
類. 而且人 誓段期 .于敗 猶不居 
其赋 .告奋 之于曰 .廪君 不肊之 • 


Ykar  I. 


DUKE  YIN. 


3 


小衆非 十書忌 不人, 弗子朱 15 南王 取衞公 © 見 
歛 父王二 亦新書 ，鄭許 .豫 .子鄙 .師 廪人孫 鄭公， 
故卒 。命 月非作 非人、 遂豫使 請虢延 .爲 滑共亦 
不公也 。祭 公南 公盟行 Jf 私師師 鄭之⑴ 叔不 
書不 伯命 命于及 往> 于于伐 人伐奔 之書。 
日 。與 來 .也 。不也 。翼 。料公 公邾. 衞以亂 衞肩 U 

I.  1 [It  was  liis]  first  year,  the  spring,  the  king's  first  month. 

2 In  the  third  month,  the  duke  and  E-foo  of  Clioo  made  a 

covenant  in  Meeh. 

3 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  the  earl  of  Chling  overcame 

Twan  in  Yen. 


4 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  the  king  [by]  Heavens 

[grace]  sent  the  [sub-]  administrator  Heuen  with  a pres- 
ent of  [two]  carriages  and  tlieir  horses  for  the  funerals 
of  duke  Hwuy  and  [his  wife]  Cliung  Tsze. 

5 In  the  ninth  month,  [the  duke]  and  an  officer*  of  Sung 

made  a covenant  in  Sub. 

6 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  the  earl  of  Chae  came  [to 

Loo]. 

7 Kung-tsze  Yih-sze  died. 


TlTtE  DF  THE  Wdkk.— 春秋 ，附 左 傅 

* The  Spring  and  Autumn；  with  the  Tso  Chuen.* 

4 Spring  and  Autumn J is  equivalent  to  4 Annals, 
digested  under  the  four  seasons  of  every  year/ 
only  two  seasous  being  given  for  the  sake  of 
brevity.  The  subject  of  the  name  is  fully  dis- 
cussed in  the  Prolegomena,  ch.  I.  I have  print- 
ed all  the  text  of  Tso  K4ew-ming,  immediately 
after  the  year  of  the  Classic  to  whicli  it  belongs. 
Where  liis  remarks  are  simply  comments  on  the 
text,  I have  embodied  them  with  my  own  notes. 
His  narratives,  however,  are  all  translated  entire, 
and  the  additional  narratives  which  he  gives, 
not  belonging  to  events  referred  to  in  the  text, 

and  indicated  by  a are  included  in  the  notes, 
within  brackets. 

Title  of  the  Book. 一 ( Duke  Yin.* 
Of  the  12  dukes  of  Loo,  whose  years  are  chroni- 
cled in  the  Ch  un  Ts4ew,  Yin  is  the  first,  his 
rule  extending  from  B.C.  721  — 711.  From  the 
establishment  of  Pih-kkin,  son  of  the  famousduke 
of  Chow,  as  marquis  of  Loo,  in  B.C.  1,114,  there 
had  been  13  chiefs.  Yiifs  father  and  predecessor, 
duke  Hwuy  married  first  a daughter 

of  the  House  of  Sung  (孟子 ); and  W 
death  he  supplied  her  place  with  Shing  Tsze 
one  of  her  relatives  who  had  followed 
her  from  Sung  to  the  harem  of  Loo.  This  lady 
was  the  mother  of  Yin  ； but  duke  Hwuy  by  and 
by  took  as  a second  wife  tlie  daughter  of  the 
duke  Woo  ( ) of  Sung,  called  ^ 中 Acd.  to 

Tso-she,  she  had  been  born  with  some  remarka- 
ble lines  on  one  of  her  hands,  which  were  read  as 
meaning  that  she  Would  became  marchioness  of 


Loo.  By  her  Hwuy  had  a son  of  higher  dignity 
than  Yin,  in  consequence  of  the  superior  position 
of  his  mother,  and  who  afterwards  made  himself 
duke  Hwan.  Tliis  child  being  too  young  to  take 
charge  of  the  State  on  his  fathers  death,  was 
set  aside  in  favour  of  Yin.  who,  however,  only 
considered  himself  as  occupying  in  room  of  hia 
younger  brother  till  the  latter  should  come  of 
age. 

Yin’s  name  was  Seih-koo  (y 自 Yin  being 
the  honorary  or  sacrificial  title  conferred  after 
his  death,  and  meaning,  一 4 Sorrowfully  swept 

away， unsuccessful  ( 隱 拂不成 V 

Loo  was  only  a 】narquisate.  Its  dliiefs  were 
not  dukes.  Throughout  the  Ch^ri  Ts*ew,  how- 
ever, we  find  the  chiefs  eVen  of  the  smaller 
States  all  dignified  with  the  title  of  * duke* 
after  their  death.  Maou  K4e-ling  ingeniously 
explains  this  as  an  instartce  of  the  style  of  tho 
4 historiographerSj,  referring  to  the. commenting 
words  in  4 The  Speech  at  Pe*  (Shoo  Y.  xXix.) 
— 0 , whereas,  ill  the  Preface  to  the  Shdo, 
par.  66,  instead  of  we  tead  1 the 

marquis  of  Loo.*  The  confusion  which  is  caus- 
ed, however,  by  the  practice,  in  the  narratives 
of  Tso  K4ew-ming  is  very  great,  as  he  uses  now 
the  name  with  the  title  of  rank,  and  now  the 
honorary  name  and  title  of  duke,  with  the  most 
entire  indifference* 

Yin^  1st  year  synchronized  with  the  49th  of 
kitig  P-ihg  (2J5. 王 ）；  the  9th  year  of  He  of 
Ts‘e  (7^  ; Ule  2d  of  Goh  of  Tsin 

销； the  11th  of  Chwang  of  K ‘谷 uh-yuh 
( ^ ’伯 ）； the  13th  of  Hwan  of  Wei 


4 


THE  CHlUN  TS^EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


(德 〒 木百  ； the  28th  of  Seuen  of  Ts^ae 

the  22d  of  Chwang  of  Ch‘ing  (奠 马主 
^►) ; the  35th  of  H wan  of  Tsfaou  ; 

the  23d  of  Hwan  of  Ch4n  (陳 桓公 ); W 
29tli  of  Woo  of  Ke  (；|^  武 the  7th  of 

Muh  of  Sung  ; the  44：tli  of  Wan  of 

Tscin  and  the  19th  of  Woo  of 

Ts‘oo  ( 楚武在 ). 

Par.  1.  This  paragraph,  it  will  he  seen,  is  in- 
complete, the  adjunct  merely  of  a 公 卽位， 
which  is  found  at  the  beginning  of  nearly  every 
other  book.  The  reason  of  the  incompleteness 
will  be  considered  below. 


一 ‘the  1st  year.’  The  Urh-ya  ex- 
plains 刀 J by  * the  beginning，’  ‘ first/  and 

Kung-yang  makes  the  phrase  simply  = 

始年‘  the  prince’s  1st  year.’  Too  Yu  tries 
to  find  a deeper  meaning  in  the  phrase,  saying 
that  the  1st  year  of  a rule  stands  to  all  the  fol- 
lowing years  in  the  relation  of  the  original 
chaos  to  the  subsequent  kosmos^  and  is  therefore 
called  yuen,  to  intimate  to  rulers  that  from  the 
first  moment  of  their  sway  they  are  to  advance 
in  the  path  of  order  and  right.  This  considera- 
tion explains  also,  he  thinks,  the  use  of  正月， 
1 the  right  month/  for  4 the  1st  month  ( 凡人 

君靼位 ，欲 其體元 以居正 ，故 
本 言一年 一月也 ).’  The  Urii-ya， 

however,  gives  ]j^  as=^^， ‘tlie  most  elevated,’ 
* the  senior.’  But  in  the  denomination  of  the 


1st  month  as  4 the  right  or  correct  raonth,*  we 
must  acknowledge  a recognition  of  what  are 
called  4 the  three  ching  (IHT  J^)，’  一 the  three 
different  months,  with  which  the  dynasties  of 
Hea,  Shang,  and  Chow  commenced  the  year. 
Hea  began  the  year  with  the  1st  month  of 
spring；  Shang,  a month,  and  Chow,  2 months 
earlier.  It  became  so  much  a rule  for  the  be- 


ginning of  the  year  to  be  changed  by  every  new 
dynasty,  that  Ts(in  made  its  first  month  com- 
mence a lunation  before  that  of  Chow.  To  a 


remark  of  Confucius,  Ana.  XV.  x.,  we  are  in- 
debted for  the  disuse  of  this  foolish  custom,  so 
that  all  dynasties  have  since  used  4 the  seasons 
of  Hea.* 一 After  all,  there  remains  the  question 
why  the  first  month  of  the  year  should  be  called 

ching  (正 )• 

王正月  , _ 4 the  king's  first  month.*  The 
1 king f here  can  hardly  be  any  other  tlian  P4ing, 
the  king  of  Chow  for  the  time  then  being,  as 
Too  Y u says ; 一 and  in  this  style  does  the  account 
of  very  many  of  the  years  of  the  Ch‘un  Ts ‘谷 w 
begin,  as  if  to  do  homage  to  the  supremacy  of 
the  reigning  House.  Kung-yang  makes  the 
king  to  be  W&n  ； but  though  he  was  the  founder 
of  the  Chow  dynasty,  the  commencement  of  the 
year  was  not  yet  changed  in  his  time. 


The  remaining  character  in  this  par.  occasions 
the  foreign  student  considerable  perplexity. 
The  commencement  of  the  year  was  really  in 
the  2d  month  of  winter,  and  yet  it  is  here  said 

to  have  been  in  the  spring.  — 月. 

We  have  spring  when  it  really  was  not  spring. 
It  must  be  kept  in  mind  that  the  usual  names  for 
the  seasons 一 only  denote  in 
the  Chfun  Ts4ew  the  four  quarters  of  the  Chow 
year,  beginning  with  the  2d  month  of  winter. 
It  was,  no  doubt,  a perception  of  the  inconve- 
nience of  such  a calendar  which  made  Confucius, 
loyal  as  he  was  to  the  dynasty  of  Chow,  say 
that  he  preferred  that  of  Hea  to  it.  Strange  as 
it  is  to  read  of  spring,  when  the  time  is  really 
winter,  and  of  winter  when  the  season  is 
still  autumn,  it  will  appear,  as  we  go  on,  that 
such  is  really  the  style  of  the  Ch4un  Ts*ew. 
Maou,  fully  admitting  all  this,  yet  contends  for 
a strange  interpretation  of  the  text,  in  which  lie 
joins  and  together,  making  the  phrase 
to  stand  for  the  kings  of  Chow, 一 ‘Spring  kings,’ 
who  reigned  by  the  virtue  of  wood,  the  first  of 
the  five  elements  ( g )•  He  presses, 

in  support  of  this  view,  the  words  of  Tso-she  on 

this  paragraph, 一 元年 春王周 正月， 

which  show,  he  says,  that  Tso-she  joined 
with  王，  as  he  himself  would  do;  but  Tso-she'a 
language  need  not  be  so  construed,  and  evi- 
dently stands  by  itself,  just  as  the  names  of  tho 
other  seasons  do. 


We  come  now  to  the  incompleteness  of  the  par., 
already  pointed  out.  According  to  the  analogy 
of  the  style  in  the  first  years  of  other  dukes,  it 
should  be  stated  that  in  his  1st  year  and  the  1st 
month  of  it,  the  duke  took  the  place  (卽位 ) 
of  liis  predecessor.  According  to  the  rule  of 
Chow,  on  the  death  of  a sovereign — and  all  tho 
princes  were  little  kings  in  their  several  States 
— his  successor,  acknowledged  to  be  such  as  the 
chief  mourner  on  the  occasion  and  taking  the 
direction  of  the  proper  ceremonies  for  the  depart- 
ed, 4 ascended  the  throne  by  the  bier.*  There 
is  an  interesting  account  of  such  an  accession  in 
the  Shoo,  V.  xxii.  The  tiling  was  done  so  hur- 
riedly because  4 the  State  could  not  be  a single 
day  without  a sovereign  ( j^j  pj"  — • 

日 or  because,  as  we  phrase  it,  *tho 

king  never  dies.*  What  remained  of  the  year, 
however,  was  held  to  belong  to  the  reign  of  tho 
deceased  king,  and  the  new  reign  began  with 
the  beginning  of  tlie  next  year,  when  there  waa 
a more  public  4 taking  of  the  place,*  though  I 
do  not  know  that  we  have  any  account  of  the 
ceremonios  wliich  were  then  performed.  The  first 
1 place-taking*  was  equivalent  to  our  Accession  ;* 
the  second,  to  our  ‘ coronation.’  Tlie  proper  ex- 
planation, tlierefore,  of  the  incompleteness  of  the 
paragra])h  is  that  Yin  omitted  the  ordinary 
4 place-taking  * ceremonies,  and  of  course  there 
could  be  no  record  of  them.  Perhaps  he  made 
the  omission,  having  it  in  mind  to  resign  cro 
long  in  favour  of  his  younger  brother  (so,  Tso- 

shc);  but  to  say  that  the  usual  was 


DUKE  YIN. 


Year  I. 

here  omitted  by  Confucius,  either  to  show  his  ap-  I 
proval  or  disapproval  of  Yin,  as  Kuli-leang  does, 

followed  by  Hoo  Gun-kwoh  ( 胡安國 AD- 

1,074 一 1, 138)  and  a hundred  other  commentators, 
is  not  to  explain  the  text,  but  to  perplex  the  read- 
er with  vain  fancies. 

Par.  2.  There  was  nothing  proper  for  record 
in  the  1st  and  2d  months  of  the  year,  and  we 
come  here  to  the  third  month.  Choo  (we  have 

Choo-low,  in  Kung-yang)  was  a small 

State,  nearly  all  surrounded  by  Loo, 一 the  pres, 
dis.  of  Tsow  (^K),  dtp.  Yen-chow.  At  this 

time  it  was  only  a Foo-yung  (附庸 )，  attach- 
ed to  Loo  (see  Mencius,  V. ii.4.);  but  in  a 
few  years  after  this  its  chief  was  raised  to  the 
dignity  of  viscount  The  House  had  the 

surname  of  Ts^aou  (^^),  and  bad  been  invested 
with  the  territory  by  king  Woo,  as  being  de- 
scended from  the  ancient  emperor  Chuen-heuh. 
The  chiefs  name,  as  we  learn  afterwards  from 
the  Ch*un  Ts£ew,  was  K*ib  (^])；  E-foo 
read  in  the  2d  tone,  found  appended  to  many 
designations,  by  way  of  honour)  is  his  designa- 
tion (^p),  given  to  him  here,  says  Tso-she/  by 
way  of  honour/  for  which  remark  there  seems 
to  be  no  ground.  Meeh  (Kuh  and  Kung  both 

have  昧，  with  the  same  sound)  was  a place  be- 
longing to  Loo, — in  the  pres.  dis.  of  Sze-shwuy 
(汹水 )，  dep.  Yen-chow.  We  know  nothing 
of  any  special  object  sought  by  the  1 covenant- 
ing* here.  Tso-she  merely  says  that  the  duke  ar- 
ranged for  it  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with 
his  neighbour,  at  the  commencement  of  his  tem- 
porary administration.  heads  the  record,  here 

and  in  most  other  accounts  of  meetings  and  cove- 
nants on  the  part  of  the  marquises  of  Loo  with 
other  princes；  •— an  order  proper  in  the  historiogra- 
phers of  that  State.  I can  think  of  no  better  word 

& 盟 than  4 covenant,*  * to  covenant.*  On  all 
occasions  there  was  the  death  of  a victim,  over 
which  the  contracting  parties  appealed  to  superi- 
or Powers,  wishing  that,  if  they  violated  the 
terms  of  thsir  covenant,  they  might  meet  with 
a fate  like  that  of  the  slain  animal.  One  de- 
flnition  of  the  term  is  誓 1 系勺， ‘ an  agreement 
with  an  oath.*  Compare  the  account  of  Jacob 
and  Laban’s  covenant,  Genesis， xxxi. 

The  after  is  to  be  taken  as  simply= 

與，  1 with  ;*  1 and.1  Kung,  Kuh,  and  others  find 

recondite  meanings  ia  it,  which  will  not  bear 
examination. 

[Tso-she,  after  this  paragraph,  gives  an  in- 
cident of  the  4th  month,  in  summer,  that  1 the 
earl  of  Pe  led  a force,  and  walled  Lang,5  adding 
that  no  record  of  it  was  made,  because  it  was  not 
done  with  the  duke’s  order.  See  the  1st  note 
on  4The  speech  at  Pe*  in  the  Shoo.  I have 
translated  the  notice  according  to  the  view  of 
Ch;in  Sze-k4ae  given  there;  but  Tso-slie  could 
not  have  intended  to  be  taken  as  mean- 


5 

ing  * Earl  of  Pe,*  but  merely  * Pih  (some  scion  of 
the  House  of  Loo)  of  Pe.*] 

Par.  3.  Cluing  waa  an  earldom  which  liad  not 
been  of  long  duration.  In  B.C.  805,  king  Seueu 

had  invested  his  brother  Yew  with  the  lands 

of  ChHng,  in  the  pres.  Hwa  Chow  ),  dep. 

T'ung-cliow,  Shen-9e.  Yew*8  son,  Keueh-tuh 
known  as  duke  Woo  con* 

quered  a territory  more  to  the  east, 一 the  country 

of  Kwoh  and  Kwei  (虢 齣之地 )_aild 

settled  in  it,  calling  it  4 New  Cluing;* 一 the  name 
of  which  is  9till  retained  in  the  district  of  Sin- 
cli‘ing( JJ), dep.  K‘ae-fung,  Ho-nan.  Woo’s 
son,  Woo-shang  Z|^),  known  as  duko 

Chwang  (穿主 ) and  born  in  B.  C.  756,  is  the  earl  of 
this  par.  Twan  was  his  younger  brother.  Yen 
has  left  its  name  in  the  dis.  of  Yen-ling 

). Tso-she^  account  of  the  event  ia  the 
text  is  the  following : 一 
4 Duke  Woo  of  Chcing  had  married  a daughter 
of  the  House  of  Shin,  called  Woo  Keaug,  who 
bore  duke  Chwang  and  his  brother  Twan  of 
Kung.  Duke  Chwang  was  born  as  she  was 
waking  from  sleep  [the  meaning  of  the  text 
here  is  uncertain],  which  frightened  the  lady 
so  that  she  named  him  Woo-shang  (=  born 
in  waking),  and  hated  him,  while  she  loved 
Twan,  and  wished  him  to  be  declared  his 
father’s  heir.  Often  did  she  ask  this  of  duko 
Woo,  but  he  refused  it.  When  duke  Chwang 
came  to  the  earldom,  she  begged  him  to  confer 
on  T\ran  the  city  of  Che.  u It  is  too  dangerous  a 
place, was  the  reply.  u The  Younger  of  Kwoh 
died  there；  but  in  regard  to  any  other  place,  you 
may  command  me.”  She  then  requested  King； 
and  there  Twan  took  up  his  residence,  and  came 
to  be  styled  T4ae-shuh  (=the  Great  Younger) 
of  King  city.  Chung  of  Chae  said  to  the  duke, 
u Any  metropolitan  city,  whose  wall  is  more 
than  3,000  cubits  round,  is  dangerous  to  the 
State.  According  to  the  regulations  of  the 
former  kings,  such  a city  of  the  1st  order  can 
have  its  wall  only  a third  as  long  as  that  of  the 
capital;  one  of  the  2d  order,  only  a fifth  as  long； 
and  one  of  the  least  order,  only  a ninth.  Now- 
King  is  not  in  accordance  with  these  measures 
and  regulations.  As  ruler,  you  will  not  be  able 
to  endure  Twan  in  such  a place.91  The  duke  re- 
plied, u It  was  our  mother^  wish ; — how  could  I 
avoid  the  danger?”  “The  lady  Kiiang，’’  re- 
turned the  officer,  “ is  not  to  be  satisfied.  Yoa 
head  better  take  the  necessary  precautions,  and 
not  allow  the  danger  to  grow  so  great  that  it 
will  be  difficult  to  deal  with  it.  Even  grass, 
when  it  has  grown  and  spread  all  about,  cannot 
be  removed  ； — how  much  less  the  brother  of 
yourself,  and  the  favoured  brother  as  well ! ** 
The  duke  said,  u By  his  many  deeds  of  unrighte- 
ousness he  will  bring  destruction  on  himself. 
Do  you  only  wait  a while.” 

* After  this,  T;ae-shuh  ordered  the  places  on 
the  western  and  northern  borders  of  the  State  to 
render  to  himself  the  same  allegiance  as  they 
did  to  the  earl.  Then  Kung-tsze  Lea  said  to  the 
duke,  u A State  cannot  sustain  the  burden  of  two 
services  ； 一 what  will  you  do  now  ? If  you  wish 


6 


THE  CHlUN  TS-EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


to  give  C^ing  to  T^e-shuh,  allow  me  to  serve 
him  as  a subject.  If  you  do  not  mean  to  give  it 
to  him,  allow  me  to  put  him  out  of  the  way,  that 
the  minds  of  the  people  be  not  perplexed.” 
“ There  is  no  need，”  the  duke  replied,  “/or  sMc/i 
a step.  His  calamity  will  come  of  itself.^ 

^l^ae-shuh  went  on  to  take  as  his  own  the 
places  from  which  he  had  required  their  divided 
contributions,  as  far  as  Lin-yen.  Tsze-fung  [the 
designation  of  Kung-tsze  Leu  above]  said, 
u Now  is  the  time.  With  these  enlarged  re- 
sources, he  will  draw  all  the  people  to  himself.” 
The  duke  replied,  u They  will  not  cleaye  to  him, 
so  unrighteous  as  he  is.  Through  his  prosperity 
he  will  fall  the  more.91 

4T4ae-shuh  wrought  at  his  defences,  gathered 
the  people  about  him,  put  in  order  buff-coats  and 
weapons,  prepared  footmen,  and  chariots,  intend- 
ing to  surprise  Ch4ing,  while  his  mother  was  to 
open  to  him  from  within.  The  duke  heard  the 
time  agreed  on  between  them,  and  said,  t;Now  we 
can  act.”  So  he  ordered  Tsze-fung,  with  two 
hundred  chariots,  to  attack  King.  King  revolted 
from  T{ae-shuh,  who  then  entered  Yen,  which 
the  duke  himself  proceeded  to  attack ; and  in 
the  5th  month,  on  the  day  Sin-ch^w,  T^e-shuh 
fled  from  it  to  Rung. 

4 In  the  words  of  the  text, — “The  earl  of 
Ch‘ing  overcame  Twan  in  Yen,”  T wan  is  not 
called  the  earl's  younger  brother,  because  he  did 
not  show  himself  to  be  such.  They  were  as  two 
hostile  princes,  and  therefore  we  have  the  word 
“overcame.”  The  duke  is  styled  the  earl  of 
Ch^ng  simply^  to  condemn  him  for  his  failure  to 
instruct  his  brother  properly,  Tw(tn’s  flight  is 
not  mentioned,  in  the  text.^  because  it  was  difficult 
to  do  so,  having  in  mind  Ch'ing^  wish  that  Twan 
miyht  be  killed, 

4 Immediately  after  these  events,  duke  Chwang 
placed  his  mother  Keang  in  Shing-ying,  and 
8 wore  an  oath,  saying,  UI  will  not  see  you 
again,  till  I have  reached  the  yellow  spring  [t.e., 
till  I am  dead,  and  under  the  yellow  earth].” 
But  he  repented  of  this.  By  and  by,  Ymg 
K4aou-shuh,  the  border- warden  of  the  vale  of 
Ying,  heard  of  it,  and  presented  an  offering  to 
the  duke,  who  caused  food  to  be  placed  before 
him.  K4aou-shuh  put  a piece  of  meat  on  one 
side;  and  wlien  the  duke  asked  the  reason,  he 
said,  u I have  a mother  who  always  shares  in 
what  I eat.  But  she  has  not  eaten  of  this  meat 
which  }rou,  my  ruler,  have  given,  and  I beg  to 
be  allowed  to  leave  this  piece  for  her.n  The 
duke  said,  u You  have  a mother  to  give  it  to. 
Alas!  I alone  have  none.**  K4aou-shuh  asked 
what  the  duke  meant,  who  then  told  him  all  the 
circumstances,  and  how  he  repented  of  his  oath. 
<4Why  should  you  be  distressed  about  that?M 
said  the  officer.  “If  you  dig  into  the  earth  to  the 
yellow  springs,  and  then  make  a subterranean 
passage,  where  you  can  meet  each  other,'  who 
can  say  that  your  oath  is  not  fulfilled  ?*  The 
duke  followed  this  suggestion ; and  as  he  entered 
the  passage 

u This  great  tunnel,  within, 

With  joy  doth  run.” 

When  his  mother  came  out,  she  8Jir% 
u This  great  tunnel,  without, 

The  joy  flies  about/* 

[After  this,  they  were  mother  and  son  as  be- 
fore. 

* A superior  man  may  say,  ^Ying  K^ou-shuh 
was  filial  indeed.  His  love  for  his  mother  pass- 


ed over  to  and  affected  duke  Chwang.  Was 
there  not  here  an  illustratioii  of  what  i3  said  in 
the  Book  of  Poetry, 

44  A filial  son  of  piety  unfailing, 

There  shall  for  ever  be  conferred  bless- 
ing on  you?,>, 

Space  would  fail  me  were  I to  roake  any  re- 
pairs on  the  criticisms  interspersed  by  Tso-she 

in  this  and  other  narratives,  or  vindicate  the  trans- 
lation of  his  narratives  which  I give.  The  read- 
er will  perceive  that  without  the  history  in  the 
Chuen,  the  Confucian  text  would  give  very  little 
idea  of  the  event  which  it  professes  to  record  ； and 
there  are  numberless  instances,  more  flagrant 

still,  in  the  Book.  The  who  moralizes, 

is  understood  to  be  Tso-she  himself.  We  have 
no  other  instance  in  the  Ch'un  Ts4ew  of  used 
as  in  this  paragraph. 

Par.  4. 天 玉， ‘Heaven’s  king,， or  ‘king 
by  Heaven^  grace/  is  of  course  king  Ping.  The 

sovereign  of  China,  as  Heaven’s  vice-gereut  over 
the  empire,  is  styled  天子， ‘ Heaven’s  son  ;• 

in  his  relation  to  the  feudal  princes  as  their 
ruler,  he  was  called  天 王, * Heaven’s  king.， 
仲子  is  ‘ the  second  Tsze,， （ e”  the  daugh- 
ter of  the  duke  of  Sung,  who  became  the  2d 
wife  of  duke  Hwuy  as  mentioned  in  the  note  on 
the  title  of  this  book  ； not  Hwuy^  mother,  as 

Kuh-leang  absurdly  says.  ^ is  explained  in 

the  diet,  as  貝曾 死者， ‘presents  to  t 丨丨 e dead/ 

and 所以助 主人送 葬者, ‘邮 

to  the  presiding  mourner  to  bury  his  dead/ 
But  such  presents  were  of  various  kinds,  and 
denotes  the  gift  specially  of  one  or  more  car- 
riages and  their  horses.  So  both  Kung  and  Kuh. 
The  king  sent  such  presents  on  the  death  of  anjof 
the  princes  or  their  wives  ； and  here  we  liave  an 
instance  in  point.  But  there  is  much  conten- 
tion among  the  critics  as  to  who  the  messenger 

was; — whether  the  king’s  chief  Minister  家 
宰 )， or  some  inferior  officer  of  his  department. 

The  former  view  is  taken  by  Kuh-leang,  ami 

affirmed  by  the  editors  of  the  K‘ang-lie  Ch‘mi 

Tskew  but,  as  I must  think,  erroneously.  Un- 

dearthe 冡宰。 1 •太宰  , were  two  S5£t 

and  four  called  by  Biot  Grand- adminis- 

trateurgetiera/,JtSous-ad/mnstrateurs(/eneraujc,ya}\d 
aides-adniinistratcurs  generaux'  It  bolonge«i  to  I ho 
department  of  the  last,  on  all  occasions  of  con- 
dolence, to  superintend  the  arrangements,  with 
every  thing  that  was  supplied  by  way  of  pre- 
sents or  offerings,— the  silks,  the  utensils,  the 
money,  (see  the  Chow  Lc.  I.,  iii.  ：>(J— 7：i). 
The  officer  in  the  text 、vji8,  no  doubt,  one  of  tlu， 
aiil-administrators;  and  this  removes  all  dif- 
ficulty which  the  critics  find  in  the  mention  of  an 
officer  of  liiglicr  rank  by  his  name. 

The  rule  was  that  princes  should  be  burieii 
five  niontlm  after  their  denth,  and  Tso-she  eavs 
that  theking*8  message  and  gift  arrived  too  Uu», 
so  far  as  duke  Hwuy  was  concerned.  This 
criticism  may  be  correct ; but  he  goes  on  to  eay 


Ykak 


DUKE  YIN. 


7 


that  Cliung：  Tsze  was  not  yet  dead,  and  the 
message  and  gift  were  too  early,  so  far  as  she 
was  concerned.  The  king  could  never  liave 
been  guilty  of  such  an  impropriety  as  to  antici- 
pate the  lady*s  death  in  this  way,  and  the 
view  of  Tso-she  can  only  provoke  a smile.  He 
adds : 一 4 The  king's  burial  took  place  7 montlis 
after  his  death,  when  all  the  feudal  princes  were 
expected  to  be  present.  The  prince  of  a State 
was  buried  5 months  after  his  death,  when  all 
the  princes,  with  whom  he  had  covenanted,  at- 
tended. The  funeral  of  a great  officer  took 

place  3 months  after  liis  death， and  was  attend- 
ed by  all  of  the  same  rank;  that  of  an  officer, 
at  the  end  of  a month,  and  was  attended  by  his 
relatives  by  affinity.  Presents  on  account  of  a 
death  were  made  before  the  burial,  and  visits  of 
condolence  were  paid  before  the  grief  had  as- 
sumed its  greatest  demonstrations.  It  was  not 
proper  to  anticipate  such  occurrences/ 

On  first  translating  the  Ch^m  Ts*ew,  I con- 
strued the  par.  as  if  these  were  a between 

and  and  supposed  that  only  one  carriage  and 

its  horses  were  sent  for  the  funeral  of  Chung  Tsze, 
who  had  been  the  wife  of  Hwuy.  I gave  up 
the  construction  in  deference  to  the  prevailing 
opinion  of  the  commentators;  but  it  had  been 
adopted  by  no  less  a scholar  than  Ch4ing  E 
(程頤  ; A.  D.  1033—1107). 

[Tso-she  has  here  two  other  entries  under 
this  season: 一 ‘ In  the  8th  month  an  officer  of  Ke 
attacked  E ;*  and  * There  were  locusts/  He 
adds  that  E sent  no  official  announcement  of 
the  attack  to  Loo,  and  that  therefore  it  was  not 
recorded  ； and  tliat  no  notice  was  entered  of  the 
locusts,  because  they  did  not  amount  to  a plague.] 

Par.  5.  Sung  was  a dukedom,— having  its 
chief  city  in  the  pres.  dis.  of  Shang-k^w  (j^ 

^J5),  dep.  Kwei-tih,  Ho-nan.  The  charge  given 
to  the  viscount  of  Wei  on  his  being  appointed  to 
the  State  is  still  preserved  in  the  Shoo,  V.  viii. 
The  dukes  of  Sung  were  descended  from  the 
kings  of  Yin  or  Shang；  and  of  course  their  sur- 
name was  Tsze  ("j  )•  Sah  was  a small  State, 
in  the  present  Tung-p*ing(^^  Chow,  dep. 
T‘ae-gan， Shan-tung.  It  was  thus  near  Loo, 
but  a good  way  from  Sung.  Its  chiefs  were 
barons  with  the  surname  Fung 

Tso-she  tells  us  that  in  the  last  year  of  duke 
Hwuy,  he  defeated  an  army  of  Sung  in  Hwang, 
but  that  now  duke  Yin  sought  for  peace.  It 
was  with  this  object  that  the  covenant  in  the 
text  was  made. 

I translate  as  if  preceded  for  so  the 
vant  must  generally  be  supplied  throughout  the 
classic.  Rung  and  Kuh  both  understand  some 
inferior  o 伍 cer  of  Loo  (j 鼓 ^*)， but  in  other 
places  they  themselves  supply  By 

however,  we  must  understand  an  o 伍 cer  of 


Sung.  It  is  better  to  translate  so  than  to  say 
simply  — ca  man  of  Sung.* 

[Between  this  par.  and  the  next  Tso-she  lias 
the  three  following  narratives : — 

4 In  winter， in  the  】 0th  month,  on  the  day 
Kang-shin,  the  body  of  duke  IIwuy  was  removed 
and  buried  a second  time.*  As  the  duke  was 
uot  present,  the  event  was  not  recorded.  When 
duke  Hwuy  died,  there  was  war  with  Sung,  and 
the  heir-prince  was  young,  so  tliat  there  was 
some  omission  in  the  burial.  He  was  therefore 
now  buried  n^ain,  and  in  another  grave.  The 
marquis  of  Wei  came  to  be  present  at  the  buri- 
al. He  did  not  liave  an  interview  with  the 
duke,  and  so  his  visit  was  not  recorded/ 

* After  the  confusion  occasioned  by  Kung-shuh 
of  Ch*ing,  Kung-sun  Hwah  [Twan  or  Kung- 
shuh’s  son]  fled  to  Wei， and  the  people  of  Wei 
attacked  Ch^ng  in  his  behalf,  and  requested 
Lin-yen  for  him.  Ch-ing  then  attacked  the 
southern  border  of  Wei,  supported  by  a king*a 
army  and  an  army  of  Kwoh,  and  also  requested 
the  aid  of  troops  from  Choo.  The  viscount  of 
Choo  sent  a private  message  to  Kung-tsze  Yu 
cf  Loo,  who  asked  leave  from  the  duke  to  go. 
It  was  refused ; but  he  went  and  made  a cove- 
nant with  an  officer  of  Choo  and  an  officer  of 
Ch4ing  in  Yih.  No  record  was  made  of  this,  be- 
cause yw*s  going  was  against  the  duke^  order/ 
4 The  southern  gate  of  the  city  was  made 
new.’  It  was  done  without  the  dake^  order, 
and  so  was  not  recorded.] 

Par.  6.  Chae  [so  is  here  read]  wa9  an 

earldom,  in  the  present  Ch4ing  Chow  (^R 
dep.  K4ae-fung,  held  by  the  descendants  of  one  of 
the  duke  of  Chow*s  sons.  Acc.  to  Tso-slie  the 
earl  here  was  a minister  at  court.,  and  came 
to  Loo,  for  what  purpose  we  know  not,  without 
the  orders  of  the  king.  Kung-yang,  indeed, 
thinks  lie  carae  as  a refugee,  and  that  f 白 is 
the  designation  of  the  individual  merely  (1^!)， 
and  not  his  title;  while  Kuh-leang  makes  the 
coming  to  have  been  to  do  a sort  of  homage  to 
duke  Yia.  Bat  this  is  simply  guess  work. 

Par.  7.  Of  Yih-sze  we  know  nothing  but  what 
this  brief  par.  tells.  He  was  ‘ a duke’s  son,’  but 
whether  the  son  of  Hwuy,  or  of  Hwuy^  father, 
we  cannot  tell,  It  is  best  in  such  a case  to  take 
公子  as  if  it  were  the  surname.  So  Ho  Hew 

(何休 ） says  here,  公子者 氏也. 

Kuh-leang  finds  a condemnation  of  Yih-sze  in 
the  omission  of  the  day  of  his  death  ； but  tlie  old 
method  of  interpretation  which  found  praise  or 
blame  in  the  mention  of  or  silence  as  to  days,  in 
the  use  of  the  name,  the  designation,  the  title, 
and  such  matters,  is  now  discarded.  is  the 
proper  term  to  use  for  the  death  of  an  officer. 

Tso-she  gives  the  designation  of  Yih-sze  as 
Chung-foo,  and  says  that  the  clay  of  his  death 
is  not  recorded,  because  the  duke  did  not  attend 
at  the  ceremony  of  dressing  the  corpse,  to  it  into 
the  coffin. 


8 


THE  CH{UN  TS^EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


Second  year. 


mp  ^ m m n m w m ^ 

人看 + 月 k 八 ife 五年 k 
伐二 帛月祀 月帥月 
衞 。月 > 莒 伯裂庚 師莒公 
乙于 娅糯辰 k 八人會 
卯盟歸 來公極 。八戎 
夫于 于逆及  向 。于 


滑 響 于糸女 ，九 復戎厗 司人术 莒辭。 之會左 
之人密 >紀 卿月 ，修 請夂空 入安子 好戎傅 
亂伐 魯子爲 紀戎盟 k 勝無向 ， 莒娶也 4 于曰 > 
也 。衞 .故鼠 君裂好 狄之 。駭 以而于 戎骶二 
討也 。莒 逆糯也 。盟  A 姜歸 請修丰 
么 子》也 。永  于 氏倉向  駕我 
孫 盟 逆 唐 > 費還 。莒姜 公公公 


II.  1 In  his  second  year,  in  spring,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with 
the  [chief  of  the]  Jurig  at  Ts4een. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  an  army  of  Keu  entered 

Heang. 

3 Woo-heae  led  a force  and  entered  Kcih. 

4 In  autumn,  in  tlie  eighth  month,  [on  the  day]  Kang-shin, 

the  duke  made  a covenant  Avith  the  Jung  at  T4ang. 

5 In  the  ninth  month,  Le-seu  of  Ke  came  to  meet  the  bride 

[for  his  prince]. 

6 In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  the  duke's  eldest  daughter 

went  to  her  home  in  Ke. 

7 Tsze-pih  ofKe  and  the  count  of  Keu  made  a covenant.atMeili. 

8 In  the  twelfth  month,  on  the  day  Yili-rnaou,  the  [duke's] 

wife,  the  lady  Tsze,  died. 

9 An  army  of  Cliling  invaded  Wei. 


Yuau  II. 


DUKE  YIN. 


9 


Par.  1.  There  is  wanting  here  the  character 
王 4 king/ after  probably  because  no  mouth 

is  specified  under  whose  regimen  it  should  be. 
Jung  is  pruperly  the  name  of  the  wild  tribes  on 

the  west  of  *the  Middle  State  (pQ  but  in 

the  time  of  Chow  tliere  were  many  of  these  tribes, 
and  not  those  of  the  west  only,  settled  in  Cliina 
along  the  seaboard  and  by  the  rivers, 一 remnants 
of  the  older  inhabitants,  not  yet  absorbed  l\v  the 
Chinese  proper.  We  know,  from  the  Shoo,  V. 
xxix.,  that  Loo  was  troubled  even  in  the  days  of 
Pih-k*in  by  the  E of  the  Hwac  and  the  Jung  of 
Seu.  The  Junjf  in  the  text  may  have  been  a 
remnant  of  the  latter.  Too  Yu  says  their  settle- 
Dient  was  in  what  is  now  the  the  dis.  of  Ts*aou 


(曹 )， dep.Ts^ou-chow.  He  says  also  that  Ts^een 
was  a town  of  Loo,  somewhere  in  the  south- 
west of  Ts^ou-chow  dep.  會戎  is — 4 met 


■with  the  Jung •’  Kuli-leang  says  the  term 

會 implies  that  the  meeting  originated  with  the 
other  party,  and  not  with  Loo,  and  that  the  duke 
went  out  of  his  own  State  to  it.  Ho  Hew  on 


Kung-yang  also  advocates  this  view.  But  the 
meaning  of  is  not  to  be  so  determined ; and, 
acc.  to  Too  Yu,  the  place  of  meeting  was  in  Loo. 
Tso-she  says  the  duke^  object  was  to  cultivate 
the  old  friendship  which  his  father  liad  main- 
tained with  the  Juug,  but  that  he  declined  to 
enter  iuto  a covenant,  which  the  Jung  wished 
him  to  make. 

Par.  2.  Keu  has  left  its  name  in  Keu  Chow, 


dep.  E-chow  (折州 ) . It  extended  east  from 
Loo  to  the  seaboard.  Its  chiefs  were  viscounts, 
and  clairaod  to  be  descended  from  the  old 


Shaou-haou,  Hwang- te’s  successor.  There  is 
some  difficulty  about  their  surname,  whether 

it  was  Ying  or  Sze  ( 已 )•  He;mg  was  a 
small  State,  within  the  boundaries  of  Keu.  Too 
Yu,  indeed,  would  place  it  in  the  pres.  dis.  of 
H wae-y  uen  (» 陵遠 ）， dep.  Fung-yang (鳳陽 ）， 
Gan-hwuy.  There  was  a Heang  there,  but  it 
was  too  far  from  Keu  to  be  that  in  the  text. 


And  there  were  two  Heang  in  the  pres.  Shan- 
tung, one  of  them  70  le  from  Keu  Chow,  which 
was,  probably,  that  here.  The  chief  of  Heang 
had  the  suriiame  Kcang  (^^),  as  we  learn 
from  what  Tso-she  says  on  the  par.： — 4 The 
viscount  of  Keu  had  married  a daughter  of 
Heang,  but  she  could  not  rest  in  Keu,  aud 
went  back  to  Heang.  This  summer,  an  array 
from  Keu  entered  Heang,  and  took  the  lady 


Keang  back  to  Keu/  I translate  邑 by 
* the  array  of  Keu/  after  Maou  ( 莒人者 
呂 who  lays  down  the  canon  that, 


in  the  Ch4un  Ts^ew,  wherever  mention  is  made 


of  troop8  under  the  command  of  any  officer, 
high  or  low,  who  is  not  specified  by  name 
or  designation,  we  find  simply  人， ‘the 
men  of  such  and  such  a State.  Too  Yu  says， 
somewhat  to  the  same  effect,  that  we  find 
where  the  force  is  small,  aud  the  leader  only 


of  low  rnnk.  The  term  A，  * entered,*  occurs 
frequently  of  military  expeditions;  implying 
says  Kuh,  that  4 the  entering  is  against  the  will 

of  the  invaded  party( 內卵受 );’  ‘that  tho 
country  or  city  is  entered,  but  not  retained/  say  a 
Kunjr.  But  tliere  are  instances  in  whicli  tho 
entering  was  followed  by  the  entire  subjugation 
and  occupancy  of  the  place  or  State ; and  this  was 
probably  the  case  in  regard  to  Keu  and  Heang, 
though  the  language  of  Tso-slie  translated  abovo 
lias  been  pleaded  against  this  conclusion, 
implies  invasion  and  capture  in  the  present  ; 
what  was  done  subsequently  cannot  be  learned 
from  the  term. 

Par.  3.  Woo-hcae  (Kuh  reads,  here  and  subse- 
quently, ^^).was  an  officer  of  Loo, — a scion  of 
the  ruling  House,  belonging  to  a branch  whicli 
had  nol  yet  received  a surname  of  its  own.  Tso- 
she  says  he  was  Loo's  miniaterof  Works,  and  adds 
that  at  tliis  time  lie  was  defeated  by  Kun-foo  of 
Pe, 一 the  same  who  wailud  Lang  in  the  previous 
year.  Keih  was  a small  attached  State, 一 referred 
to  the  dis.  of  Yu-t*ae  (^5  di*p.  Yen-chow. 

The  incident  given  here  is  said  to  be  the  first  in 
the  Ch'unTs'cw  of  officers  taking  it  upon  them- 
selves to  institute  warlike  movements.  It  cer- 


tainly shows  how  loosely  the  reins  of  government 
were  held  by  the  marquises  of  the  State. 

Par.  4.  T4ang  was  a place  belonging  to  Loo, 
— its  site  12  le  east  from  the  pres.  dis.  city  of 
Yu-t*ae.  Tso-she  says  that  the  Jung  at  the 
meeting  in  spring  liad  requested  a covenant 
which  the  duke  then  refused,  granting  it  now, 
however；  on  a second  application,  The  text  says 
this  covenant  was  made  on  the  day  Kang-sliin,  the 
17th  of  the  cycle；  and  Too  Yu  observes  that  in 
the  8th  montli  of  this  year  there  was  no  Kang- 
shin  day,  and  concludes  that  there  is  an  error 
in  the  text  of  the  8th  month  for  the  7th, 
the  9th  day  of  which  was  Kang-shia.  His  cal- 
culation, however,  proceeds  oa  tiie  supposition 
that  the  1st  year  of  Yin  began  with  the  day 

Sin-sze  (辛巳 )•  If  we  make  it  begin  a montli 
later,  with  the  day  Sin-hae  according 

to  another  scheme,  we  get  the  day  Kan<?-shin 
in  the  8th  month  of  this  2d  year.  But  the  Sin- 
hae  scheme  fails  in  other  instances.  The  chrono- 
logers  of  China  have  toiled  admirably  on  the 
j months  and  days  of  the  Ch4un  Ts*ew；  but  thus 
I far  with  only  partial  success.  The  dates  in  the 
j classic  and  those  in  Tso-she’s  Chuen  are  often 
irreconcileable.  Two  data  are  necessary  to  a 
complete  scheme, — that  the  day  on  which  the 
1st  year  of  Yin  began  be  known  with  certainty, 
and  that  the  intercalary  months  in  subsequent 
years  be  ascertained.  Neither  of  these  data  can 
be  got.  See  Mr.  Chalniers,  essay  on  the  Astro- 
nomy of  tlie  ancient  Chinese,  in  the  prolego- 
mena to  the  Shoo.  pj).  90 — 102. 

Par.  5.  Ke  was  a small  State,  a marquisate, 
in  the  dis.  of  Show-kwang  dep. 

Ts^ng-chow.  It  lay  between  Ke  (祀 )〇nth0 
south  and  Tsse  on  the  north  ; and  we  shall  find, 
ere  long,  that  it  vvas  absorbed  by  Tsse.  Le-seu 

(Tsu-sIk、 lias  製 |!需) was  the  name  of  a minister 


VOL.  v. 


2 


10 


THE  CH^UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


of  Ke.  We  know  that  he  comes  here  to  meet  his 
jD 尸 iVice’s  bride  from  the  phrase  for， when 

a minister  is  described  as  coming  to  Loo  to 
meet  a lady  of  the  House  for  himself,  he  is  said 
逆某姬  * to  meet  such  and  such  a lady  Ke.* 
He  corues  of  course  because  he  was  sent,  but  it 
was  not  proper,  according  to  the  4 rules  for  mar- 
riage,* that  that  should  be  stated. 

Par.  6.  This  is  the  sequel  of  the  last  par. 
As  it  is  the  first  par.  of  a season,  it  seems  pro- 
per that  it  should  stand  by  itself,  and  not  make 
one  with  the  other  as  in  the  K;ang-he  edition. 
歸 = ： < to  be  married/  spoken  of  the  lady. 
Her  husband^  house  becomes  her  home. 

Par.  7.  Tsze-pili,  (in  Tso  she  子帛） isex- 
plained  by  Too  Yu  as  the  designation  of  Le-seu 
in  par.  5.  Rung  says  he  had  not  heard  who 
子伯  was  ; and  Kuli  makes  f 日 a verb  and 
construes  thus： — 4 The  viscount  of  Ke,  consider- 
ing himself  an  earl,  took  precedence  and  cove- 
nanted with  the  viscount  of  Keu.*  This  is  suffi- 
ciently absurd,  and  besides,  the  chiefs  of  Ke 
were  marquises,  which  makes  Woo  Chling 
(^A.  D.  1249  一 1333)  suppose  that  子伯 
may  have  got,  by  some  mistake,  into  the  text 
instead  of  Tqo  Yu^  view  may  be  ac- 

cepted as  most  likely.  He  says  also  that  Meih 
was  a town  belonging  to  Keu ; 一 in  dis.  of  Ch4ang 
yih  ( 昌 邑 p,  dep  Lae-.chow.  This  places  it  a 
considerable  way  from  Keu,  thougli  near  to  Ke. 
The  identification  of  the  site  nmy  be  accepted, 
but  one  does  not  see  how  a place  at  such  a dis- 
tance from  Keu  should  have  beloiiged  to  it.  My 


friend,  the  scholar  \\  ang  Taou,  has  suggested 
that  tlie  chiefs  of  Keu  themselves  occupied  origin- 
ally  in  the  territory  of  Lae-chow,  and  might 
claim  jurisdiction  over  places  there  after  they 
moved  to  the  south.  There  was  another  Meih 
which  is  mentioned  in  tlie  Ch4un  Ts4ew  ； 一 in  Ho- 
nan. Tso-she  says  that  the  meeting  was  4 on 
L〇oJs  account/  whicli  Too-yu  explains  as  mean- 
ing that  the  count  of  Ke,  kindly  disposed  to  Loo 
through  his  recent  marriage,  arranged  for  the 
meeting,  to  heal  a long-standing  alienation  be- 
tween Loo  and  Keu. 

Par.  8.  I have  translated  夫 人子氏 
by  1 the  duke*s  wife  meaning,  of  course,  duke 
Yin.  Too  supposes  the  second  wife  of  Hwuj  to 
be  the  lady  meant,  in  anticipation  of  whose 
death  the  king  sent  a funeral  present  in  the 
previous  year；— a view  which  confutes  itself. 
Kung  thinks  the  lady  was  Yin^  mother.  Kuh 

tcakes  the  view  I have  done.  The  term  薨 
appropriate  to  narrate  the  death  of  one  of  the 
princes.  It  is  here  applied  to  the  death  of  a 
prince's  wife； 一 £ the  honour  due  to  the  liusband 
passing  to  her.* 

Par,  9 Wei  was  a marquisate  held  by  the  de- 
scendants of  K^ang-sliuh,  one  of  the  sons  of  king 
Wan,  whose  investiture  with  it  is  described  in 
the  Shoo,  V.ix.  It  may  be  roundly  said  to  have 
embraced  the  pres.  dep.  of  Wei-hwuy 
Ho-nan, — lying,  most  of  it,  north  of  the  Ho；  but 
it  extended  eastwards,  across  part  of  Chih-le, 
into  Shan-tung  as  well.  Its  capital — subsequent- 
ly  changed— was  tlie  old  Cheaou-ko  ( ^ 
of  Shang,  in  pres,  dis  of  K^c  The  reason 

of  Ch'ing^  invasion  of  Wei  is  sufficiently  indi- 
cated in  one  of  the  supplementary  notices  by 
Tso-she  of  the  occurrences  in  the  10th  month 

of  last  year.  鄭人， - as 茗人 inpar-2- 


I I 


三年 春王二 月己巳 

日 有食之 

二 -S I I 〇 

三 月庚戎 天王崩 

謹 i k V o 

。夏四 月幸卯 尹氏卒 

犯 ^ 章 4 o 

I 秋 武氏于 來求賻 

7/ 五 章 4®  I 0 

八月庚 辰宋公 和卒 

St  I 

冬十 有二月 齊侯鄭 
伯 盟于石 P1 

七拿  I 〇 

癸未葬 宋穆公 


1 左； 傅曰 .一  - 1 年 •春‘ 王。 三月 .壬戌 王崩。 赴以 庚戌 * 故書之 。 

见旧氏 來聲 i 也 。不 赴于諸 *R 不反哭 •于寢 不屬 于姑 (故不 。曰 || 不稱夫 人故不 一一一 #. 不書姓 。爲公 故 日君氏 • 
.© 鄭 i 公莊公 •爲 平王卿 ± 王 M 于虢 •鄭 伯‘怨 王 •王 故周 鄭交覽 王子狐 爲 質于鄭 . 鄭公 子忽 爲質于 
JSI 王 - i); M ,A 將 'A 虢公 .政 ‘四凡 ,^| 祭 足帥師 ‘ 取温之 豕秋 *又取 成周之 无 周鄭交 惡 ,# 子曰 ‘信 不由^ :質無 益 

也明如 ： 行‘ 要衰. ■無有 量能間 奢富信 S 嚣 W •藝 鋈豪 ‘筐纂 雪 器‘潢 汙行 

潦之水 .可_于 鬼神 可羞 于王先 而况 君子結 二國之 信‘ 行之以 躐 又焉 用览 風有 采蘩釆 ^^有 行葦涧 酌- 
g 忠信也 。 : ? 

YIN. 武氏子 J 求陳王 未葬也 一 

L'KE 宋穆公 疾‘ 召大‘ 司馬孔 父‘ 而屬 殤公焉 . 曰‘先 # 舍與 夷而立 寡人寡 人 弗敢忘 ‘若以 大 夫之靈 -得 保 首領以 沒- 
。先呑 若問 m kR 其將 W 辭以 對請 1 奉之以 主社稷 .S 人雖死 ‘亦無 悔焉 。對曰 ‘羣臣 願奉 满 也 s° uf 不可. 先君 
以寡 人爲賢 131 主社 歡若棄 。德不 是 71 先君之 舉也 豈曰能 W. 光厢先 君之令 觀 可不 ‘務^ ： 吾子其 無廢先 
君 之功谀公子馮出居于鄭八凡庚辰‘{木穆公卒.殤公卽位。君子曰，宋宣公可謂知人矣.立穆各其子饗之命 
以義 夫商頌 曰‘ 殷受 命咸宜 >百 祿是鼠 其是 之謂 乎。 

爷齊鄭 盟于石 門‘尋 盧之 盟也 。庚成 鄭伯之 車廣 于濟。 

© 廣莊公 東 宮得臣 °5 故日^ #, 美而無 i 衞人 所爲賦 碩人瓜 又 娶于陳 •日 厲織生 孝低 早死‘ 其涕 
Kill 戴路生 」桓公 ‘莊姜 . 以 爲己土 公 子州凡 劈人之 J 也‘ 有寵而 ‘好兵 ac* 弗乾莊 _ ^\ 石 猎諫曰 ‘ 臣聞愛 i 教之 
yEA 以義方 弗納 於邪驕 奢淫佚 . 所 自邪也 ‘四者 之來 寵祿過 也將立 州^: 乃定之 免 f 猶未也 .階 之潙禍 1° 寵而 


12 


THE  CHlUN  TS-EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


可 ，州 弗之 ，禍禍 順所 子君義 .舊 .長 ，夫 能降不 
桓吁聽 , 無是也 .效 福孝 .義 .所 小遠賤 昤而驕 > 
必游 .其乃 務君逆 ，六兄 臣謂加 間妨者 驕 
支禁 子不去 ，人 所順愛 k 疗六 九親 .貴 .鮮憾 ，而 
乃之 、厚, 可而者 .以也 .弟夂 逆淫新 少矣 .憾能 
老。 不與乎 。速將 速去敬 荖, 也 。破 間陵且 而降. 

III.  1 In  his  third  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  second  month, 
on  the  day  Ke-sze,  the  sun  was  eclipsed. 

2 In  the  third  month,  on  the  day  Kang-seuh,  the  king  [by] 

Heaven  s [grace]  died. 

3 In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  on  the  day  Sin-maou, 

[an  officer  of]  the  Yin  family  died. 

4 In  autumn,  a son  of  the  Woo  family  came  [to  Loo]  to  ask 

for  the  contribution  of  money  towards  the  [king's]  b»i rial. 

5 In  the  eighth  month,  on  the  day  Kang-shin,  Ho,  duke  of 

Sung,  died. 

6 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  the  marquis  of  Ts{e  and 

the  earl  of  Ch(ing  made  a covenant  at  Shih-mun. 

7 [On  the  day]  Kwei-we,  there  was  the  burial  of  duke  Muh 

of  Sung. 


Par.  1.  This  is  the  1st  of  the  30  eclipses  of 
the  sun  mentioned  in  tlie  Ch^in  From 

the  table  in  the  proleg.  to  the  Shoo,  pp.  103,  104：, 
it  will  be  seen  that  it  occurred  on  the  14th 
February,  B.  C.  719,  bein?  the  6tli  cycle  day,  or 
Ke-sze,  of  the  3d  month  of  the  Chow  year.  There 
is  an  error  therefore  in  the  text  of  2 for  3.  The 
mathematicians  of  China  were  tliemselves  aware 
of  this,  as  early  «as  tlie  Suy  dynasty  (A.  D.  589- 
617).  Evidently  this  year  commenced  on  Ja- 
nuary 16th,  instead  of  a month  earlier,  by 
some  previous  error  of  intercalation.  Generally, 
the  character  4 the  1st  clay  of  the  moon/ 
follows  the  name  of  the  day  of  the  eclipse;  and  a9 
it  is  wanting  here,  Kung  and  Kuh  conclude  that 
the  eclipse  was  really  on  the  last  (lay  of  the 
previous  month.  But  this  involves  much  greater 
difficulty  than  to  suppose  that  the  j)^  was 
omitted  through  inadvertence  of  the  historio- 
graphers, or  has  dropt  somehow  out  of  the  text. 

H 有食之 = 日 有听食 之者， 

*Thesan  had  something  which  was  devouring 
it.’  The  phenomenon  had  suggested  this  idea 
to  the  earliest  Chinese,  and  the  phrase  became 
stereotyped  in  the  language.  On  the  ceremonies 
observed  at  an  eclipse,  4 to  save  the  sun,*  see  the 
Shoo,  III. iv. 4,  and  note.  Kung-yang  thinks 
eclipse9  were  recorded  as  extraordinary  events 
but  the  K^ang-he  editors  approve  rather 

the  view  that  it  was  as  calamitous  presages  ( 

Par.  2.  *thc  fall  of  a mountain/  is  tlie 

Appropriate  term  for  the  death  of  a sovereign. 
Tho-sIig  says  thAt  kin^  really  died  on  the 
day  Jin-8euh,  i.e.,  12  days  before  Kftng-seuli, 
but  that  thu  official  comoiunication  of  the  event 


gave  the  wron^  date,  which  was  therefore  record- 
ed ; arul  Too  Yu  thinks  the  date  was  wrongly  com- 
municated to  hurry  tlie  princes  to  the  capital. 
But  there  must  be  some  other  way  of  explain- 
ing Tso-she*s  statement,  if  it  be  correct. — The 
death  of  the  sovereign  was  communicated  to  all 
the  princes  of  the  States,  whose  duty  it  then 
was  to  send  olf  to  the  capital  a high  minister  to 
take  part  in  the  preliminary  funeral  rites,  and 
present  the  various  offerings  of  money,  silk,  &c., 
required  on  such  an  occasion.  The  princes 
themselves  did  not  go  to  the  capital  till  the  time 
of  burial  was  arrived. 

Par.  3.  Who  is  denoted  by  the  尹氏- 
is  all-undetermined.  Tso-she  reads  "3*  instead 

尹，- 君氏  is  something  like  our  * roval 
lady,'  meaning  duke  Yin*s  mother.  Kung-yanff 
and  Kuh-leang  both  have  and  suppose  thit 
by  is  intended  some  minister  at  the  court 

of  Chow  〇f  that  surname,  intimating  that 

whatever  office  he  held  had  become  hereditary 
in  his  family.  Many  other  explanations  of  the 
words  have  been  attempted.  ’i、he  most  prol、a- 
ble  appears  to  be  that  of  Kin  Le-ts(eang  (A.  D. 
1 ,232 一 1,303),  which  is  strongly  advocated  by 
Maou, — tliat  the  person  intended  was  an  ofliror 
of  Ch4ing,  of  whom  we  shall  read  in  Tso-shc's 
Chuen,  on  the  duke's  11th  year,  where  the  text 
here  will  again  be  touched  on.  Tso-she  wiy* 

that  the  term  /X  is  used  here  for  the  ladj'f 
death,  instead  of  for  three  rensons:  beenuso 
1st,  no  notice  of  lier  death  was  sent  to  other 
States  in  covenant  with  Loo ; 2d,  duko  Yin,  on 


Ykau  III. 


DUKE  YIN. 


13 


returning  Rt  niid-duy  from  Her  burinl,  ilid  not 
wcop  for  her  in  his  stJito  ftpjirtmcnt  5 3(1,  lie  diil 

not  plnce  her  Spirit-tablet  in  the  same  shrine 

with  that  of  Hwuy'8  grandmother,  He  adds 
tlmt  her  burial  is  not  recorded,  because  she  is 

not  styled  夫人， or  [llwuy’s]  wife  ; and  that 
she  is  merely  styled  ^ without  lier  sur- 
name, out  of  regard  to  the  duke.  [Much  of  this 
is  needless  trifling.]  . 

rrhc Cliuen  has  here  the  followinc:  narrative：— 
•The  dukes  Woo  and  Chwanc：  of  Ch*ing  had  been 
hipli  ministers  at  the  court  of  kinp  P'inp,  ond  the 
kini;  wished  to  divide  the  authority  of  Chwang 
between  him  and  the  duke  of  Kwoh.  1 he  earl 
resented  the  idea,  and  the  king  disclaimed  it； 
and  in  consequeiice  of  this  Cliow  and  C/h4ing 
exchanged  hostages,  the  kin^s  son  Hoo  poing 
as  one  to  Ch4ine：.  and  the  earFs  eldest  son  Hwuh 
going  to  Chowr  On  the  king  s death,  the  other 
ministers  at  the  court  proposed  giving  Ch^ing^ 
office  to  Kwoh ; and  in  the  4th  month  Chae  Tsuh 
[the  same  as  Chung  of  Chae  in  the  ncarrative 
under  t»ie  3d  p.  〇(  1st  year]  led  a force  and  carri- 
ed away  the  wheat  of  Wun,  and  in  the  autumn, 
also  the  rice  about  Cliing-chow,  from  which 
ensued  enmity  between  Chow  and  Ch4ing.  A 
superior  man  may  say,  u K there  be  not  good 
faith  in  the  heart,  hostages  are  of  no  use.  If 
parties  act  with  intelligence  and  witli  mutual 
consideration,  their  actions  under  the  rule  of 
propriety,  although  there  be  no  exchange  of 
hostages,  they  cannot  be  alienated.  When  there 
are  intelligence  and  sincerity,  what  is  grown  by 
streams  in  the  valleys,  by  ponds,  and  in  pools,  the 
gatherings  of  duck-weed,  white  southernwood, 
and  pond-weed,  in  baskets  round  and  square, 
and  cooked  in  pans  and  pots  with  the  water  from 
standing  pools  and  road  liollows,  may  be  present- 
ed to  the  Spirits,  and  set  before  kings  and  dukes ; 
— much  more  may  we  conclude  tliat  when  two 
princes  are  contracting  their  States  in  good  faith, 
and  their  proceedings  are  according  to  the  proper 
rules,  there  is  no  f?ood  in  hostages.  In  the 
•Lessons  from  the  States*  we  hare  the  Tslaefan 
(She,  I.ii.  II.),  and  the  Ts^e  pin  (ib.,  IV.), 
and  in  the  Ya  we  have  the  Hing  Wei  (Ill.ii. 
II.),  and  the  ffeung  choh  (ib.,  Yll.);— pieces 
which  all  show  how  truthfulness  of  heart  and 
good  faith  may  be  manifested  with  slight 
things.”’] 

Par.  4.  We  saw,  in  p.  4 of  the  1st  year,  how 
the  king  sent  funeral  presents  to  Loo ; 一 that 
was  according  to  propriety.  Now,  on  hearing 
of  the  king’s  death， Loo  ought  to  have  sent  the 
proper  presents  to  the  court,  and  of  money 

amoug  them  貝才 日 艮専) • The  duke 

had  not  done  so,  failing  in  duty  ； and  the  court 
showed  its  weakness  and  want  of  self-respect  in 
sending  to  ask  for  the  contribution.  The  Woos 
must  have  been  a family  holding  some  heredi- 
tary oflBce  at  court. 

Par.  5.  The  death  of  the  duke  of  Sung  was 
communicated  to  Loo,  and  so  the  historio- 
graphers put  it  on  record.  The  proper  word  for 
the  death  of  the  prince  of  a State  is  but 
here  we  have  the  reason  being  that,  in  the 
records  of  Loo,  could  be  used  only  of  its 
own  princes. 


Here  the  Cliuen  hn6  : 一 “Duke  Muh  [Ho’s 
sacrificial  title]  of  Sunj?  being  ill,  he  called 
to  him  K4ung-foo,  his  minister  of  War,  and 
charged  him  to  secure  the  succession  to  duke 
Shang,  saying,  *4  My  predecessor  passed  by  his 
son  Yu-e,  and  left  the  State  to  unworthy  me.  I 
dare  not  forget  his  deed;  and  if  by  your  power- 
ful influence  I succeed  in  preserving  my  head 
till  I die  in  peace,  should  my  brother  ask  about 
Yu-e,  what  answer  shall  I be  able  to  return  ? 

I beg  you  to  secure  liim  the  appointment  to  be 
lord  of  tlio  altars,  and  then  I shall  be  able  to 
die  without  regxei.”  Tlie  other  replied,  “ All  tlie 
I officers  wish  to  support yowr  sow  “That 

must  not  be, M said  the  duke.  44  My  brother  deem- 
ed me  wortliy,  and  made  me  lord  of  tlie  altars. 
If  I now  throw  away  my  virtue,  and  do  not 
yield  the  State  to  his  son,  I shall  be  nullifying 
his  promotion  of  me,  and  not  worthy  to  he 
deemed  honourable.  Should  it  not  be  my  chief 
object  to  illustrate  brightly  the  excellent  virtue 
of  my  brother?  Do  not  you,  my  friend  and  minis- 
ter, nullify  his  merit.>,  On  this  duke  Mufis  son, 
P4ing,  was  sent  away  to  reside  in  Ch^npr；  and 
when  Mull  died  on  the  day  Kang-shin,  in  tlie  8th 
month,  duke  Shang,  succeeded  him. — A sup- 
erior man  may  say,  u It  may  be  pronounced  of 
duke  Seuen  (who  preceded  Muh)  of  Sung  that  lie 
knew  men.  He  made  Muh  possess  the  State,  and 
his  own  son  came  afterwards  to  the  enjoyment  of 
it; 一 the  charge  was  according  to  rigliteousness. 
Are  not  the  words  in  the  sacrificial  odes  of 
Shang.* 

**  Right  is  it  that  Yin  should  have  the  appoint- 
ment, 

Ami  sustain  all  the  dignities  (She,  IY.iv.III_)，” 
descriptive  of  such  a case  ? *] 

Par.  6.  Ts*e  was  one  of  the  most  powerful 
States,  a marquisate,  whose  capital  was  Ying- 
k4ew  氏 |5)， in  pres.  dis.  of  Lin-tsze  (臨 
y 留 dep.  Ts^ng-cbo^r;  but  it  extended  much 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  that  department.  Its 
princes  had  the  surname  of  Keang  and 

traced  their  lineage  up  to  the  chief  minister  of 
Yaou.  Shih-mun  belonged  to  Ts'e； 一 in  the 
south-west  of  Ch‘ang-ts‘ing  dis”  dept. 

Tse-nan.  It  probably  took  its  name  from  some 
4 Stone-gate  * or  embankment  of  the  river  Tse. 
Tso-she  says  that  in  connection  with  this  meet- 
ing, * the  carriage  of  the  earl  of  Ch‘ing  was 
overturned  in  the  Tse.* 

Par.  7.  The  duke  of  Sung  is  mentioned  here, 
with  his  honorary  or  sacrificial  title  of  Muh 
(Kung  and  Kali  have  the  burial  taking 

place,  of  course,  in  his  own  State.  We  might 
translate 一 4 We  buried/  it  being  the  rule  that 
friendly  States  should  send  a great  officer  to  re- 
present them  on  such  occasions  ； 一 and  this  Loo 
had  here  done. 

[The  Chuen  appends  here  the  following  narra- 
tive about  Wei： — 

1 Duke  Chwang  of  Wei  had  married  the  sister 
of  Tili-shin,  the  heir-son  of  the  marquis  of  Ts'e, 
known  as  Chwang  Keang.  She  was  beautiful  but 
childless,  and  it  was  of  her  that  the  people  of  Wei 
made  the  song  of  “ the  Great  Lady  (She,  I.v.III.).” 
The  duke  tlien  married  a daughter  of  the  House 
of  Ch'in,  called  Le  Kwei,  who  had  a son  called 


14 


THE  CII-UN  TS^W,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


Iloaou-pili  tliat  died  early.  Tae  Kwei,  who 
h；ul  accompanied  her  to  the  harem,  had  a son, 
wiio  was  aftencards  duke  Hwan.  and  who  was 
cherished  by  Chwang  Keang  as  her  own  child. 
There  was  also  Chow-yu,  another  son  of  the 
duke  by  a favourite  concubine,  a favoured  child, 
and  fond  of  his  weapons,  not  restrained  by  the 
duke,  but  hated  by  Chwang  Keang.  Shih  Tseoh 
remonstrated  with  the  duke,  saying,  Your  ser- 
vant has  heard  that,  when  you  love  a son,  you 
should  teach  him  righteous  ways,  and  not 
lielp  him  oil  in  the  course  of  depravity.  There 
are  pride,  extravagance,  lewdness,  and  dissipa- 
tion, by  which  one  depraves  himself;  but  these 
four  vices  come  from  over-indulgence  and  allow- 
ances. If  you  are  going  to  make  Chow-yu  your 
successor,  settle  him  ia  that  position；  if  you 
have  not  yet  decided  on  such  a step,  you  are 
paving  the  way  for  him  to  create  disorder.  Few 
there  are  who  can  be  favoured  without  getting 
arrogant ; few  arrogant  who  can  submit  them- 
selves to  others  ; few  who  can  submit  themselves 
w ithout  being  indignant  at  their  position  ； and 


few  who  can  keep  patient  under  sucli  a feeling 
of  indignancy.  And  moreover,  there  are  what 
are  called  the  six  instances  of  insubordination, 
— when  the  mean  stand  in  the  way  of  the  noble  ； 
or  the  young  presume  against  their  elders；  or 
distant  relatives  cut  out  those  who  are  near  ； or 
new  friends  alienate  from  the  old ; or  a small 
Power  attacks  a great  one;  or  lewdness  defeats 
riglneousuess.  The  ruler  righteous  and  the 
minister  acting  accordingly；  the  father  kind 
and  tlie  son  dutiful ; the  elder  brother  loving 
and  the  younger  respectful  ： — these  are  wlmt 
are  called  the  six  instances  of  what  should  be. 
To  put  away  what  should  be  and  follow  what 
should  not  be,  is  the  way  to  accelerate  calamity  ； 
and  when  a ruler  of  men  accelerates  the  calamity 
which  it  should  be  his  object  to  keep  off,  is  not 
the  case  a deplorable  one? ’’  The  duke  did  not 
listen  to  this  remonstrance  ； and  Tseoh's  soil, 
How,  became  a companion  of  Chow-yu.  The 
father  tried  to  restrain  him,  but  in  vain.  When 
duke  Hwan  succeeded  to  his  father,  Tseoh  with- 
drew from  public  life  oil  the  plea  of  old  age/l 


卧年 舂王 二凡宮 人伐祀 
取牟氛 

办申衞 州吁弑 其君完 

三章 k o 

夏公 及宋 公遇 于淸 

四韋 o 

宋公 陳侯 蔡人衞 人伐鄭 


五章 >• 


- 狄 翬帥師 i 宋公 陳侯蔡 
人衞 人伐鄭 

六章 


九月衞 人殺州 吁于濮 

七章 k k o 

冬十 有二月 衞人立 晋 


四靠衞 州 吁弑桓 
公而立 /5' 與米公 爲 
北將 e 宿之盟 :i* 及 
期 衞人來 带 亂 H, ^ 
及米公 遇于 1 
宋殤必 之卽 ‘位 也公 
子 ffi 出 # 鄭 鄭人欲 
納之 及衞州 吁支將 
修先君 之 怨于亂 而 
求寵 于諸氣 以和其 
民 1 13于采曰(君若 
伐鄭以 除君 w. a 爲 
±, 敝邑以 陚‘ 與陳 。蔡 
從則衞 國之願 也 米 
人許之 于是 陳蔡方 
睦于 & 故朱公 陳氣 
蔡人衞 人伐瓤 圍其 
東 門‘ 五日而 氣 公問 


Year  IV. 


DUKE  YIN. 


15 


_L- 

-tL 


衞親 斤宰钆 EL 朝可 。州 之龠秋 . 不弗兵 •以于 
晉, 人其陳 J1 敢 衞陳曰 ，吁師 .之 諸務取 .無亂 ，衆 
衆逆是 君涖卽 國使何 未敗公 侯令將 氣以仲 
也泌 之子殺 圖褊請 .以 能鄭弗 復德. 自安亂 >曰. 
子謂氐 州之小 .必得 和徒許 ，伐 而焚忍 .猶衞 
晉乎。 石吁陳 老可覲 。其 兵涸鄭 .欲也 、無 治州 


于 

邢. 

冬 

二 

月‘ 

4=tz^ 

且 

卽 

位。 

書 

曰. 

衞 

人 


硝于人 夫得曰 .民 > 取請米 以夫親 >絲 吁 
純濮 激耄也 。陳 厚其而 公亂州 衆而其 
臣石之 筅厚桓 問禾行 ，使成 , 吁/ 叛棼成 
也滞 而無從 公定而 故來 必弒親 之乎。 
惡® 請能州 方君還 。書乞 不其離 .也 .對 
州 其涖爲 吁有于  曰師 .免 君難夫 FL 


PL 宰于也 , 如寵石 

治 燸裔 。此晚 序子。 

厚羊九 二石王 .石 
與肩 .引人 碏陳子 
焉 .涖 衞者 、使衞 氐 
大 殺人實 告方王 
義石使 弒于睹 .覲 
滅 厚右寡 陳若爲 


翬必矣 。而 以州 E 


帥辭 

師之 

疾羽 

之父 

也請 

諸以 

侯師 


虐濟吁 .聞 
用 筅阻以 
其 夫兵德 
民 ，兵 ，而和 
于猶 安民. 
是火忍 .不 
乎也 .阻聞 


IV.  1 In  his  fourth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  second  month, 
an  array  of  Keu  invaded  Ke,  and  took  Mow-low. 

2 [On  the  day]  Mow-shin,  Chow-yu  of  Wei  murdered  liis  ruler, 

Hwan. 

3 In  summer,  the  duke  and  the  duke  of  Sung  met  at  Ts£ing. 

4 The  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Ch4in,  an  army  of  Ts^ae, 

and  an  army  of  Wei  invaked  Chling. 

5 In  autumn,  Hwuy  led  a force,  and  joined  the  duke  of 

Sung,  the  marquis  of  Ch4in,  the  army  of  Ts4ae,  and  the 
army  of  Wei,  in  the  invasion  of  Ch^ing. 

6 In  the  ninth  month,  the  people  of  Wei  put  Chow-yu  to 

death  in  Puh. 

7 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  the  people  of  Wei  raised 

Tsin  [to  be  marquis  of  the  State]. 


Par.  1.  Ke  was  a marquisate  (its  chiefs  are 
also  called  earls  and  sometimes  viscounts)  whose 
capital  at  this  time  was  Yung-k‘ew  ( 多隹氏 JJ) 

in  dis.  of  Ke.  dept.  K*ae-fung.  It  lay  between 

Keu  on  the  soutli， and  Ts‘e  and  Ke  (系已 ） on 

the  north.  Its  chiefs  were  descendants  of  the 
great  Yu,  and  of  course  had  the  surname  Sze 
⑩:  一 see  Ana.  III.v.  The  capital  was  changed 
more  than  once  in  the  period  of  the  Ch4un 
Ts*ew.  Mow-low  was  on  its  southern  border, 
near  to  Keu； 一 in  dis.  Choo-shing  ( 


取 4 took/  is  said  to  denote  that  the  place  was 
easily  taken.  Keu  seems  to  have  retained  it. 
Kung  and  Kuh  say  that  this  capture,  being  al- 
together foreign  to  Loo,  sliould  not  have  been 
recorded  ; but  that  Confucius  entered  it,  to  show 
his  hatred  of  sucli  an  outrage  on  the  part  of 
Keu.  especially  as  tliis  is  the  1st  instance  of  the 
capture  by  one  8iate  of  a city  of  another,  re- 
corded in  this  classic.  But,  no  (loul>t,  tlie  cap- 
ture was  announced  by  Keu  to  Loo,  and  tlie  re- 
cord of  it  was  en  regie. 

Par.  2.  is  the  term  appropriate  to  the 

murder  of  a ruler  by  a minister,  or  of  a father 


16 


THE  CH{UN  TSkEW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


by  a son.  To  understand  the  record  fully,  re- 
fer to  the  last  narrative  under  last  year  from 
the  Chuen.  Kuh-leaog,  here  and  below,  has 
⑯州;  and  deep  meanings  are  found  in  the 

omission  of  •子 \ 4 duke’s  son,’  before  the 

name ; — about  which  we  need  not  be  particular. 

was  the  name  of  the  son  of  duke  Chwang 
of  Wei,  mentioned  as  himself  duke  Hwan 
in  the  narrative  referred  to.  It  might  appear 
that  this  par.  belonged  to  the  2d  month,  but  Too 
Yu  remarks  that  ia  that  month  there  was  no 


Mow-sliin  day.  The  characters  — : 月 should 
be  at  the  commencement  of  the  par. 

Par.  3.  is  simply  4 to  meet/  as  if  without 
previous  agreement,  and  this  is  the  meaning  put 
on  the  term  here ; but  such  an  interpretation 
would  be  meaningless.  Why  should  a casual 
incident  of  that  nature  be  recorded  ? in  the 


Le  Ke,  I.  Pt.  II.  ii.  12,  we  are  told  that  4 inter- 
views between  the  princes  before  the  time 

agreed  upon  wore  called  遇 So  Tso-she  in- 
terprets the  word  here,  and  Too  Yu  calls  the 
interview  学 4 a hurried  arrange- 
ment.’  Tso-she  says : — i In  spring  Chow-yu  of 
Wei  had  murdered  duke  Hwan,  and  taken  his 
place.  The  duks  and  the  duke  of  Sung  had  ar- 
ranged for  a meeting  as  a sequel  to  their  cove- 
nant at  Suh  [in  the  1st  year]  ； but  before  the 
time  came,  they  got  the  news  of  the  confusion 
in  Wei/  In  consequence  of  this,  it  would  fol- 
low, they  had  only  a hurried  meeting.  Ts'ing 

was  in  Wei, 一 in  dis.  of  Tung-o  可 )， （kp. 

Yen-cliow. 

Par.  4.  Chlin  was  a marquisate,  having  its 
chief  city  in  Yuen-k*ew  ^|$)> 一 in  pres, 

dis.  of  Hwae-ning  dep.  Ch'in-chow  (so 

called  from  tlie  ancient  State),  Ho-nan.  Its 
chiefs  were  Kweis  (^^),  descended  from  Shun. 
Ch4in  and  Ts;ae  were  the  most  southern  of  the 


States  of  China  proper  in  this  period,  and  expos- 
ed consequently  to  danger  from  the  barbarous 
Ts4oo,  by  which  they  were  ultimately  absorbed. 
Ts4ae  also  was  a marquisate,  with  which  kin<^ 
Woo  invested  his  brother  Shuh-too  at  the  com- 


mencement of  the  dynasty; — in  dep.  Joo-ning 
^l),  IIo  nan.  Its  capital  at  tliis  time  was 

in  Shang-ts^e  ( dis.  To  understand 

the  par.,  we  must  keep  in  mind  the  Chuen  un- 
der par.  5,  last  year.  Tso-she  adds  here: 一 
4 When  Sliang  came  to  tlie  dukedom  of  Sung, 
P'ing,  the  son  of  duke  Muh,  fled  to  Chking,  where 


there  was  a wish  to  vindicate  his  right  to  Sun^. 
And  now,  when  Chow-yu  had  made  himself 
marquis  of  Wei,  he  thought  at  once  of  patting 


to  rights  his  father^  grudge  against  Cluing  [see 
the  2d  Chuen  after  p.  5,  1st  year],  and  of  getting 
for  himself  the  favour  of  the  princes,  in  order  to 
make  his  people  better  affected.  He  sent  a 
message,  therefore,  to  tli ' (lake  of  Sun^,  sayini;, 


If  you  will  iuvado  Ch^inir  to  remove  the  danger 
tliat  is  tlieru  to  yourself  [/.€.  Mull’d  son  iiig], 
you  shall  be  chief  of  the  cxpiMlitiou  ； ami  all  my 


levies,  as  well  as  Ch‘in  and  Ts‘ae,  will  follow 
you： — this  is  the  desire  of  the  State  of  Wei/* 
They  acceded  in  Sung  to  the  request;  and  as 
Ch'in  and  Ts^e  were  then  frieudly  with  Wei, 
the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Chin,  an 
army  of  Ts‘ae,  and  an  army  of  Wei,  invaded 
Ch;ing,  and  laid  siege  for  five  days  to  the  east- 
ern gate  of  its  capital； 一 when  they  returned. 

4 The  duke  of  Loo  asked  Chung-chung  whether 
Chow-yu  of  Wei  would  accomplish  his  ambition. 
“Your  servant  has  heard,”  said  the  o 伍 cur, 
4 that  the  people  may  be  made  well  affected  by 
virtue；  I have  not  heard  that  they  can  \ye  made 
so  by  violence.  To  use  violence  with  that  view 
is  like  trying  to  put  silk  in  order  and  only  ravel- 
ling it.  Chow-yu  relies  on  his  military  force,  and 
can  do  cruel  things.  For  his  military  likings 
the  multitude  will  not  cleave  to  him;  and  for 
his  cruelty  his  relatives  will  not.  With  the  multi- 
tude rebellious,  and  his  friends  leaving  him.  it 
will  be  difficult  for  him  to  be  successful.  Mili- 
tary weapons  axe  like  fire ; if  you  don't  lay  the 
fire  aside， it  will  burn  yourself.  Cliow-vu 
murdered  liis  prince,  and  he  uses  Ills  people 
oppressively,  thus  not  making  excellent  virtue 
his  pursuit,  but  wishing  to  succeed  by  vio- 
lence ; — lie  will  certainly  not  escape  calainity.M, 

Par.  5.  This  Hwuy  was  an  officer  of  Loo,  a 
son,  indeed,  of  the  previous  duke.  He  was  after- 
wards concerned  in  the  murder  of  duke  Yin； 
and  Kung  and  Kuh  think  that  he  is  here  men- 
tioned simply  by  his  name,  denuded  of  the 
‘(luke’s  son，’  as  the  sage’s  pimislimeut  of  him 
for  his  share  in  that  deed.  But  this  view  is 
quite  inadmissible.  Tso-she  thinks  the  omission 
shows  Confucius  * dislike  of  him  in  the  incident 
here  mentioned;  but  neither  need  we  suppose 
that.  The  historiographers  had  merely  entered 
liis  name  The  is  little  more  than  the 
of  other  paragraphs.  The  Chuen  is： 一 4 In  the 
autuum,  the  princes  again  invaded  Ch'ing,  ami 
the  duke  of  Sung  sent  to  ask  the  assistance  of  a 
force  from  Loo,  Yu-foo  [the  designation  of  tliU 
Uwuy]  asked  leave  to  join  them  with  a force. 
The  duke  refused,  when  he  strongly  urged  Iii9 
request,  and  went.  Hence  the  brief  record  of 
the  text,  expressive  of  dislike  to  his  conduct. 
The  army  of  the  princes  defeated  tlie  footmeu 
of  Citing,  carried  off  the  paddy  from  the  fields, 
and  returned.* 

Pur.  6.  Here  and  in  p.  7,  衞人  denotes 
4 the  people  of  Wei/  a3  if  the  things  recorded  had 
the  consent,  and  were,  indeed,  the  doing  of  them 
all.  (Jhmv-yu  uiiglit  have  been 

元诗  being  the  ruler  cfe  yhc/。；  but  he  had 
had  occupied  his  position  only  for  a short  time, 
and  the  marquis  Hwan  was  not  yet  buried. 
Puli  was  in  Ch*in,  near  a river  so  mimed.  Tso- 
she  gives  the  following  account  of  Chow-yus 
death : — 

* Cliow-yu  finding  liimself  unable  to  att.icli 
the  people  to  himself,  Sfiih  Tseoh^s  son  How  asked 
his  father  how  to  establisli  the  prince  the 
State.  Shill  said,  u It  may  be  clone  by  his  goini： 
anil  having  an  audience  of  the  kin^.M  *’  But 
how  can  this  audience  be  obtained  44 Duke 

llwaii  of  GlPin，”  niplicd  tlie  father,  “is  in 

favour  with  the  king,  and  Cli4iu  mul  Wei  arc 
on  friondly  terms.  If  the*  mar(fuis  go  to  tlio 
court  of  Cii^iu,  and  get  tlie  diiko  to  ask  uu 


Year  V. 


DUKE  YIN. 


17 


audience  for  him,  it  may  be  On  this  How 

went  with  Chow-yu  to  Ch4in ; but  Shill  Tseoh 
sent  information  to  Clrin,  saying,  “The  State 
of  Wei  is  narrow  and  small,  aud  I am  aged 
and  can  do  nothing.  These  two  men  are 
the  real  murderers  of  my  prince,  and  I ven- 
ture to  ask  that  you  will  instantly  take  the  pro- 
per measures  with  them.**  The  people  of  Ch*in 
made  them  prisoners,  aud  requested  Wei  to  send 
and  manage  the  rest.  In  the  9th  month,  the 
people  of  Wei  sent  Ch4ow,  the  superintendent 
of  the  Right,  who  put  Chow-yu  to  death,  at  Puli, 
and  Shih  Tseoh  sent  his  steward,  Now  Yang- 


keen,  who  put  Shih  How  to  death  in  the  capital 
of  Ch*in.  A superior  man  may  say,  u Shih  Tseoh 
was  a minister  without  blemish.  He  hated 
Chow-yu,  with  whom  his  own  son  How  was 
art  and  part  ； 一 and  did  he  not  so  afford  an  illus- 
tration of  the  saying  that  great  righteousness 
is  supreme  over  the  affections  ?’” 

Par.  7.  Tsin  was  a brother  of  duke  Hwan, 
and  had  fled  to  the  State  of  Hing  (开 jj).  They 

now  sent  to  Hing  for  him,  aud  raised  him  to  tha 
marquisate. 


章 


14:3 ^ , ^ ® 羧 E KC 左 傅曰五 年春必 將如棠 觀魚者 •臧 s 諫 

pi 句 3 4 ■声 J 漠曰凡 物不足 _大 事‘ 其材 不足 以 備器用 * 

F 四 月葬啬 II 公 則君不 舉焉 。君將 納 民于軌 物者也 故講事 
设二  以度軌 1 變軌 •取 材以章 物 ■之物 •不 
秋衞 師八鄕  軌不物 ‘SV 1L 政‘ 亂政裏 仃‘ 所以 M 也 。故春 

If  氙 夏轧秋 獮冬觫 皆於 農隙以 講事也 。三年 
力月 ^ 呂 1 W 而：治 兵 A ‘ 而振篇 歸而飮 kE 以藪渾 實‘ 厢文 
」 、 l\ K? 氧 明貴 !». 辨等歹 順 少良 習 威儀也 烏獸之 
噴1\孬  。 肉 •不登 于‘氣 皮革售 •骨角 毛羽 ‘不登 i 

則在不 敗古 之制也 。若 夫山 林川澤 ^ 實> 器 
涌蕃>  隸肇‘ 官司 之守 •非吞 所及也 
曰‘ 吾將 畧地 I 遂往陳 魚而觀 之僖 伯稱疾 
-I  A - - 不從書曰‘公矢魚于氣非禮也且言遠地也 
冬十 有二月 辛巳公 © 曲沃 莊低以 鄭人那 人伐鼠 王使 尹氏武 

氏助之 翼侯奔 KO 

夏葬 衞桓我 衞亂 是以鼠 

Ei  10111$1 © 四凡 鄭人 侵衞牧 以報東 門之從 衞人以 

芽 伯奠圍 暹 肩 菌 i 鄭 f ‘鬆 ：蜃‘ 以一 二軍 軍其齓 


六 章 

螟 

七章 


tol  y. 


〇 


18 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


采 寡冬非 命者殺 。爲 宋始音 天九衞 © 子虞使 
人人十 寡寡曰 .宋道 。人用 而子凡 之曲曰 k 制曼 
伐弗 二人人 獅 人鄭取 六行用 考亂沃 不人 。伯 
鄭 .敢月 艾同何 使人邾 佾八八 .仰也 .叛 備六與 
園忘 。辛所 恤及。 來以田 ，也 。風 ，諸 子邮王 k 不月 k 子 


長葬巳 .敢 社對 告王邾 
葛 。之臧 知稷曰 .命 。師人 
以加 彳喜也 。之 未公# 告 


報 — 

伯 

難>及 聞之于 

以大 萬故虢 以子軍 

A 等 。卒。 

今國 。其 伐鄭. 

下 。夫焉 , 衞公師 。以其 

郛 

公四 ，公 師伐 

制後, 

之 

曰. 

諸怒 /# 丨丨 A 請 

從士問 A 曲 

人燕 

殺 

叔 

使乃也 .其君 

之 .二 .羽卿 .沃 k 

敗人 

也。 

夂 

者 .it. 將 m 釋 

于夫數 

而 

燕畏 

有 

曰辭 救以憾 

是舞 ，于 

立 

師鄭 

師使之 .報于 

哀 

于三 

于 

未者 .問 東采 

獻以仲 > 

侯 

北軍. 

寡 

及日. 于門敝 

六節對 

于 

制 。而 

K 

國君 使之邑 

羽 .八日 》 

翼。 

君不 

V.  1 


8 


In  liis  fifth  year,  in  spring,  the  duke  [went]  to  see  the  fisher- 
men at  Tlang. 

In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  there  was  the  burial  of 
duke  Hwan  of  Wei. 

In  autumn,  an  army  of  Wei  entered  Shing. 

In  the  ninth  month,  [the  duke]  completed  the  shrine-palace 
of  Chung  Tsze.  For  the  first  time  he  exhibited  [only] 
six  rows  of  pantomimes. 

An  army  of  Clioo  and  an  army  of  Ch'ing  invaded  Sung. 

Tliere  were  the  ?nm<7-insects. 

In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  duke  [Heaou's]  son  K(ow 
died. 

An  army  of  Sung  invaded  Chling,  and  besieged  Ch^ng-koh. 


Pur.  1.  Instead  of  f 親 Tso-she  has  with 

the  moaning  of  陳，  *to  set  in  order,*  *to  ar- 
range/ Then  is  taken  as=  漁者，  * fisher- 

men/ T*ang  was  in  the  dis.  of  Yu-t4ae,  a long 
way  from  Klcuh-fow  wlierc  the  court  of  Loo 

was.  The  name  Yu-t*ae,  (魚臺  ), 4 fisher- 
men^ tower,*  remains,  indeed,  since  A.  D.  762, 
wlien  the  district  was  so  called,  a monument  of 
the  incident  in  this  par.  Tso-she’s  view  of  it; 
then  is,  that  the  duke,  neglecting  tho  business 
of  govt.,  went  off  for  his  own  pleasure  to  T4an^, 
and  there  had  the  fishermen  drawn  up  witli  all 
their  equipmentH,  and  watched  them  as  they  pro- 
ceeded to  catch  their  prey.  A j?rcat  scliolar, 
Yeh  Mung-tih  (A.  D.  1077 一 1138),  and  others, 


take  矢 ns  = 射，  * to  shoot and  think  Umt 
duke  Yin,  really  seeking  his  own  pleasure,  went 
off  to  T;ang  on  the  pretence  that  he  was  going 
to  shoot  fish  for  use  in  sacrifice ! 

The  Chuen  says:  一 * The  duke  being  about  to 
p：o  to  T^ng,  to  see  the  fishermen,  Tsang  He-pih 
remonstrated  witli  him,  saying.  u All  pursuit  of 
creatures  in  which  the  great  affairs  of  the  State 
are  not  illustrated,  and  when  they  do  not  sup- 
ply materials  available  for  use  in  its  various 
requirements,  the  ruler  does  not  engage  in.  Into 
the  idea  of  a ruler  it  enters  that,  he  lead  and 
liclp  the  people  on  to  wliat  should  be  observinl, 
anil  ull  the  ramifications  thereof.  Hence  tho 
practice  of  exercises  in  admeasurement  of  the 
degroos  of  what  sliould  be  observed  is  called  fix- 
ing the  rule,  and  the  obtaining  the  materials 


Year  V. 


DUKE  YIN. 


19 


supplied  thereby  for  the  ornament  of  the  various 
requirements  of  the  Sdite,  is  the  yuidimj  principle  to 
show  what  creatures  should  be  pursued.  Where 
there  are  no  sucli  admeasurement  and  no  sucli 
materials,  the  government  is  one  of  disorder ; 
and  the  frequent  indulgence  in  a government  of 
disorder  is  the  way  to  ruiu.  In  accordance 
with  this  there  are  the  spring  hunting,  the  sum- 
mer hunting,  the  autumn  hunting,  and  the  win- 
ter hunting : — all  in  the  intervals  of  husbandry, 
for  the  illustration  of  one  great  business  of  States. 
Then  every  three  years,  there  is  the  grand  mili- 
tary review  ； when  it  is  over,  the  troops  are  all  led 
back ; and  their  return  is  announced  by  the  cup 
of  spirits  in  the  temple: — all  to  take  reckoning 
of  tlie  accoutrements  and  spoils；  to  display  tlie 
various  blazonry;  to  exhibit  the  noble  and  the 
mean ; to  distinguish  the  observance  of  order 
and  ranks ; to  show  the  proper  difference  between 
the  young  and  the  old;  to  practise  the  various 
observances  of  discipline.  Now  when  the  birds 
and  beasts  are  such  that  their  flesh  is  not 
presented  in  the  sacrificial  vessels,  and  their 
skins,  hides,  teeth,  bones,  horns,  feathers,  and 
hair  are  not  used  in  the  furniture  of  the 
State,  it  was  the  ancient  rule  that  our  dukes 
should  not  shoot  them.  With  the  creatures 
found  in  the  mountains,  forests,  streams  and 
marshes;  with  the  materials  for  ordinary  articles 
of  use；  with  the  business  of  underlings；  and  with 
the  charges  of  inferior  officers : — with  all  these 
the  ruler  has  nothing  to  do.”  The  duke  said,  UI 
will  walk  over  the  country  and  so  he  went, 
had  the  fisherraeu  drawn  up  in  order,  and  looked 
at  their  operations.  He-pih  gave  out  that  he  was 
ill,  and  did  not  accompany  him.  The  text, 44 The 
duke  reviewed  a display  of  the  fishermen  at 
T'ang/*  intimates  the  impropriety  of  the  affair, 
and  tells  moreover  how  far  off  the  place  was.* 

[The  Chuen  adds  here  a note  about  Tsin 

(晉 ):- 

* Earl  Chwang  of  K4euh-yub,  with  an  army  of 
Ch4ing  and  an  army  of  Hing,  invaded  Yih.  The 
king  sent  his  officers,  the  Heads  of  the  Yin  and 
Woo  families,  to  assist  him.  The  marquis  of 
Yili  fled  to  Suy/] 

Far.  2.  This  burial  was  very  late,  more  tlian 
double  the  regular  5 months  after  the  prince^ 
death ; — owing  to  the  confusion  in  which  tlie 
State  had  been. 

[The  Chuen  adds  here  一 

4 In  the  4th  month,  an  army  of  Chcins：  fell  sud- 
denly on  the  city  Muh  of  Wei,  to  revenge  the  siege 
of  its  eastern  gate  [see  the  Cliuen  on  p.  4 of  last 
year].  An  army  of  Wei,  aided  by  one  of  [the 
southern]  Yen  invaded  Ch4ing  in  return.  The  offi- 
cers oj  Ch'ing, 一 Chae  Tsuh,  Yuen  Fan,  and  8eeh 
Kea,  with  three  bodies  of  meu,  withstood  them 
in  front,  and  made  the  earl*s  two  sons, 一 Man- 
pih  and  Tsze-yuen,  with  another  body,  get 
stealthily  behind  them.  The  raen  of  Yen  were 
afraid  of  the  three  armies  in  their  front,  but  had 
no  anxiety  about  danger  from  the  men  of  Che 
[a  town  of  Cluing  in  tlieir  rear]  ； so  that  in  the 
6th  month,  the  two  princes,  with  the  men  of  Che, 
defeated  the  army  of  Yen  near  tlie  city.  A su- 
perior man  may  say  that  without  preparation  and 
anxiety  an  array  cannot  be  properly  conducted/] 

Part.  3.  Shing  (Rung  has  was  a small 
State,  an  earldom,  held  by  the  descendants  of 
Shuh- woo  (老^  1^),  one  of  king  Wan’s  sons ; — 


in  dis.  of  Wftn-sliang  (汶上 ;，  dep.  Yen-chow. 
八 (:c.  to  Tso-8lie,  during  tlie  troubles  of  Wei, 
Shing  had  made  an  incursion  into  it;  hence  this 
retributive  expedition. 

Par.  4.  is  explained  in  the  Urli-ya  by 

* to  complete；* 一 see  tlie  Shoo,  V.  xiii.  24. 
Full  K4een  ( 5 towards  tlie  end  of  the  Han 

dyn.)  contends  that  * is  the  name  of  tho 
sacrifice  offered  immediately  after  the  comple- 
tion of  the  shrine-house  (負 • J^jj  >f<J] 

which  seems  to  be  the  view 
also  of  Too  Yu.  But  the  sacrifice  was  tho 
sequence  of  the  finishing  of  the  temple;  and  we 
need  not  extend  the  meaning  of  beyond 
that  of  the  erection  of  the  building.  Chung  Tsze 
was  the  mother  of  duke  Hwan,  who  was  now 
heir  to  the  State；  but  she  was  only  the  second 
wife  of  duke  Hwuy.  rl'he  tablet  of  the  1st  and 
proper  wife  had  already  received  its  proper 
place;  and  the  erection  of  a separate  house  for 
that  of  Chung  Tsze  was  a device  to  please  the 
young  prince,  but  not  according  to  rule.  A 
feeling  of  this  seems  to  have  prompted  the  ex- 
liibition  of  six  rows  of  pantomimes,  as  recorded 

in  tlie  last  part  of  the  par.  羽，  ‘feathers,’  U 
here=4  feather-wavers,*  i.  e”  the  pantomimes, 
who  waved  the  feathers  of  pheasants  in  liarmony 
with  the  music  which  was  played.  Of  such 
I>erforiiier6  tlie  kings  used  8 rows,  eacli  consist- 
ing of  8 men,  at  their  sacrifices,  while  the  princes 
of  States  could  only  use  6 rows,  each  of  6 
men.  But  it  had  been  granted  to  the  princes 
of  Loo  to  use  the  kingly  number  in  sacrifice  to 
the  duke  of  Chow,  their  great  ancestor,  and 
they  had  usurped  the  privilege  so  as  to  use  it 
in  sacrificing  to  his  descendants; 一 and  on  the 
occasion  in  the  text  duke  Yin  employed  only  the 
ordinary  number  used  in  sacrificing  to  the  prince 
of  a State.  The  Chuen  says:  — 4 In  the  ninth 
month,  having  completed  the  shrine-palace  for 
Chung  Tsze,  the  pantomimes  were  about  to  be 
exhibited.  The  duke  asked  Chung-chung  about 
their  number,  wlio  replied,  uThe  emperor  uses 
8 rows；  princes  of  States,  6;  great  officers,  4; 
and  scholars,  2.  Now  the  dancing  is  employed 
in  harmony  with  the  instruments  of  music, 
and  the  motion  of  the  8 winds  of  the  year；  the 
number  of  them  therefore  descends  in  gradation 
from  8 rows.”  On  this  the  duke  for  the  1st  time 
exhibited  only  6 feather-wavers,  and  used  6 
rows.* 

Par  5.  The  Chuen  on  this  has 

4 The  people  of  Sung  had  taken  some  fields 
from  Choo ; and  the  people  of  Choo  informed  tho 
earl  of  Ch;ing,  saying,  u If  you  will  now  vent  yoar 
indignation  oil  Sung,  our  poor  town  will  lead 
the  way  for  you.”  An  officer  of  Ch^ng,  aided 
by  a king’s  army,  joined  the  forces  of  Choo, 
and  attacked  Sung,  penetrating  to  the  suburbs 
of  its  capital; — in  revenge  again  for  the  siege 
of  the  eastern  gate  of  Ch‘ing.  They  sent 
off  an  account  of  their  circumstances  from 
Sung  to  Loo；  and  when  the  duke  heard  that  the 
enemy  was  in  the  suburbs  of  its  capital,  he  was 
about  to  proceed  to  the  relief  of  Sang.  Asking 
the  messenger,  however,  how  far  the  enemies  * 


20 


THE  CH4UN  TS*EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


army  had  got,  the  man  replied,  “They  have 
not  yet  reached  our  city.”  The  duke  was  angry, 
and  stopped  his  measures,  dismissing  the  mes- 
senger with  the  words,  uYour  prince  in  his 
message  requested  me  to  have  compassion  on 
the  peril  in  which  his  altars  were,  and  now  you 
tell  me  that  the  enemy  lias  not  reached  your 
city; 一 I dare  not  take  any  notice  of  the  case.”’ 
Par.  6.  This  is  the  record  of  a plague  ； 
— 4 some  evil  caused  by  the  misconduct  of  men 

(災 ，人之 害也)  •*  The  ming  is  described 

as  a grub  that  eats  the  heart  of  the  growing 

grain  ( 蟲 食苗心 曰螺 it  devdopes 

into  the  locust  (旨 |J  虫拿 也 ^).  It  is  named 
from  the  place  of  its  injurious  action,  lying  hid 
in  the  heart  of  the  plant 


Par.  7.  This  Kung-tsze  K{ow  is  the  same  as 
the  Tsang  He-pih  in  the  Chuen  on  p.  1.  K‘ow 
was  his  name,  and  his  designation  was  Tsze- 
tsang  (子*  -p^).  His  grandchildren  would 
first  receive  the  clan- name  of  Tsang,  from  his 
designation  ； and  he  is  so  surnamed  in  the 
Chuen  as  the  ancestor  of  the  Tsang  family. 

He  ({ 喜） is  the  honorary  title  given  after  hi9 
death.  On  this  par.  the  Chuen  says: 一 ‘On  the 
death  of  Tsang  He-pih,  the  duke  said,  uMy 
uncle  was  angry  with  me  \_i.  e.,  for  not  listening 
to  liis  remonstrance] ; but  I dare  not  forget  his 
faithfulness •”  He  caused  liim  to  be  buried  with 
the  honours  of  one  rank  above  what  was  his  due/ 
Par.  8.  Ch^ang-koh  was  a town  of  Ch4ing； — 
its  name  remains  in  the  dis.  of  Cl^ang-koh,  in 
Heu  (g^p)  Chow,  Ho-nan.  This  expedition, 
Tso-she  observes,  was  in  return  for  Ch‘ing’a 
attack  of  Sung  mentioned  in  par.  5. 


k k 


六年春 
鄭 OA 來 

輸 t 

二 f V# 

夏五月 
I 辛乱公 
I 會齊侯 。 
盟于艾 

三章 k O 

秋七月 

四章 4 

冬宋人 
取長 1 


左 傅曰六 年春鄭 人來 渝平 夏成也 
© 翼九宗 五 正頃夂 之 子嘉义 逆晉 侯于隨 ‘納 諸齓晉 
人 II 之鄧 侯。 

&盟于艾始平于齊也 

© 五凡 庚电鄭 伯侵陳 ‘大 riD 往歲 鄭伯請 成于齓 陳侯 
不許 。五父 諫曰 ‘親仁 善亂國 之寶也 君 其許齓 陳侯 曰‘ 
朱 衞實亂 鄭 何能氣 遂不訊 君子曰 ‘善不 可失‘ 惡不可 
鼠其 陳桓公 之謂乎 。長惡 不傻 •從 自及也 雖欲救 之其 
將 能乎。 商書 氐惡之易也如火之燦于原‘不可 » 现其 
猶 可樸陂 周任有 i w ni 爲 國家氣 見惡. 如 農夫之 務去 
草氮 芟夷蕰 崇之絶 其本根 ‘勿 使能殖 ‘則 善者 信免 
狹朱 人取長 1 

© 令京 師來 告齓公 爲之請 耀于宋 _鉱禮 也 
© 鄭伯 如風 始朝 桓王也 '王不 禮氟 周桓 公香 于王曰 • 
我 周之東 慝晉 鄭焉依 善鄭以 勸來暮 猶熘不 阮况不 
禮氮 鄭不 來芜 


Year  VI. 


DUKE  YIN. 


21 


In  [the  dukes]  sixth  year,  in  spring,  an  officer  of  Ch{ing 
came  [to  Loo]  with  overtures  of  peace. 

In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  [the  day]  Sin-yew,  the 
duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e,  when 
they  made  a covenant  at  Gae. 

[It  was]  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

In  winter,  an  army  of  Sung  took  Cl^ang-koh. 


Par.  1.  The  text  here  has  with 

Kung  and  Kuh,  while  Tso-she  reads 
But  both  the  former  commentators  explain 
their  phrase  by  * to  the  ruin  of  peace/ 

Tso-she  explains  liis  by  更成， = ‘whidl 

changed  以 6i_r  re^ahow 沒 〇/*  and  there  was 

peace,*  meaning  4 to  change/  Later 
critics  have  taken  in  the  sense  of  ^j,  *to 
present/  * to  offer  ；*  and  thus  a meaning  is  got 
out  of  the  more  likely  reading,  which  come9  to 
the  same  as  the  view  of  Tso-she.  There  was 
reason  for  the  overture  of  peace  on  tlie  part  of 
Ch4ing.  Before  Yin  succeeded  his  father,  he 
liad  been  taken  prisoner  in  an  expedition  against 
Ch'ing,  and  detained  there.  He  made  his  escape, 
but  might  be  supposed  to  be  ill-affected  towards 
it.  When,  however,  he  rejected  the  application 
from  Sung  the  year  before  for  assistance  against 
Cluing,  that  State  thought  the  time  a favourable 
one  for  initiating  proposals  that  Loo  and  it 
should  be  at  amity. 

[The  Chuen  has  here  another  note  about  the 
affairs  of  Tsin : — 

The  nine  original  clan-branches  of  Yih  [i.  e.y 
Tsin],  with  the  representatives  of  the  five  minis- 
ters of  the  time  of  Yin,  and  Kea-foo,  son  of 
K4ing-foo,  went  to  meet  the  marquis  of  Tsin  in 
Suj  [see  the  Chuen  after  1st  par  of  last  year], 
and  escorted  him  back  to  Goh.  The  people  of 
Tsin  called  him  the  marquis  of  Goh]. 

Par.  2.  Gae  was  a hill  in  Loo ; — in  the  north- 
west of  the  dis.  of  Mung-yin  倉 ), dep. 

Ts;ing-chow.  Loo  and  Ts4e  had  been  at  feud 
before  the  time  at  which  the  Ch4un  Ts4ew  opens. 
This  meeting  and  covenant  were  the  commence- 
ment of  peace  between  them. 

[The  Chuen  here  adds : — 4 In  the  5th  month, 
on  the  day  Kang-shin,  the  earl  of  Ch^ng  made 
a sudden  raid  into  Ch4in,  and  got  great  spoil. 
The  year  before,  the  earl  had  requested  peace 
from  Ch4in,  when  his  proposals  were  rejected. 
Woo-foo  remonstrated  with  the  marquis  of 
Ch^n,  saying,  u Intimacy  with  the  virtuous  and 
friendship  with  its  neighbours  are  the  jewels 
of  a State.  Do  you  grant  Ch‘ing’s  request.” 
The  marquis  replied,  <4My  difficulties  are  with 
Sung  and  Wei;  what  can  Ch‘ing  do?”  And  so 
he  repulsed  Ch'ing. 


*A  superior  man  may  say,  Good  relations 
should  not  be  lost,  and  evil  relations  should 
not  be  prolonged does  not  this  seem  to  be 
illustrated  in  the  case  of  duke  II wan  of  Cli4n? 
When  a man  goes  on  to  prolong  enmity,  the 
consequences  naturally  come  upon  himself;  and 
though  he  may  wish  deliverance  from  them,  lie 
will  not  obtain  it.  The  Shang  Shoo  says,  uThe 
evil  issues  of  enmity  develope  easily,  as  when 
there  is  a fire  blazing  on  a plain.  It  cannot  be 
approached,  and  still  less  can  it  be  beaten  out 
(Shoo,  IV.  vii.  Pt.  i.  12).M  Chow  Jin  [see  Ana. 
XVI.i.6.]  has  said,  uThe  Head  of  a State  or  of  a 
clan  looks  upon  evil  relations  as  a husbandman 
looks  upon  weeds  or  grass,  which  must  be  re- 
moved. He  cuts  down,  kills  them,  collects 
them,  and  heaps  them  up,  extirpating  their 
roots  that  tliey  may  not  be  able  to  grow  ； and 
then  the  good  grain  stretches  itself  out.**  *] 

Par.  3.  There  was  notliing  to  record  in  all 
the  autumn  of  this  year；  but  still  it  was  neces- 
sary, according  to  the  scheme  of  tliese  annals, 
to  indicate  the  season  and  the  1st  month  of  it. 

Par.  4.  See  the  siege  of  this  place  in  the  last 
par.  of  last  year.  Too  Yu  says  that  the  siege 
had  then  been  unsuccessful,  but  that  Sung 
returned  tliis  year,  and  took  the  place  by 
surprise.  He  says  also,  after  Tso-she,  that  the 
capture  was  made  in  autumn,  but  was  only 
communicated  in  winter  to  Loo,  so  that  the 
historiographers  entered  it  under  that  season. 
But  as  Sung  was  held  by  the  representatives  of 
the  House  of  Shang,  its  months  would  be  those 
of  that  dynasty,  and  part  of  its  autumn  would 
be  Chow’s  winter. 

[Tso-she  appends  here  the  following  two 
Chuen  ： — 

*In  winter,  an  announcement  came  from  the 
capital  of  famine  there,  to  meet  which  the  duke 
asked  the  courts  q/*Sung,  Ts4e,  Wei,  and  Ch4ing, 
to  be  allowed  to  purchase  grain  in  their  States. 
This  was  proper.* 

4 The  earl  of  Ch4ng  went  to  Chow,  and  for  the 
first  time  sought  an  audience  of  king  Hwan. 
The  king  did  Dot  receive  him  courteously, 
when  the  duke  Hwan  of  Chow  said  to  him, 
“Our  Chow’s  removal  to  the  east  was  all 
through  the  help  of  Tsin  and  Ch‘ing.  You 
should  treat  Ch;ing  well,  to  encourage  other 
princes  to  come  to  court ; 一 and  still  there  is  fear 
that  they  will  not  come.  Now  when  he  receives 
discourtesy,  Ch‘ing  will  not  come  again.”  ’] 


2 


3 4 


22 


THE  CH^UN  TS^EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  L 


Seventh  year. 


亂戎1 勒秋 P 轉夏 隨_ 歸 七; 

伐天公 侯城侯 于年、 
凡王伐 使中卒 。祀 。春 k 

丘。  王 


羋 f 辄蒙 

楚伯  年 
丘來  來 
以聘。 聘 


月> 

叔 

m 


鄭 © 盟> 父盟 .© 以 冬初朱 w 火齊夏 ，之 赴盟左 
伯 鄭辛必 壬陳歸 。王 戎爲朱 侯城禮 以也 .傅 
許公已 .不申 ，及 使 朝来及 使中經 。名 ，凡曰 . 

凡 于討鄭 夷丘。 告諸七 
伯周 .也 。平, 仲丨書 
來發 七:年 i 不 
聘 .幣 “ I ' 


之, 子及免 、及鄭 
，忽 陳不 鄭平， 

昏 。王盟 .盟盟 。二 聘 .幣 月涞時 
所 .亦矣 。歃月 、還斤 庚聘 。也。 
故知 鄭如陳 戎公 申 .結 
陳 陳頁忘 。五 伐卿 、盟艾 
侯之 佐洩父 之凡 于之 
請蔣 如伯如 手彳自 氣盟 
妻 亂陳曰 ，鄭 ，楚弗 公也. 

之 、也 .瓶 五涖 丘廣 ，伐 


終侯年 . 
稱 _ 表 
嗣盟 ，滕 
也 ，于侯 
以 是卒。 
繼稱不 
好名詹 
息故名 , 
民 •薨未 
額則同 


VII.  1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 


In  his  seventh  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings  third  month, 
the  duke's  third  daughter  went  to  the  harem  of  Ke. 

The  marquis  of  Tlang  died. 

In  suminer,  we  walled  Chung-k^ew. 

The  marquis  of  Ts*e  sent  his  younger  brother  Neen  [to 
Loo]  with  friendly  inquiries. 

In  autumn,  the  duke  invaded  Choo. 

In  winter,  tlie  king  [by]  Heavens  [grace]  sent  the  earl 
of  Fan  to  Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

The  Jung  attacked  the  earl  of  Fan  at  Ts‘oo-k ‘谷 w,  and 
carried  him  back  with  them. 


Ykau  VII. 


DUKE  YIN. 


23 


Par.  1.  Tlie  marriage  of  the  duke*s  eldest 
daugliter  to  the  marquis  of  Ke  is  entered  in  the 
2d  year,  pp.  5,6.  There  the  歸 = * went  to  be 
married  to,'  * went  as  the  wife  ;*  here  the 

has  only  the  significance  which  appears  in  the 
translation.  VVlien  the  daughter  of  a State  was 
married,  the  rule  was  that  she  should  be  accom- 
panied by  a half-sister  and  a cousin  (- * — * 

姪 ).  Then  two  other  States  seut  each  a prin- 
cess to  attend  her  ( 國來滕 )， _ of 

whom  was  similarly  accompanied  by  two  rela- 
tives. Thus  altogether  a prince’s  marriage 
brought  nine  ladies  to  his  harem  — * 

娶九女 )•  In  the  case  in  the  text,  the  girl 
had  been  too  young  to  accompany  her  sister  in  the 
2d  year,  and  had  waited  five  years,  till  she 
reached  the  statutory  age  of  15,  and  could  pro- 
ceed to  Ke.  She  appears  twice  again  in  the 
classic;  and  it  is  contended  that  such  promi- 
nence was  given  to  her,  humble  though  her 
rank,  to  mark  the  sage's  sense  of  her  worthiness. 

Par.  2.  T*ang  was  a small  State: — in  dis.  of 
T^ng,  dept.  Yen-chow,  held  by  tlie  descendants 
of  Shuh-sew  (7^  one  ^00*3  bro- 

thers. Its  chief  is  here  styled  marquis,  but  af- 
terwards he  appears  only  as  viscount,  his  rank 
having  been  reiluced.  According  to  the  gener- 
al practice  of  the  Clrun  Ts4ew,  the  name  as  well 
as  the  title  should  be  given  in  the  notice  of  the 
death.  The  want  of  the  name  here  is  probably 
an  omission  of  the  historiographer；  but  Tso-she 
says  that  it  is  in  rule,  because  duke  Yin  and 
the  marquis  had  never  covenanted  together. 

He  adds,  4 At  covenants  between  the  princes, 
they  were  mentioned  by  name ; and  therefore  on 
the  death  of  one  of  them,  his  name  was  given 
when  the  event  was  communicated  to  other 
Suites.  At  the  same  time  his  successor  was 
also  mentioned. 一 for  the  continuance  of  friend- 
ship, and  the  assurance  of  the  people.  This 
was  one  of  the  standing  regulations  oj  the  king- 
dom* 


Par.  3.  Cliung-k4ew  was  in  dis.  of  Lan-shan 
I 1 1),  dep.  E-chow.  No  doubt  there  was 
6〇me  exigency  requiring  it  to  be  fortified.  Tso- 
she,  however,  says  the  record  is  made,  because 
of  the  unseasonableness  of  the  undertaking,  call- 
ing the  people  off  from  their  field  labours. 

Par.  4.  Tso-she  tells  us  that  this  Neen^  de- 
signation was  E-chung  an(^  ^at 

visit  in  the  text  was  to  cement  the  covenant 


made  the  year  before  (p.  2)  by  Loo  and  Ts;e. 
Tliese  p^ny  or  missions  of  friendly  inquiries 
were  regular  institutions,  by  which  the  princes 
maintained  a good  understanding  with  one  an- 
other;—see  the  Le  Ke,  I.,  Pt.  II.  ii.  12,  諸侯 

使 大夫問 ，於諸 侯曰聘 ■ W 

employment  by  Ts*e  of  the  prince’s  brother, 
instead  of  the  officer  usually  charged  with  such 
a mission， was  a special  honour  done  to  Luo. 
From  the  Chow  Le,  Bk.  XXXVIII..  p.  24,  we 


learn  that  among  States  in  the  same  quarter  of 
the  empire,  there  ought  to  have  been  every  year 

*the  interchange  of  inquiries  (相問 )，• and 
every  two  years  * the  interchange  of  pliny 
(殷 相聘)  Conciliatory  offerings  of  silk 
and  pieces  of  jade  were  made  at  such  times. 

Par.  5.  Acc.  to  the  Chuen,  this  attack  of 
CI100  wa9  a cowarilly  proceeding  on  the  part  of 
Loo；  and  a covenant  of  peace  had  been  mado 
between  the  two  States,  not  long  before; — sco 
the  1st  year,  p.  2. 一 4 This  autumn,  Sung  and 
Ch^njf  made  peace,  and  in  the  7th  month,  oa 
the  day  Kang-shin,  covenanted  at  Suh.  The 
duke  proceeded  to  attack  Choo, 一 so  punishing 
it  to  gratify  Sung/ 

Par.  6.  Thi9  earl  of  Fan  was  a high  minister 
and  noble  at  the  court.  Fan  was  in  the  pre9. 
dis.  of  Hwuy  ()^^),  dep.  Wei-hwuy,  Ilo-nftn. 
Not  only  was  there  an  interchange  of  friendly 
missions  among  the  princes  themselves,  but  also 
between  them  and  the  king.  Indeed,  the  king 
was  supposed  to  send  annually  to  every  one  of 
them  to  inquire  about  liis  welfare  ( --p 

以撫 邦國諸 侯者歳 氣 存; 

Chow  Le,  XXXVIII.  17);  but  as  Ch4ng  E ob- 
serves,  for  the  kin^  to  send  such  a mission  to 
Yin,  who  had  never  sent  one  to  court,  was  deroga- 
tory to  his  dignity  (非 王體) • 

Par.  7.  These  Jung  are  probably  the  samo 
a9  those  mentioned  in  the  2d  year,  pp.  1, 5. 
Ts^o-k^w  was  in  the  east  of  tlie  pres.  dis.  of 
Ts4aou,  dept.  Ts*aou-chow.  The  incident  shows 
how  lawless  the  time  was.  The  Chuen  relates  that, 
some  time  before,  the  Jung  had  presented  thera- 
! selves  at  Chow  in  homage,  and  distributed  pres- 
! ents  among  the  high  ministers,  but  tliat  the 
, earl  of  Fan  had  not  received  them  courteously. 
They  took  advantage  therefore  of  the  opportuni- 
ty presented  by  his  return  from  Loo,  attacked 
him,  and  carried  him  ofF.  according 

to  Kung-yang  means  that  the  Jung  made  the 
earl  prisoner  ; but  Too  Yu  says  that 

they  did  not  seize  him  influenced, 

probably,  by  a remark  of  Kuh-leang  that  tha 
phrase  denotes  something  lighter  than  seizurQ 

And  the  K4ang-he  editors  say 
this  interpretation  is  much  the  better  of  the 
two.  They  are  also  stumbled  at  the  use  of  the 
word  4 attacked  * in  p.  6,  as  too  weighty  for  the 
occasion.  There,  however,  is;  and  I appre- 
hend ^ also  is  only  a gentle  way  of  telling 
that  the  earl  was  captured  and  carried  off. 

[The  Chuen  has  here : — 

1 Ch4in  and  Ch4ing  made  peace.  In  the  12th 
month,  Woo-foo  of  Clrin  went  to  Ch4ing,  and  on 
the  day  Jin-shin  made  a covenant  with  the  earl, 


24 


THE  CH  UN  TS^W,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


and  smeared  his  mouth  with  the  blood  of  the  vic- 
tim, as  if  he  were  forgetting  what  he  was  doing. 
Seeh  Pih  said,  a Woo-foo  will  not  escape  a violent 
death.  27tw  covenant  will  be  of  no  use  to  him.” 
Leang  Tso  of  Ch4ing  went  to  Ch4in,  and  on  the 
day  Sin-sze  made  a covenant  with  the  marquis, 
when  he  also  perceived  the  disorders  which  were 
imminent  in  Ch*in.’ 


4 Hwuh,  son  of  the  earl  of  Ch*ing,  had  lived 
at  the  king’s  [as  a hostage ; see  the  Chuen,  after 
p.3  of  the  3d  year]  ； and  on  this  account  [i.c.,  ac- 
cording to  Too  Ya,  thinking  it  likely  he  would 
be  a favourite  with  the  king]  the  marquis  of 
Ch‘in  proposed  to  give  him  his  daughter  to 
wife.  The  earl  acceded  to  the  proposal,  and 
the  marriage  was  determined  on.*] 


I kB 


八年春 宋公衞 侯 遇于垂 

二章*  0 

三月 鄭伯使 宛來歸 肺 

三 t W 〇 

庚寅 我八勐 

四章 k k 4 o 

夏六月 己亥蔡 侯考殳 卒 

五章  I.  0 

啐亥 宿男卒 

六 g- k I k o 

I 秋七 月庚牛 宋公齊 侯衞侯 盟于龙 II 

七章  I o 

/\ 月葬 蔡宣公 

八章  * V*  〇 

九 月辛卯 公 及莒人 盟于浮 來 

九章 〇 

螟 

十章 k k 〇 

冬十有 二月無 駿卒 


左傅曰 •八年 春一 
齊侯將 ‘平 来衞‘ 
有會期 朱公以 
幣 請于衞 ，請 先 
相見 衞侯 許之 
故遇于 犬丘。 
樹伯請 料泰山 
^ 齓 而祀 M1 各 
以泰山 之敗易 
許队三 凡鄭伯 
使宛 來歸队 不 
祀 泰 U 也 
© 夏虢 在总父 
始作卿 ‘士牙 風 
© 四月 S- M. 鄭 
公子 忽如陳 逆 
婦爲 辛亥) 以 3 
氏 t 甲 {i A 于 


Ykxr  VIII. 


DUKE  YIN. 


25 


族 ，爲 賜衆無 苕君仲 © 公也 .© 于 齊何曰 .鄭 * 
邑謚 、姓 滸。 駭之之 對冬及 八瓦人 以是陳 
亦因 胙衆卒 。明惠 曰, 齊莒 
如 以之仲 羽德池 省侯人 
之 。爲土 》 對父  寡 釋使盟 
公族 ，而曰 屬 君 三來于 

聞 國告浮 


命官 命天識 
以有 之子與 
字世氏 建族。 
爲功 .諸德 ，公 
展則 侯因問 
氏 。有 以生族 
官字 k 以于 


命之 成來。 
矣 .圖 .三以 
敢以國 .成 
不 鳩公紀 
承 其使好 
受民 衆也。 


月星卒 能不喊 
丙 以平育 。爲子 
戌> 釋宋 夫送 
鄭東衞 婦 ，女。 
伯門于 誣允 
以之鄭 > 其配 
齊殺 。秋， 祖而 

人 ill  是# 
朝也 。于  非祖。 
王》 温>  禮铖 
禮 盟 也子 


VIII.  1 In  [the  dukes]  eighth  year,  in  spring,  the  duke  of  Sung 
and  the  marquis  of  Wei  met  at  Chuy. 

2 In  the  third  month,  the  earl  of  Cluing  sent  Yuen  [to  Loo] 

to  give  up  Pang. 

3 On  [the  day]  Kang-yin  we  entered  Pang. 

4 In  summer,  in  the  sixth  month,  on  [the  day]  Ke-hae, 

K‘aou-foo,  marquis  .of  Ts‘ae,  died. 

5 On  [the  day]  Sin-hae,  the  baron  of  Suh  died. 

6 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  [the  day]  Kang- 

woo,  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Ts{e,  and  the 
marquis  of  Wei  made  a covenant  at  Ya-uh. 

7 In  the  eighth  month,  there  was  the  burial  of  duke  Seuen 

of  Ts‘ae. 

8 In  the  ninth  month,  on  [the  day]  Sin-maou,  the  duke  and 

an  officer  of  Keu  made  a covenant  at  Fow-lae. 

9 There  were  the  ?wm^-insects. 

10  In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  Woo-heae  died. 


Par.  1.  On  this  paragraph  Tso-she  says: 一 
• The  marquis  of  Ts*e  wanted  to  bring  about  peace 
between  Sung  and  Wei  on  the  one  hand  and 
CJi^ing  on  the  other,  and  had  fixed  a time  for  a 
meeting  with  the  princes  of  the  two  former  States. 
The  duke  of  Sung,  however,  sent  presents  to 
Wei,  and  begged  that  the  marquis  and  himself 
might  have  a previous  meeting  between  themselves. 
The  marquis  agreed,  and  they  met  accordingly 
at  K‘euen-k ‘谷 w.’  Regulated  by  this  account, 
the  meaning  of  遇 differs  slightly  from  that 
laid  down  on  par.  3 of  the  4th  year.  The  idea, 
however,  of  a * hurried 9 meeting  remains.  The 
meeting  proposed  by  Ts4e  was  held  in  the  7th 
month  ； this  was  a preliminary  meeting  of  Sung 
and  Wei  to  consider  how  they  should  receive 
Ts‘e’s  proposals.  K^uen-k^ew  in  the  Chuen. 
and  Chuy  in  the  text,  are  two  names  of  the 
same  place; 一 Too-yu  says  it  was  in  Wei,  on  the 
north  of  the  dep.  city  of  Ts^ou-chow；  but  see 
on  II.  i.  2. 


Par.  2.  Tso-she  says  here: 一 （The  earl  of 
Chling  intimated  his  wish  to  give  up  the  sacrifice 
at  mount  T;ae,  and  to  sacrifice  to  the  duke  of 
Chow,  and  to  exchange  therefore  Pang  near 
mount  T4ae  for  the  fields  of  Heu.  In  the  3d  month, 
accordingly,  he  sent  Yuen  to  give  up  PSng  to 
Loo,  and  no  more  used  the  mount  T4ae  sacrifice/ 
But  to  understand  this,  an  explanation  is  neces- 
sary, which  is  supplied  by  Too  Yu. — When  king 
Ching  built  the  city  of  Loh,  and  was  meditating 
the  removal  of  his  capital  to  it,  he  granted  to 
the  duke  of  Chow  the  lands  of  Heu  (in  the  south- 
west of  the  present  Heu  Chow,  dep.  K4ae-fung), 
where  the  princes  of  Loo  might  reside  when 
they  visited  Loh  on  state  occasions;  and  subse- 
quently a temple  was  built  there  to  the  duke  of 
Chow.  But  the  first  earl  of  Chking,  as  a brother 
of  king  Seuen,  had  the  town  of  Pang,  near 
mount  T;ae,  where  he  and  his  successors  might 
rest,  when  called  there  on  occasion  of  the 
king’s  eastern  progresses,  and  having  then  to 
assist  at  the  sacrifices  on  or  to  the  mountain. 


VOL.  v. 


4 


2g  THE  CH^UN  TS;EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN.  BOOK  I. 


Owing  to  tlie  decay  of  the  royal  House,  there 
was  now  an  end  of  the  kingly  progresses.  The 
earl  concluded  that  Ch4ing  had  no  farther  oc- 
casion for  P3,ng,  and  therefore  offered  it  to  Loo, 
to  which  it  was  near,  in  exchange  for  Heu,  which 
was  near  to  Chcing,  volunteering  to  maintain 
there  Loo’s  sacrifice  to  the  duke  of  Chow. —If 
all  this  be  correct,  yet  we  know  that  Loo's  part 
of  the  arrangement  did  not  take  effect  for  some 
time  ;-^see  the  1st  year  of  dulie  Hwan,  p.  2. 
Yuen,  of  course,  was  an  officer  of  Ch4ing. 

Par.  8.  Kung  and  Kuh  lay  great  stress  on 
the  mention  of  the  day  here  ;-^but  without 
reason.  The  use  of  7^,  however,  seems  strange, 
as  that  character  should  denote  a hostile  entry. 

[The  Chuen  appends  here: — 

4 In  summer,  Ke-foo,  duke  of  Kwoli,  for  the 
first  time  became  a high  minister  and  noble  at 
the  court  of  Chow.* 

* In  the  4th  month,  on  the  day  Keah-shin, 
Hwuh,  son  of  the  earl  of  Ch4ing,  went  to  Ch‘in， 
and  met  his  Kwei  bride,  On  the  day  Sin-hae, 
he  commenced  his  return  with  her.  On  the  day 
Keah-yin,  they  entered  the-  capital  of  Chlng,  tlie 
officer  Keen  of  Ch4in  acting  as  escort  to  the 
lady.  The  prince  was  first  mated,  and  then 
announced  the  thing  in  the  ancestral  temple. 
The  officer  Keen  said,  u These  are  not  husband 
and  wife； 一 he  is  imposing  on  his  fathers.  The 
proceeding  is  improper.  How  can  they  expect 
to  have  children?”’] 

Par.  5-  Suh;— see  on  p.  5 of  1st  year.  The 
name  of  the  baron  should  follow  the  title,  but  is 
wanting ; — through  an  omission  of  the  historio- 
grapher. 

Par.  6.  The  meeting  here  is  that  spoken  of 
in  the  Chuen  on  par  1,  as  called  by  Ts*e.  Atten- 
tion is  called  to  it  by  critics  as  the  first  meeting 
in  the  Ch^n-Ts^w  when  more  than  two  princes 
came  together  to  consult  and  oovenant  on  the 
affairs  of  the  time.  As  it  was  called  by  the 
marquis  of  Ts4e,  he  should  appear  1st  on  the  list ; 
but,  says  Too  Yu,  he  did  lionour  to  the  duke  of 
Sung,  ceding  the  presidency  of  the  meeting  to 
him.  Tso-she  says  they  first  met  at  Wan,  and 
then  covenanted  together  at  Ya-uh.  A recon- 
ciliation was  effected  between  Sung  and  Wei 
and  Ch4ing,  and  the  siege  of  Chang's  eastern 
gate  was  condoned  Ya-uh  was  in  the  king’s 
domain, 一 20  le  south  of  the  (lis.  city  of  Wei- 

cli‘uen  (消川 )，  dep.  K{ae  fung. 

Par.  7.  [To  this  the  Chuen  appends: 一 

“In  the  8th  month,  on  theday  Ting-seuli, 
the  earl  of  Ch4ing,  through  the  marqui3  of  Ts^, 
appeared  at  court.  This  was  proper/] 

Par.  8.  Fow  (Kung  and  Kuh  read  )Oae 
was  in  Keu; 一 20  le  west  of  the  pres,  city  of  Kcu 
Chow.  In  the  2d  year,  p.  7,  we  have  a meeting 
between  the  count  of  Keu  and  an  offiocT  to  bring 
about  a good  understanding  ljetween  Iveu  and 
Loo.  This  was  the  sequel  of  that, 一 { to  carry 
out  the  good  wishes  of  Ke.’ 

Par.  9.  Sec  on  paragraph  5,  6th  year. 

[Tlie  Chuen  adds  here: 一 * In  winter,  the  mar- 
quis of  Ts{e  sent  a messenger  to  inform  the 
duke  that  he  had  effected  the  pacification  of  the 
three  States  [Sunpr,  Wei,  and  Cluing],  The 
duke  sent  Cliun^-chung  to  reply  to  him,  uTliftt 
you  have  reconciled  the  conjiictimj  schemes  of 
the  threo  States,  and  given  rest  and  settlement 
to  their  people,  is  your  kindness,  O prince.  I 


have  heard  your  message,  and  dare  not  but  ac- 
cept and  acknowledge  your  bright  yirtue.>,  * 

Par.  10.  Woo-heae； _ see  paragraph  3 of  the 
2d  year.  The  Chuen  has  here 4 On  the  death 
of  Woo-heae,  Yu-foo  [the  designation  of  Hwuy, 
IV.,  5]  requested  for  him  an  honorary  title  and 
a clan-name.  The  duke  asked  Chung-chung 
about  the  clan-name,  who  replied,  •‘  When  the 
Son  of  Heaven  [would  ennoble  the  virtuous,  he 
gives  them  surnames  from  their  birth-places  (or 
the  birth-places  of  their  ancestors] ; he  rewards 
them  with  territory,  and  the  name  of  it  becomes 
their  clan-name.  The  princes  again  confer  the 
clan-name  from  the  designation  of  the  grand- 
father, or  from  his  honorary  title  [the  text 
is  here  difficult  to  construe].  Or  when  merit 
has  been  displayed  in  one  office  by  members 
of  the  same  family  for  generations,  the  name  of 
that  office  may  become  the  clan-name,  or  the 
name  of  the  city  held  by  the  family  may  become 
so.”  The  duke  determined  that  Woo^heae's 
clan-name  should  be  Chen,  from  the  designation 
of  liis  grandfather  J^).’ 

Too  Yu  illustrates  what  the  Chuen  says  about 
the  procedure  of  the  king  by  the  case  of  the 
chiefs  of  Ch*in.  They  were  descended  from 
Shun,  who  was  born  near  the  river  Kwei ; hence 
they  got  the  surname  of  Kwei.  When  they 
were  invested  with  Ch4in,  that  became  their 
clan-name,  to  distinguish  them  from  other 
brandies  of  Shun’s  descendants.  He  says  fur- 
ther, that  the  princes  of  States  could  not  confer 
surnames  but  only  clan-names  (^^), 

which  they  did  in  the  way  described. 

But  while  the  theory  of  surnames  and  clan- 
names  in  ancient  Cliina  may  have  been  as  liore 
described,  they  were  often  assumed  and  acknow- 
ledged without  any  conferring  on  the  part  of  the 
king  or  the  princea.  See  Maou  K4e-lingi/i /oc.  He 
says:  一 1 When  a ruler  of  Loo  died,  tlie  event  was 
recorded;  when  the  ruler  of  another  State  died, 
that  also  was  recorded， 、vht»n  the  announcement 
of  it  arrived.  The  deaths  of  great  officers,  scions 
of  the  ruling  family,  were  sometimes  recorded 
and  sometimes  not;  with  the  accompaniment 
of  their  clan-names  or  without ; and  with  the 
mention  of  the  month  and  day  of  the  death 
or  without  it all  this  proceeded  from  the  his- 
toriographers of  Loo,  and  the  Master  simply 
transcribed  tlieir  record  without  making  any 
change  in  it  himself.  We  have  here  the  mention 
of  Woo-heae's  death,  without  liis  clan-name,  just 
as  we  have  similar  records  of  other  officer's  in  IV. 
5.;  IX.  3;  &c. 

4 Now  according  to  the  ordinary  view  of  the 
matter,  the  clan-name  was  only  conferred  on  men 
who  had  been  distinguishwi  for  their  virtue. 
But  an  tliis  principle  few  offloers  mentioned  in 
the  Ch^un  Ts^cw  could  have  received  it,  wherca* 
we  find  it  given  to  many  of  the  worst  cha- 
racters, and  to  be  abhorred  for  their  flagrant 
wickedness.  It  is  impossible  to  suppose  tlmt 
the  clan-names  of  the  officers  of  Loo  were  all 
given  by  the  marquises.  The  general  rule  wa® 
that  the  son  of  a deceased  ruler  was  styled 

or  “ duke’a  son his  8〇n  again,  公孫. 
or  il  duke's  grandson.**  But  in  the  next  descent, 
the  son  took  as  a matter  of  course  the  designa- 
tion of  his  grandfather,  or  his  honorary  title, 
or  the  name  of  his  office,  or  of  his  city,  and 


Yeah  IX. 


DUKE  YIN. 


27 


made  it  his  own  clan-nanie.  One  surname  1 pear  here  that  Woo-heae  had  no  clan-nAirle  till 
branched  out  into  many  clan-names,  and  one  after  his  death; 一 which  is  not  to  be  believed, 
clan-namc  branched  out  again  into  raany  ； His  record  of  events  is  very  much  to  be  relied 

family  naaies  ( 姓 分而爲 氏氏又 

the  style  of  the  classic,  l>e  is  sure  to  be  inistakuil 
^ ® Ts〇-slie  woulJ  make  il  aP-  in  five  or  six  of  them.* 


Ninth  year. 

于冬揪 檀卩膨 大雨三 i 使九; 
命 。公 4 城幸 。論震 凡南年 k 
重見痕 暴 。電 k 癸季 

齊 庚酉 ，來天 

俣 辰 .大聘 。王 

戎覆救 .者 而者. 車忌冬 .© 絶之 .© 夏 ，雨 .書左 
師者則 見不嘗 ■北 公秋 .朱 伐宋城 自始傅 
大 奔靡镬 .整. 寇其戎 會鄭使 。朱 。公郞 。三也 。曰 ， 
奔。 視繼必 貪而侵 侵齊人  宋不書 日庚九 
十聃 筅務而 速軼鄭 .侯以 
一逐 乃進. 無去我 鄭于王 
月 .之 可進親 ，之 .也 。伯防 。命 
甲 衷以而 勝君公 禦謀來 
寅 .戎 逞遇不 爲子之 伐告 
鄭師 •從覆 也三突 患宋伐 
人前之 。必讓 ，覆曰 , 戎也 。宋。 

大後戎 速敖以 使師. 

煅撃人 奔>不 待勇曰 ， 

戎之 ，之 後相之 .而彼 
師 。盡齓 者救. 戎無徒 
殪. 遇不先 輕剛我 


以王 ,不 以屄年 . 
入鄭時 往大春 . 
郛伯也 爲雨王 
之爲 霖 三 
平亦月 , 
地如癸 

RZM, 

爲書大 
夫時雨 
雪8 失鼠 

也 。以 
凡震. 


殺王 
怨左 
公 .卿 

丕士 * 
告以 
命 •主 
公命 
怒 •討 


IX.  1 In  [the  duke's]  ninth  year,  in  spring,  the  king  [by]  Hea- 
ven's [grace]  sent  Nan  Ke  to  Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

2 In  the  third  month,  on  the  day  Kwei-yew,  there  was  great 

rain,  with  thunder  and  lightning.  On  [the  day]  Kang* 
shin  there  was  a great  fall  of  snow. 

3 Heeh  died. 

4 In  summer,  we  walled  Lang. 

5 It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  montli. 

6 In  winter,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts(e 

in  Fang. 


28 


THE  CH4UN  TS4EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


Par.  1.  See  on  p.  6 of  7th  year.  Nan  is  the 
clan-narae,  and  Ke  the  designation  of  the  offi- 
cer, the  king*s  messenger. 

Par.  2.  The  Chuen  says  on  this: 一 1 In  spring, 
in  the  king^  3d  month,  on  the  day  Kwei-yew, 
there  was  great  rain  without  ceasing,  accom- 
panied with  thunder； — this  describes  the  begin- 
ning of  the  storm.  On  the  day  Kang-shin,  there 
was  a great  fall  of  snow  ； 一 this  also  in  the  same 
way  describes  its  unaeasonablenesa.  When  rain 
continues  for  more  than  three  days,  it  is  called  a 
great  rain  (^^).  When  it  lies  a foot  deep  on 
the  ground,  there  has  been  a great  fall  of  snow/ 
The  3d  month  of  Chow^  spring  was  only  the  1st 
month  of  spring,  when  thunder  and  much  snow 
were  certainly  unseasonable  phaenomena. 

Par.  3.  Heeh  (Rung  and  Kuh  have  was 
an  officer  of  Loo,  a scion  of  the  ruling  House, 
belonging,  Tso-she  would  say,  to  a branch  which 
had  not  yet  received  a clan-name. 

Par.  4.  See  the  Chuen  after  p.  2,  1st  year. 
Lang  was  in  the  north-east  of  pres.  dis.  city 
of  Yu-t*ae  The  walling  Lang  at 

this  time,  Tso-she  says,  was  unseasonable. 

Par.  5.  See  on  VI.  3. 

Par.  6.  Fang  (Kung  and  Kuh  have  丙 J5)  was 
in  Loo; — in  dis.  of  Pe,  dep.  E-chow.  As  pre- 
liminary to  the  meeting  here,  the  Chuen  has : 一 
•The  duke  of  Sung  had  not  been  discharging 
his  duty  to  the  king  [by  appearing  at  court], 
and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing,  as  the  king's  minister  of 
the  Left,  assumed  a king’s  order  to  punish 
him,  and  invaded  Sung,  the  duke  of  which, 
resenting  our  duke's  conduct  when  his  suburbs 
were  entered,  [see  Chuen  on  V.  5],  sent  no  in- 
formation of  his  present  difficulties.  Our  duke 


was  angry,  and  broke  off  all  communication 
with  Sung.  Id  autumn,  an  officer  of  Chllng 
came  announcing  the  king’s  command  to  attack 
Sung；  and  in  winter  the  duke  had  a meeting 
with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  in  Fang,  to  arrange  for 
doing  so.’ 

[The  Chuen  appends  here  the  following  narra- 
tive：一 4 The  northern  Jung  [their  seat  was  in 
pres.  dep.  of  Yung-p4ing,  Chih-le]  made  a sudden 
raid  into  Ch4ng.  The  earl  withstood  them, 
but  was  troubled  b}r  the  nature  of  their  troops, 
and  said,  t£  They  are  footmen,  while  we  have 
chariots.  The  fear  is  lest  they  fall  suddenly 
upon  us.”  His  son  Tub  said,  4 Let  a body  of 
bold  men,  but  not  persistent,  feign  an  attack 
upon  the  thieves,  and  then  quickly  draw  off  from 
them  ； and  at  the  same  time  place  three  bodies  in 
ambuscade  to  be  ready  for  them.  The  Jung  are 
light  and  nimble,  but  have  no  order;  they  are 
greedy  and  have  no  love  for  one  another ; when 
they  conquer,  no  one  will  yield  place  to  his 
fellow；  and  when  they  are  defeated,  no  one 
tries  to  save  another.  When  their  front  men 
see  their  success  [in  the  retreat  of  our  skir- 
mishers], they  will  think  of  nothing,  but  to 
push  forward.  When  they  are  thus  advancing, 
and  fall  into  the  ambush,  they  will  be  sure  to 
hurry  away  in  flight.  Those  behind  will  not 
go  to  their  rescue,  so  there  will  be  no  support  to 
them ; and  thus  your  anxiety  may  be  relieved.” 
The  earl  followed  this  plan.  As  soon  as  the 
front  men  of  the  Jung  met  with  those  who  were 
in  ambuscade,  they  fled,  pursued  by  Chuh  Tan. 
Their  detachment  was  surrounded;  and  smitten 
both  in  front  and  in  rear,  till  they  were  all  cut  to 
pieces.  The  rest  of  the  Jung  made  a grand 
flight.  It  was  in  the  12th  month,  on  tjie  day 
Keah-yin  that  the  army  of  Ch*ing  inflicted  this 
great  defeat  on  the  Jung.*] 


Tenth  year. 


郝冬袱 宋啾淬 ^ 六徕 II 鄭十5 
° 十取 人宋未 >月>  ° 翬伯年 k 
月之蔡 人取壬  " 


帥于春 i 
師冲王 

會 


齊 

人八已 >敗 

齊 

人 

1 

人 

伐 鄭龙宋 

公 

鄭 

戴、 

防 。師 

鄭 

會 

人 

鄭 

人 

齊 

八 

伯 

菅。 

伐 

侯 

Year  IX. 


DUKE  YIN. 


29 


冬© 不旣鄭 衞秋忌 正以我 。未 .戌 .六月 .伯左 
齊九和 A 伯人七 蔡之王 君歸公 月> 羽于傅 
人月 .而鄭 ，圍 A 月> 人體 命子于 败戊父 中曰, 
鄭戊 敗而戴 ，鄭. 庚衞也 。討 謂我 。宋申 ，先丘 。十 


人寅 .以 癸蔡寅 >人 
A 鄭 伐亥. 人鄭郞 
邮 。伯 戴克 從師人 
討入 召之之 入不 
違宋 .蔡取 伐郊詹 
王 人三戴 。猶王 

命 蔡師 A 在命。 

也。  人秦 。月 * 部* 

怒> 宋壬朵 
故衞戌 A 


不雛庚 師公會 癸年. 
庭 ，曲辰 .于脅 齊丑篇 . 
不公 鄭菅 。齊 侯盟王 
貪于 師庚侯 鄭于正 
其是 A 午 ，鄭伯 啦月, 
土, 乎防 > 鄭伯 伐爲公 
以可辛 師于朱 。師會 
勞謂已 . A 老 期 。齊 
王正 歸凯桃 。夏 ，侯 
爵 ，矣 ，于 辛壬 五鄭 


X.  1 In  his  tenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings  second  month,  the 
duk£  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  and  the 
earl  of  Ch^ing  in  Chung-k^ew. 

2 In  summer,  Hwuy  led  a force,  and  joined  an  officer  of  Ts(e 

and  an  officer  of  Ch4ing  in  an  invasion  of  Sung. 

3 In  the  sixth  month,  on  [the  day]  Jin-seuh,  the  duke  defeated 

an  array  of  Sung  at  Kwan. 

4 On  the  day  Sin-\ve,  we  took  Kaou;  on  the  day  Sin-sze,  we 

took  Fang. 

5 In  autumn,  an  army  of  Sung  and  an  army  of  Wei  entered 

Ch‘ing. 

6 The  army  of  Sung,  the  array  of  Tscae,  and  the  army  of  Wei 

attacked  Tae.  The  earl  of  Ch(ing  attacked  and  took 
them  [all.] 

7 In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  on  the  day  Jin-woo,  an  army 

of  Ts(e  and  an  army  of  Ch4ing  entered  Shing. 


Par.  1.  Chung-k^ew, — see  VII.  3.  This  meet- 
ing was  a sequel  to  that  in  p.  6 of  last  year. 
The  Chuen  says  on  it : 一 4 In  the  1st  month,  the 
duke  had  a meeting  with  the  princes  of  Ts:e 
and  Ch4ing  in  Chung-k*ew,  and  on  the  day 
Kwei-ch‘ow  they  made  a covenant  in  Tang,  set- 
tling the  time  when  they  should  take  the  field  •’ 
From  this  it  appears  they  made  a covenant  at 
this  time ; and  to  the  question  why  it  is  not  re- 
corded in  the  text,  all  that  Too  Yu  can  say  is 
that  the  duke  only  mentioned  the  meeting  in 
the  report  he  took  back  to  his  ancestral  temple. 
Too  also  observes  that  the  day  Kwei-ch4ow  was 
the  26th  of  the  1st  month,  and  that  second  month 
in  the  text  must  be  an  error.  But  all  through 
this  year,  as  often  in  other  years,  the  months 
and  days  of  the  King  and  Chuen  do  not  accord. 

Par.  2.  The  Chuen  on  this  is : — * In  summer, 
in  the  5th  month,  Yu-foo,  preceding  the  du7cey 
joined  the  marquis  of  Ts‘e  and  the  earl  of  Ch‘ing 
in  invading  Sung.'  Ji  this  be  correct,  then  both 


the  marquis  and  earl  are  simply  styled  yl  f 
‘ man  ’ in  the  text ; — contrary  to  the  general 
usage  of  the  Work,  where  either  denotes  an 
officer,  not  of  very  high  rank,  or  a force  under 
the  command  of  such  an  officer.  Agreeing  with 
the  Chuen,  Too  Yu  says  that  Hwuy  hurried 
away,  ambitious  of  joining  the  two  princes,  and 
Avithout  waiting  for  orders  from  the  duke,  and 
that  therefore  his  name  only  is  mentioned  by 
the  sage.  But  this  is  not  more  reasonable  than 
the  theory  of  Kung  and  Kuh  mentioned  on  p.  5 
of  the  4th  year.  The  text  leads  us  to  suppose 
that  the  princes  of  Loo,  Ts4e,  and  Ch;ing  all 
senp  o 伍 cers  and  troops  against  Sung,  in  antici- 
pation of  their  own  advance. 

Par.  3.  The  Chuen  is: — 4 In  the  6th  month, 
on  the  day  Mow-shin,  the  duke  had  a meeting 
with  the  marquis  of  Ts*e  and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing 
at  Laou-t^ou,  and  on  the  day  Jin-seuh  he  de- 
feated an  army  of  Sung  at  Kwan.*  Too  Yu  from 


30 


THE  CH^UN  TS^FVV,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


this  concludes  that  Ts^e  and  Ch*ing  were  dila- 
tory, and  had  not  united  their  forces  with  Loo, 
when  the  duke  seized  an  advantage  presented 
by  the  army  of  Sung,  unprepared  for  action,  and 
defeated  it.  The  situation  of  Kwan  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  identified.  Too  says  it  was 
in  Sung. 

Par.  4.  The  Chuen  is : 一 4 On  the  day  Kilng- 
woo,  the  army  of  Ch'ing  entered  Kaou,  and  on 
Sin-we  the  earl  gave  it  over  to  us.  On  Kang-shin 
his  army  entered  Fang,  and  on  Sin-sze  lie  gave 
it  also  over  to  us.*  From  the  text  we  should 
infer  that  both  Kaou  and  Fang  were  taken  by 
the  troops  of  Loo.  Tso-she,  however,  goes  on 
to  moralize  over  his  narrative : — 4 The  superior 
man  will  say  that  in  this  matter  duke  Chwang 
of  Ch4ing  may  be  pronounced  a correct  man. 
With  the  king’s  command  he  was  punishing  a 
prince  who  had  forsaken  the  court.  Not  covet- 
ing his  territory  for  himself,  he  re^varded  with 
it  the  higher  nobility  of  Loo : 一 this  was  a fine 
instance  of  correctness.*  Kaou  was  80  le  to  the 
south-east  from  the  pres.  dis.  city  of  Shing-woo 

dep.  Yen-chow.  Fang  was  also  in 
Yen-chow,  west  of  the  dis.  city  of  Kin-heang 

(金鄕 )• 

[The  Chuen  adds  here : — c The  people  of  Tscae, 
of  Wei,  and  of  Shing,  did  not  unite  with  ChHng 
and  the  others  at  the  king^  command. *] 

Par.  5.  This  was  intended  as  a diversion,  to 
compel  Chling  to  withdraw  from  Sung. 

Par.  6.  Tae  was  a small  State,  having  its 

chief  city  in  pres.  dis.  of  K‘aou-shing  (；^  费获 )， 
dep.  Kwei-tili,  Ho-nan.  Its  lords  had  the  sur- 
name of  子，  and  must  have  been  some  branch, 
therefore,  of  the  old  House  of  Sung.  It  would 
appear  that  the  officers  of  Sung  and  Wei,  after 
entering  Ch4ing,  had  been  joined  by  a body  of 


troops  from  Ts*ae,  and  then  turned  aside  to 
attack  Tae.  The  Chuen  says: 一 ‘In  autumn,  in 
the  7th  month,  the  army  of  Ching  entered  its 
own  borders  and  was  still  there,  when  the 
troops  of  Sung  and  Wei  entered  the  State.  These 
were  joined  by  a force  from  Ts^e,  and  proceed- 
ed to  attack  Tae.  In  the  8th  month,  on  the 
day  Jin-seuh,  the  earl  of  Ch4ing  surrounded 
Tae  ； on  Kwei-liae,  he  reduced  it  ； taking  at  the 
same  time  the  three  armies.  After  Sung  and 
Wei  had  entered  Ch4ing,  and  then  taken  occasion 
to  attack  Tae,  they  called  the  forces  of  Tskae 
to  co-operate  with  them.  The  men  of  Ts*ae 
were  angry,  so  that  there  was  discord  among 
themselves,  and  they  were  defeated.*  Kung  and 
Kuh  both  understand  as  many  students  do 
on  a first  look  at  the  text,  as  referring  to  Tae, 
and  seem  to  think  that  Chking  all  at  once  made 
common  cause  with  Sung,  Wei,  and  Ts4ae  and 
with  their  help  took  the  city.  But  this  is  quite 
inconsistent  with  the  relations  of  these  States 
and  Ch4ing.  Hoo  Gan-kwoh  is  of  opinion  that 
Ch‘ing  took  advantage  of  the  open  strife  and 
secret  dissatisfaction  between  Tae,  Sung,  Wei, 
and  Ts4ae,  and  so  took  the  city  and  defeated 
the  forces  of  the  other  three  States.  This  is 
the  view,  followed  in  the  4 History  of  the  Divid- 
ed States,*  in  its  livelj^account  of  the  affair. 
Upon  the  whole,  the  narrative  in  the  Chuen  is 
to  be  preferred,  though  it  would  be  more  easy 

to  understand  取之  if  it  were  spoken  of  the 
capture  of  a city. 

[There  is  a short  Chuen  appended  here,  that 
*in  the  9th  month,  on  the  day  Mow-yin,  the 
earl  of  Ch4ing  again  entered  Sung.*]. 

Par.  7.  Tliis  is  understood  from  the  Chuen 
appended  to  p.  4.  Tso  says  here  that  the  allies 
* entered  Shing*  to  punish  its  disobedience  to 
the  king’s  command’  Shing， 一 see  oa  p.  3 of 
the  5th  year. 


Eleventh  year. 

壬冬 P 伯公 秋汙夏 _ 。滕十 S 
辰, 十八丞 七時公 侯有 
公有許 。齊月 . 來 。會 薜一 
薦 。一 侯壬鄭 侯年 
月 > 鄭午 ，伯 來春 k 


則君不 寡宗主 則之在 EL 羽 可薛我 我朝扇 ，左 
願若敢 人盟測 度氐寡 君父以 庶周先 爭滕傅 
以辱與 若異擇 之山人 屬請後 姓之封 。長 。侯曰 t 
滕貺諸 朝姓之 賓有周 滕于之 。也 t 卜滕 薛薛十 
苕寡任 于爲周 有木蘼 轧薛公 我正侯 侯侯一 
煸人 肩膺後 .之禮 > 工有辱 侯使不 也>曰 .氐 來年. 


Ykau  XI. 


DUKE  YIN. 


31 


齓 薛侯 許之乃 長滕艮 

E, 公會鄭 伯于孤 謀 伐許也 i° 伯將 伐許 ‘五月 ‘甲辰 •授 兵于犬 宮义 孫_與 潁考 叔爭氧 潁考叔 挟轔以 走 •子 
部拔棘 以逐之 及大 1 弗瓦 子都氟 

秋‘ 七凡公 會齊 侯鄭伯 伐訊 庚辰‘ 傅于氣 潁考 叔取 鄭伯 v 旗蝥弧 以先 登‘ 子都 自下射 之 M 锻叔 盈乂以 蝥 
弧&周 麾 而呼曰 •君 登矣 IV 師畢氣 壬午 ‘遂 入許‘許莊公奔齓齊侯以許讓我公氐君謂許不此故從君討之 
許旣伏其罪免雖君有命‘寡人弗敢與齓乃與鄭人。鄭伯使許大夫百览奉許叔以居許東偏 @: ,天禍許 0. 鬼 
神實不 逞于 許乳而 假手于 我寡九 寡人唯 是二一 父兄不 能共億 •其 敢以 許自 爲功乎 •寡 人有弟 >能和 蔽 
而使 糊其口 于四太 其况 能久 有許 乎‘ 吾子其 奉許叔 ' 以撫柔 此民也 吾將 使獲也 佐吾么 若寡 人得 沒于地 . 
天其以 禮悔 禍于託 無苹 兹許公 復奉 其社氍 咋我 鄭國之 有請謁 1. 如舊昏 i 其 能降以 相從也 無 滋他齓 
實倡處 此‘ 與我 鄭國爭 此土也 吾子 孫其覆 亡 之不 暇而况 能禋祁 許乎‘ 寡人 之使吾 子處此 ‘不唯 許國之 氣 
亦聊以 固吾 圉也乃 使公 孫獲處 許西 11. 0, 凡而器用財脫無寘于轧我死乃亟去乙吾先君新邑于1王室 
而旣 卑筅周 之子微 日 失其免 夫託大 岳之 胤也 天而旣 厭周 德筅吾 其能與 許爭乎 。呑 子 ■ 鄭莊必 于是乎 
有禮 I; 經國篆 定社 氍序民 人 利後 嗣者也 許 無刑而 伐之 服而舍 一乙 度德 而處之 •量力 而行之 ‘枏 時而 動， 無 
累後 人‘可 謂知 禮矣。 

鄭伯使 卒出嘏 行出 犬黻以 詛触潁 考叔者 。君 子謂 1 壯公 失政脱 矣政以 治民 刑以 正歡旣 無德氐 又無威 
肌是以 及軋 邪而詛 之將 何益兔 

© 王取亂 瓤 E w 之 田于亂 而與鄭 人蘇忿 生之田 Vi 原 ‘输 樊 啣攢茅 «州 ^: «: 歡君 子是以 知 桓王之 
失鄭也 恕而行 之德 之則也 禮之 經虬 己弗 能轧 而以與 A. 人之不 至‘不 亦宜歌 


32 


THE  CH'UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


也 于而氏 ，子父 故羽 
而蔫 立賂也 > 鼠也 .父 
討氏。 其尹與 反吾請 
縲壬主 。氏 鄭譖將 f 
灸辰 .十而 乂公 接 fe 
有羽 一禱戰 于之先 
死父月 .于于 桓墓將 
者 ，使 公其狐 我使以 
不賊祭 主壤. 而營求 
書弒 鍾鍾止 請菟犬 
葬 i 巫 .巫屬 •弒篆 篆 
不于 … 

成 

喪 _ 

也 , 立爾戈 諸爲焉 。其 
桓 館齓尹 公羽少 


>公 坐 ，馬 ，秘桊 ，辛, 

于齊 遂鄭之 。琶公 
籙 于與人 公將曰 4 
氏> 社尹囚 之老爲 


策。 之侯師 .© 犯不息 © 
雖有 以冬五 度師鄭 
及命 部十不 德 ，大息 
滅告其 月,齓 不敖有 
國 .則 A 鄭而 量而違 
滅書 ，鄭伯 以九還 。言. 
不不也 > 以伐 不君息 
告然 朱虢人 JI 子侯 
I 則不 師其親 ，是伐 
勝否 > 告伐喪 不以鄭 . 
不師命 師徵 知鄭 
告出 故壬也 ，辭 k 息伯 
克 ，减不 戌,不 不之與 
不 3>書 。大亦 察將戰 
書亦 凡败宜 有亡于 
于如 諸宋乎 。罪 覚 k 


XI.  1 In  [the  duke's]  eleventh  year,  in  spring,  the  marquis  of 
T4ang  and  the  marquis  of  Seeh  appeared  at  the  court  [of 
Loo]. 

2 In  summer,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  earl  of  Ch^ng 
at  She-lae. 

8 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  the  day  Jin-woo, 
the  duke,  with  the  marquis  of  Ts^e  and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing, 
entered  Heu. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  eleventh  month,  on  [the  day]  Jin-shin, 
the  duke  died. 


Par.  1.  is  here,  of  course,  a verb;  but  it 
Is  difficult  to  give  an  exact  rendering  of  it. 
Kung-yang  says  that  the  chlaou  was  of  the  same 
nature  as  the  一 1 a friendly  visit/  the  dif- 

ference being  that  the  visitors  in  the  pling  \rere 
officers,  representing  the  princes,  whereas  in  the 
ch‘aou， the  princes  appeared  themselves 

侯 來曰朝 ，大矣 來曰聘 )•  A_d- 

ing  to  the  rules  of  the  Chow  dynasty,  every 
prince  witliin  4 the  five  tenures  * was  required  to 
appear  at  the  king’s  court,  at  least  once， every 
six  years； 一 see  the  Shoo  V. xx.  14,  and  note; 
but  this  statute  was  little  observed  in  tlie  time 
of  the  Ch^n  Ts4ew.  The  princes  were  also 
required  to  appear  at  one  another’s  courts.  Tso- 
she  says,  on  p.  3 of  the  15th  year  of  duke  Wftn, 
that  they  did  so  once  in  6 years; but  acc.  to  the 
Chow  Le,  XXXVIII.  24,  a priuce  visited  his 
brother  princes  at  their  courts  only  once 
( 世相見 )•  Whatever  the  rule  was,  there 
wns  now  no  consistency  in  the  obsorvnnce  of  it. 

Scch  was  a marquisate,  near  to  T^ng,  having 
its  chief  town  40  le  south  of  the  pres.  dis.  city 


which  8till  bears  the  name  of  T;ang.  Its  lords 
were  recognized  as  descended  from  IIwang-tef 
and  had  the  surname  of  Jin  (任 ). 

In  connection  with  this  par.,  the  Chuen  says； 
一 *The  two  princes  contended  which  should 
have  the  precedence.  The  marquis  of  Seeh  said, 
“ My  fief  is  the  older.”  The  marquis  said,  uMy 
ancestor  was  the  chief  minister  of  divination  to 
Chow.  Yours  is  a different  surname  from  that 
of  our  royal  House.  I cannot  go  after  you.'* 
The  duke  sent  a request  by  Yu-foo  to  the 
marquis  of  Seeh,  saying,  “Your  lordship  and 
the  lord  of  T'ftng  have  condescended  to  visit 
me.  There  is  a common  saying  in  Chow,  4 The 
mountain  has  trees,  but  the  workman  measures 
them；  Guests  have  certain  rules,  but  the  host 
selects  them.’  Now  the  House  of  Chow  at  cove- 
nants first  records  the  princes  of  its  own  surnmne, 
and  those  of  different  surnames  come  after.  If  I 
wore  at  the  court  of  Seeh,  I should  not  dare  to 
take  rank  with  tlic  Jin.  If  your  lordship  will 
concleacend  to  confer  kindness  on  mo,  allow  me  to 
mnken  request  in  favourofT*ilnpr  in  this  matter. ** 
The  marquis  of  Scoh  agreed,  and  gave  the  pre- 
cedence to  the  marquis  of  T^ng/ 


Year  XI. 


DUKE  YIN. 


33 


Par.  2.  After  Rung  and  Kuh  have  5J. 

月 ^ 時來  Kung  has  示 K 黎 _t8U 

gimply  來 jj.  She-lae  was  in  Ch*ing,  40  le  to  the 
east  of  tlie  dep.  city  of  K*ae-fung.  The  meeting 
was  preliminary  to  the  invasion  of  Heu,  the 
result  of  which  we  have  in  the  next  par.  The 
Chuen  says : 一 4 The  duke  and  the  carl  of  Ch4ing 
met  at  Lae,  to  make  arrangements  for  the  invasion 
of  Heu.  The  earl  being  about  to  attack  Hcu, 
in  the  5th  month,  on  the  day  Kcah-shin  he  took 
his  weapons  of  war  out  of  the  grand  temple. 
Kung-sun  Oh  and  Ying  K4aou-shuli  contended 
for  a chariot  [a  prize  offered  by  the  earl  to  the 
strongest  of  his  officers].  K‘a()u-shuh  took 
the  curved  end  of  the  chariot  pole  under  his 
Rrm,  and  ran  off  with  it,  while  Tsze-too  [the 
designation  of  Kung-sun  Oh]  seized  his  spear, 
and  pursued  him  as  far  as  the  liighway,  without 
coming  up  with  him.  Tsze-too  was  enraged.* 
See  this  Chuen  and  the  next  told  graphically  in 

the 列國志 ，第 七囘. 

Par.  3.  Heu  was  a small  State,  which  lias 
left  its  name  in  the  pres.  Heu  Chow,  Ho-nan. 
Its  lords  were  barons,  having  the  surname 
Keang  and  being  descended  from  YaouJs 

chief  minister,  the  4 Four  Mountains ' of  the  1st 
Book  of  the  Shoo.  The  State  was  on  the 
south  of  Cli‘ing， and  suffered  much  from  that 
greater  Power,  being  often  reduced  to  the  verge 
of  extinction,  but  manifesting  a wonderful 
tenacity  of  life.  Its  capital  at  tlii9  time  was 

Heu-ch‘ang  (言午 昌 ), 30  le  to  the  east  of  the 
pres.  Chow  city.  The  Chueu  is: — 4 On  tlie  day 
Kilng-shin,  the  three  princes  were  close  to  Heu, 
vhen  Ying  K*aou-shuh  took  tlie  flag  mow-hoo  of 
the  earl  of  Ch'ing,  and  was  the  first  to  mount  the 
wall.  Tsze-too  pierced  him  with  an  arrow  from 
below,  and  he  fell  down  dead.  Hea  Sbuh-ying 
took  up  the  flag,  and  again  mounting  the  wall 
vit'h  it,  he  waved  it  all  abo\it,  and  shouted, 
“Our  lord  lias  mounted.”  All  the  army  of  Ch.ing 
then  forced  their  way  up  ； and  on  the  day  Jin-w〇〇 
the  princes  entered  Heu,  duke  Chwang  of  which 
fled  to  Wei.  The  marquis  of  Xs4e  refused  to  ac- 
cept Heu,  and  wished  the  duke  to  take  it；  but 
the  duke  said,  44  You  said,  my  Lord,  that  the 
baron  of  Heu  did  not  perform  his  duty, 
and  I therefore  followed  you  to  punish  him. 
He  has  paid  the  penalty  of  his  crime；  but, 
as  to  his  State,  I dare  not  take  any  notice  even 
of  your  comraands.’  Heu  therefore  was  given 
to  Ch^ing,  the  earl  of  which  made  Pih-le,  an  of- 
ficer of  Heu,  take  charge  of  a younger  brotlier  of 
the  baron  who  had  fled,  and  reside  with  him  in 
the  eastern  border  of  the  State,  saying,  44  Heav- 
en has  sent  calamity  on  Heu ; — it  must  be  that 
the  Spirits  were  not  pleased  with  its  lord,  and 
made  use  of  me,  unworthy  as  I am.  to  punish 
him.  But  I have  not  been  able  to  secure  the 
repose  of  my  uncles  and  cousins  in  Ch'ing  ； — 
dare  I consider  that  Heu  has  come  to  me  from 
my  merit?  I had  a younger  brother,  whom 
I could  not  retain  in  harmony,  and  whom  I 
caused  to  wander  about  filling  his  mouth  in 
different  States  ； 一 can  I long  enjoy  the  posses- 
sion of  Heu  ? Do  you,  Sir,  maintain  this  youth, 
and  help  him  to  soothe  and  comfort  the  people 
of  Heu；  and  I will  send  my  officer  Hwoli  to  as- 


sist you.  If  I live  out  my  days  in  the  land, 
and  Heaven  then  graciously  repent  of  the 
calamities  inflicted  on  Heu,  shall  not  the  lord  of 
Heu  again  worship  at  his  altars  ? Then  when 
Ch4ing  has  requests  and  messages  to  send  to 
lieu,  lie  will  condescend  to  accede  to  them  as 
intermarriages  that  have  existed  between  our 
States  might  suggest,  and  there  will  be  no 
people  of  other  families  allowed  to  settle  here, 
and  press  upon  CJi*ing,  contending  with  it  for 
the  possession  of  this  territory.  In  that  case  my 
descendants  would  have  all  their  time  occupied 
with  defending  themselves  from  overthrow, 
and  could  in  no  wise  maintain  the  sacrifices 
of  Heu.  When  I appoint  you,  Sir  to  dwell  here, 
I do  so  not  only  for  the  sake  of  the  State  of 
Heu,  but  also  to  strengthen  my  own  borders/* 
Accordingly  the  earl  sent  Kung-sun  Hwoh  to 
reside  in  the  western  border  of  Heu,  charging 
him.  uDo  not  place  your  equipments  and  vari- 
ous wealth  in  Heu,  but  when  I am  dead,  quick- 
ly leave  it.  My  predecessor  was  the  first  to 
establish  his  capital  here  in  Ch^ing.  Even  the 
royal  House  has  become  small,  and  the  descend- 
ants of  Chow  arc  daily  losing  their  patrimonies. 
Now  the  lords  of  Heu  are  the  posterity  of  T*ae- 
yoh  ； and  since  Heaven  is  manifesting  its  dissatis- 
faction with  the  virtue  of  Chow,  am  I able  to 
go  on  contending  with  Heu?**  The  superior 
man  may  say  that  in  this  matter  duke  Chwang 
of  Cluing  behaved  with  propriety.  It  is  pro- 
priety which  governs  States  and  clans,  gives 
settlement  to  the  tutelary  altars,  secures  the 
order  of  the  people,  and  provides  for  the  good  of 
one*s  future  heirs.  Because  Heu  transgressed  the 
law,  the  earl  punished  it,  and  on  its  submission 
he  left  it.  His  arrangement  of  affairs  was 
according  to  his  measurement  of  his  virtue;  his 
action  proceeded  on  the  estimate  of  his  strength ; 
his  movements  were  according  to  the  exigency 
of  the  times:  — so  as  not  to  embarrass  those  who 
should  follow  him.  He  may  be  pronounced  one 
who  knew  propriety.* 

4 The  earl  of  Cluing  made  every  hundred 
soldiers  contribute  a pig,  and  every  five  and 
twenty  contribute  a fowl  and  a clog,  and  over 
their  blood  curse  the  man  who  had  shot  Ying 
K^ou-sbub.  The  superior  man  may  say  here  that 
duke  Chwang  of  Citing  failed  in  liis  methods 
of  government  and  punishment.  Government 
is  seen  in  the  ruling  of  the  people,  and  punish- 
ment in  dealing  riglitly  with  the  bad.  As  he 
showed  neither  the  virtue  of  government,  nor 
the  terrors  of  punishment,  his  officers  became 
depraved.  Of  what  benefit  was  it  simply  to 
curse  the  man  who  had  so  become  depraved? 

[There  are  here  appended  three  other  Chuen : — 

4 From  Ch4ing  the  king  took  Woo,  Lew,  and 
the  fields  of  Wei  and  Yu；  and  he  gave  to  Cluing 
the  fields  which  had  been  granted  to  Soo  Fun- 
s5ng,  containing  the  towns  of  W3.ii,  Yuen,  He, 
Fan,  Seih-shing,  Ts^an-maou,  Heang,  MSng, 
Chow,  Iling,  T4uv,  and  Hwae.  The  superior 
man  from  this  transaction  may  know  that  king 
Hwan  had  lost  Ch*ing.  To  act  towards  another 
on  the  principle  of  reciprocity  is  the  pattern  of 
virtue,  the  standard  rule  of  propriety.  But  when 
the  king  took  what  he  could  not  hold  himself  to 
give  to  another,  was  it  not  to  be  expected  that 
that  other  would  not  come  to  his  court 

4 Ch4ing  and  Seih  had  some  strife  of  words, 
on  which  the  marquis  of  Seih  invaded  Ch4ing. 


VOL  v. 


34 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  I. 


The  earl  fought  with  him  in  the  borders,  when  | 
the  army  of  Seih  received  a great  defeat,  and 
retreated.  The  superior  man  from  this  transac- 
tion may  know  that  Seih  would  soon  perish. 
Its  lord  did  not  consider  the  virtue  of  his 
opponent；  lie  did  not  estimate  his  own  strength ; 
he  did  not  cherish  the  regard  which  he  should 
have  done  to  his  relative  [the  chiefs  of  Chcing 
and  Seih  were  of  the  same  surname] ; he  made 
no  examination  into  the  language  which  was 
causing  the  strife；  he  did  not  try  to  ascertain 
whose  the  wrong  was : 一 but  guilty  in  all  these 
five  points,  he  proceeded  to  attack  the  other 
side.  Was  it  not  right  that  he  should  lose  his 
army?， 

*In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  the  earl  of 
Cluing,  aided  by  an  army  of  Kwoh,  invaded  Sung, 
and  on  the  day  Jin-seuh  inflicted  a great  defeat 
on  its  army,  thus  taking  revenge  for  Sung^  en- 
trance into  Ch4ing  the  year  bejore.  Sung  made  no 
announcement  of  this  to  L〇〇,  and  therefore  it 
was  not  entered  in  the  hiatoriographer^  tablets. 
Whatever  announcements  were  received  from 
other  princes  were  so  entered ; but  where  there 
was  no  announcement,  no  o fficial  record  was  made. 
The  rule  was  also  observed  in  regard  to  the 
good  and  evil,  the  success  and  defeat,  of  all 
military  expeditions.  Though  the  issue  should 
be  the  extinction  of  a State,  if  the  extinguished 
State  did  not  announce  its  ruin,  and  the  victor 
did  not  announce  his  conquest,  the  event  was 
not  written  in  the  tablets/] 

Par.  4.  The  reader  supposes  from  this  para- 
graph that  duke  Yin  died  a natural  death, 
instead  of  being  murdered,  as  was  really  the 
case.  And  numerous  other  instances  will  occur 
throughout  the  classic,  which  make  the  foreign 
student  think  very  doubtfully  of  tlie  merits  of 
Confucius  as  a historian.  The  Chinese  critics, 
however,  can  see  no  flaw  in  the  sage.  It  was 
his  duty,  they  say,  to  conceal  such  a nefarious 
transaction  which  reflected  dishonour  on  his 
native  State.  And  yet,  they  think,  there  are  in- 
timations of  the  real  nature  of  the  event,  in  its 
not  being  stated  where  he  died,  and  in  no  entry 
being  made  of  his  burial ! Of  this  and  analogous 
peculiarities  of  the  Ch4un  Ts'ew  I have  spoken 
in  the  prolegomena. 

The  account  of  Yin*s  death,  as  given  in  the 
Chuen  is: 一 4Yu-foo  asked  leave  to  put  duke 


Hwan  [Yin^  younger  brother  and  successor]  to 
death,  intending  thereon  to  ask  to  be  made 
chief  minister.  The  duke  said,  UI  shall  resign 
in  his  favour; — I have  not  done  so  yet  simply  be- 
cause of  his  youth.  I have  caused  T^o-k^w  to 
be  built,  and  mean  there  to  spend  my  old  age/ 
Yu-foo  was  frightened  at  what  he  had  done, 
and  went  and  slandered  the  duke  to  Hwan,  re- 
questing leave  to  murder  him.  When  he  was 
a young  man,  the  duke  had  fought  with  an 
army  of  Ch4ing  at  Hoo-jang,  and  was  taken 
prisoner.  Ch'ing  kept  him  in  confinement  in 
the  house  of  the  officer  Yin.  He  bribed  this 
Yin,  and  prayed  to  Chung-woo,  the  Spirit  whose 
shrine  Yin  had  set  up  in  his  house.  After  this 
he  and  Yin  returned  together  to  Loo,  and  there 
he  set  up  an  altar  to  Chung-woo.  In  the 
eleventh  month  lie  was  in  the  habit  of  going  to 
sacrifice  to  this  Chung-woo,  fasting  in  the 
enclosure  of  the  altar  to  the  Spirits  of  the 
land,  and  lodging  in  the  house  of  the  officer 
Wei.  On  the  day  Jin-shin,  Yu-foo  employed 
ruffians  to  murder  the  duke  in  the  house  of  the 
officer  Wei.  He  then  raised  duke  Hwan  to  the 
marquisate,  and  punished  several  members  of  the 
Wei  family  witli  death.’] 

Tso-she  adds  that  the  burial  of  duke  Yin  does 
not  appear  in  the  text,  because  the  funeral  rite 丨 
were  not  paid  to  him. 

The  K4ang^he  editors  have  a note  here  on 
the  circumstance  that  only  in  the  first  of  Yin’s 
eleven  years  is  the  * first  month  (正月 )’％ 
corded.  Rung  and  Kuh  see  in  the  omission  an 

intimation  that  Yin  不自正 ， 不有 
TP*,  *did  not  consider  himself,  or  was  not,  tho 
rightful  holder  of  the  State.*  Disclaiming  this 
view,  tlie  editors  seem  to  think  that  the  omlis- 
sion  is  in  condemnation  of  Yin*s  never  having 
returned  any  of  the  king's  friendly  messages, 
and  never  having  gone  himself  to  the  capital, 
thereby  being  the  first  to  set  the  example  of  not 
doing  honour  to  the  ruling  monarch  by  going 
or  sending  to  receive  the  calendar  for  the  year 
from  liim.  This  is  being  wise  above  what  is 
written.  To  seek  for  meanings  in  the  Ch4un 
Ts^w  in  this  way  makes  the  whole  book  a rid- 
dle, which  two  men  will  not  guess  alike. 


BOOK  II.  DUKE  HWAN. 


First  year. 


f f 還 f f f 位。 s: 

栺 

月 。水 。于月 、以公 

春‘ 

公 

越。 丁壁會 

王 

m 

. 

未 1 假鄭 

正 

公許伯 
及田 。于 
鄭 垂。 

月 ， 
公 
卽 

美目孔 © © 出秋流 結及夏 ，爲伯 公周鄭 。公左 
而逆父 宋冬水 大盟舦 鄭四周 以許各 鄭卽傅 
豔。 而之華 鄭爲水 。無 成伯月 公璧之 。卒人 位旧. 
送妻夂 伯大凡 享也, 盟丁紡 假三易 請修元 
之 ，于 督拜水 。平國 。盟 于未， 故許月 J 力復好 年> 
曰 .路 > 見盟 6 原 曰 .越 。公也 。田 ，鄭乩 祀于春 ， 

I.  1 In  his  first  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings  first  month,  the 
duke  succeeded  duke  Yin. 


2 In  the  third  month,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  earl  of 

Ch‘ing  in  Chuy. 

3 The  earl  of  Ch^ng  borrowed  the  fields  of  Heu  for  a peih 


symbol. 

In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  on  [the  day]  Ting-we,  the 
duke  and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing  made  a covenant  in  Yueh. 

In  autumn  there  were  great  floods. 

It  was  winter,  the  tenth  month. 


The  title  of  the  Book.  桓公， ‘Duke 
Hwan.*  See  what  is  said  on  the  title  of  the 
former  book,  where  it  is  related  how  this  Hwan 
was  a younger  brother  of  Yin,  and  would  have 
succeeded  to  the  marquisate  on  their  father's 
death  but  for  his  youth.  It  appears  that  Yin 


had  always  intended  to  resign  the  dignity  in  his 
favour,  when  he  should  have  grown  up.  The 
young  man,  however,  was  impatient,  or  perhaps 
he  was  doubtful  of  his  brothers  intentions ; so 
he  lent  a ready  ear  to  the  slanders  of  their  near 
relative  Kung-tsze  Hwuy,  and  gave  his  sanction 
to  the  murder  of  Yin.  He  thus  became  marquis 


36 


THE  CH4UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


of  Loo  by  a deed  of  atrocious  guilt. 一 Sze-ma 
Ts4 谷 en  gives  his  name  as  Yun  while 

other  authorities  say  that  it  was  Kwei  (S/LY 
The  honorary  title  Hwan  denotes 一 c Extender  of 
cultivation  and  Subjugator  of  the  distant 

土服 遠曰桓 v 

Hwan’s  rule  lasted  18  years,  B.  C.  710 — 693. 
His  1st  year  synchronized  with  the  9th  year 
of  king  Hwan;  the  20th  year  of  He  of  Ts(e;  the 
7th  year  of  Gae  ( J5^)  of  Tsin  ； the  8th  of  Seuen 

of  Wei；  tlie  4th  of  Hwan  (中曰 ) of  Ts‘ae; 
the  33d  of  Chwang  of  Ch4ing;  the  46th  of  Hwan 
of  Ts4aou ; the  34th  of  Hwan  of  Ch‘in  ; the  40th 
of  Woo  of  Ke  (^)；  the  9th  of  Shang  (^)  of 

Sung  ； the  5th  of  Ning  of  Ts*in ; and  the 

30tli  of  Woo  of  Ts4oo. 

Par.  1.  After  what  has  been  said  on  all  the 


phrases  in  this  par.  in  the  notes  on  the  1st  par.  of 
the  former  Book,  it  is  only  necessary  to  deal  here, 
rather  more  at  large,  with  the  characters  . 

They  are  somewhat  difficult  to  translate.  To  say 
* came  to  the  throne,  would  be  inaccurate,  because 
Loo  was  only  one  of  the  feudal  States  of  tlie  king- 
dom; and  4 came  to  the  place*  or  4 to  the  seat/ 


would  be  awkward.  The  reader  will  see  how  I 
have  dealt  with  it.  On  the  death  of  duke  Yin, 
in  the  11th  month  of  the  year  before,  his  brother 
had  immediately  taken  his  place；  still  what  re- 
mained in  that  year  was  counted  to  Yin,  and 
the  first  day  of  the  next,  his  successor  announced 


the  beginning  of  the  new  rule  in  the  ancestral 
temple, 一 ‘changed  the  beginning  (劲 ^ 7Q)，’  as 
it  is  called, 一 and  took  solemn  possession  of  the 
vacant  dignity.  This  is  the  accession  in  the  text； 
but  here  comes  a great  questioning  with  the 
critics.  It  8eea\s  to  be  a rule  in  the  Ch^in  Ts4ew 
tliat  the  phrase  4 came  to  the  place 9 is  not  used 
w here  the  preceding  marquis  has  been  murder- 
ed. So  we  find  it  at  the  accessions  of  Chwang, 
Min,  and  He.  How  is  it  that  we  find  the  phrase 
here,  describing  the  accession  of  Hwan,  charge- 
able with  being  accessory  to  the  murder  of  his 
brother?  The  answer  given  byChoo  He  is  the  only 
sensible  one.  The  paragraph  simply  relates  what 
took  place.  Hwan  omitted  no  ceremony  that 
Bhould  have  been  proper  on  the  occasion.  He 
denied  that  lie  had  been  a party  to  the  murder,  and 
would  have  his  accession  gone  about,  as  if  Yin 
had  died  a natural  death.  No  contrivances  of 
Confucius,  to  construct  his  record  so  as  to 
brand  the  new  marquis,  were  necessary,  llis 
own  conduct  was  tho  strongest  condemnation 


of  him. 

Par.  2.  Chuy, 一 seo  on  I.  viii.  1 ; but  if  Chuy 
belonged  to  Wei,  as  is  stated  there,  Too  Yu 
thinks  it  would  hardly  have  been  the  meeting 
place  of  the  marquis  of  Loo  and  the  earl  of 
Ch'ing.  Kca  Kwei  ( thought  it  was  in 

Loo,  which  seems  more  likely; 一 it  is  easier  to 
suppose  that  the  lords  of  Sung  and  Wei  miglit 
have  met  in  Loo  on  the  occasion  in  I.  viii.  1. 


This  point , however,  need  not  affect  the  identifi- 
cation of  the  place,  for  Loo  and  Wei  were  con- 
terminous on  the  north-west  of  Loo.  Hwan 
would  be  glad  to  get  the  countenance  of  Ch*ing, 
considering  the  circumstances  in  which  he  had 
just  succeeded  to  Loo,  and  it  appears  from  the 
next  par.  that  Clring  had  also  sometliing  to  gain 
by  the  meeting. 

Par.  3.  See  tlie  Chuen  on  I.  viii.  2,  and  Too 
Yu’s  explanation  of  it.  Tso-she  says  】iere: — 
1 The  duke  on  his  accession  would  cultivate  the 
friendship  of  Ch4ing,  and  the  earl  (鄭人 ) 
again  requested  liberty  to  sacrifice  to  the  duke 
of  Chow,  and  to  complete  the  exchange  of  the 
fields  of  Pang.  The  duke  acceded,  find  in  the 
3d  month  the  earl  borrowed  the  fields  of  Heu 
for  a peih-stone ; 一 with  reference  to  the  sacrifice 
to  the  duke  of  Chow,  and  to  Pang.*  It  would 
appear  that  the  exchange  of  the  lands  of  Pang 
and  Heu,  proposed  by  Ch4ng  to  duke  Yin, 
had  not  as  yet  taken  full  effect.  Loo  had 
taken  possession  of  Pang,  but  Heu  had  not 
been  given  over  to  Ch4ing.  Whatever  difficulty 
there  was  in  the  matter  was  now  adjusted. 
Klung  Ying-tah  thinks  that  Heu  was  of  more 
value  than  Pang,  and  that  Loo  required  some- 
thing additional  for  it;  and  Soo  Cli^eh  and  Hoo 
Gan-kwoh  follow  his  view.  Ch‘in  Foo-lCang 

( 陳傅頁  ; of  the  Sung  dynasty)  thinks  that 
the  addition  of  the  peih  and  the  word  1 borrow- 
ing 1 were  simply  to  gloss  over  the  transaction. 
This  is  more  likely.  For  the  two  princes  to  ex- 
change lands  granted  to  their  States  by  an  act 
of  the  royal  House,  without  any  reference  to 
the  reigning  king,  shows  how  his  authority  was 
reduced. 

The  peih  was  one  of  the  five  sceptre9  or  sym- 
bols of  rank  held  by  the  princes  from  the  king. 
Counts  and  barons  received  peih,  differentiated 
by  the  figures  engraved  upon  them.  But  the 
princes  carried  other  peiht  called  琢璧， in 
their  visits  among  themselves;  and  it  was,  no 
doubt,  one  of  these  which  was  given  at  this  time 
to  Loo.  All  the  peih  were  made  round. 

Par.  4.  Yueli  is  the  same  as  Chuy ; and  the 
place  had  tlius  three  names  ； 一 Chuy,  Yueh,  and 
K^uen-k^ew.  This  covenant  wa9  t)ie  sequel  of 
the  meeting  in  p.  2,  4 to  settle  finally  the  ex- 
change of  Pang  and  Heu.*  Tso-slie  says  that 
among  the  words  of  the  covenant  were  these,— 
‘May  he  who  departs  from  this  covenant  not 
enjoy  liis  State !’ 

Par.  5.  Acc.  to  Tso-she,  the  phrase  大水 
4 great  floods/  is  used  when  the  water  is  out  all 
over  the  level  plains. 

Par.  6.  See  on  I.  vi.  3. 

The  Chuen  appends  here: — 

[*In  winter,  the  earl  of  Ch4ng  [came,  or  sent] 
to  render  thanks  for  the  covenant.* 

* Ilwa-foo  Tuh  of  Sung  happened  to  see  tho 
wife  of  K4ung-foo  [Confucius*  ancestor]  on  the 
way.  lie  gazed  at  her  as  slie  approached,  and 
followed  her  witli  his  eyes  when  she  had  pass- 
ed, saving,  <4Iiow  handsome  and  beautiful  I M '] 


Yeah  II. 


DUKE  1IWAN. 


37 


Second  year. 


冬 _於九嚷2 秋授卩 三^ 滕琪二 & 
公 及月侯 七四凡 于大年 > 
至戎 八鄭月 、月  >公 來夫舂 > 
自盟祗 伯相 取會朝 。孔王 
唐 。于 會 侯郜齊 艾 。正 
唐。 T 萊 X: 侯、 

鄭 。朝 。鼎陳 
于侯 
宋鄭 
戊伯 
申‘一 
鈉稷 > 


以 
大成 

廟 i 


月‘ 

戊 

申‘ 

宋 

督 

秀式 


宭 

ifet 

及 


左傅 ni 二年氛 朱督 攻孔反 
殺孔义 而 取其妻 /3* 氟督懼 ‘ 
遂 弒殤先 君子以 督 爲有無 
君 之 $ 而後 動於鼠 故先書 
賴其君 。會 于稷‘ 以成来 亂爲 
賂故立 華氏 t 朱殤 公支十 
年 十一戰 •民 不堪氚 孔父嘉 
爲司馬 ‘督 爲大篆 故 因民之 
不堪氣先宣言曰‘司馬則脫 
已 殺孔文 而 弒殤我 召莊公 
于鄭而 立之以 親亂以 S 大 
鼎賂么 齊陳鄭 皆有賂 ‘故遂 
枏宋先 

*, 四月 ‘取郜 大 鼎于采 戊屯 
納于 穴胤 非禮也 。臧京 伯諫 
ci 君人氮 將昭 德塞違 、以臨 
照百 良 猶懼 或失之 、故昭 < >T>" 
德 〔以示 子孫 。是以 淸 廟茅星 


38 


THE  CH*UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


大 路越席 •犬 羹不致 ‘ 粢食不 _ ‘昭 其儉也 。衮 冕黻珉 帶裳幅 鳥 •衡躭 絃紙昭 其度也 。藤 率鞞輯 ik 厲游歡 昭其 
製也火 籠黼紙 昭 其文也 。五 A 比氱 昭其 A 也 鍚鸞和 氤昭： ^ 聲也三 辰旅旗 °¥ 其明也 •夫 ki. 儉 而有肊 登降 
有齓 文物以 紀、 之 聲明以 發之‘ 以臨 照百官 ‘百官 于是 乎戒權 ‘而不 敢‘ 易紀 律今‘ 滅德立 見 而 真其賂 。器 于太 
胤以明 示百官 ,¥ 官象之 ‘其 又何 ‘誅焉 。國 家之敢 ‘由官 邪也‘ 官之 失德 I1 賂 。章也 ‘都。 鼎在廟 ， 章孰甚 *!. 武王克 
商‘遷 九鼎于 >維 邑‘ 義士猶 或非之 ‘而况 將 昭違亂 之賂器 於尤 廟‘其 若 之 何 。公 不聽。 周內史 聞之曰 ，臧 孫達其 
有後斤 魯乎 ‘君裏 不忘 諫之以 fi0 
狄七 月‘祀 侯來朝 。不敬 ‘相 侯歸 ‘乃 謀伐之 
蔡 侯鄭伯 會于鄭 。始 。懼楚 也。 

九月 A 祀。 討不。 敬也。 。 

公及戎 盟于唐 。修 舊好也 。 。 ‘ . 。 、丨 
冬‘公 至自唐 。告 于廟也 。凡公 行‘ 告于宗 胤反行 飮至 •舍爵 策勳焉 ‘禮也 。特 相會 •往 來稱地 • 譲事也 。自 參以 上則 

往稱地 •來 稱氰 成事也  ‘ 。‘. 

© 视晉 穆侯之 夫人姜 氏‘以 條之殺 生大子 ‘命之 曰仇‘ 其弟以 千 ^ ‘之戰生‘命 ^ 曰成師‘師服曰‘異‘歲君之名。 
子也 夫名以 制暴 義以出 歡 禮以 體束政 以正既 是以 政成 而民聽 I' 則生亂 。嘉 耦日紙 怨、 稱日孤 古 之命也 。 
今 君命大 子曰仉 弟 曰成師 ‘始 兆亂筅 兄其替 乎。 惠之 二十四 年晉始 亂故封 桓叔于 ‘曲氏 靖侯之 ‘孫_ 賓傅 
之師服 nf 吾聞國 家之立 也 ‘本大 而末小 ‘是以 能固‘ 故天 子建— 侯 ，立 家‘卿 、置 侧克 大夫有 蕺 i 示‘ 士有隸 。子 
弟 >庶 人 H 商各 有分 親‘ 皆有等 衰‘是 以民 服事其 上而下 無覬覦 ‘今 晉甸侯 也而建 國‘ 本旣 弱矣‘ 其能 久乎恵 


Year  II. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


39 


曲庭庭 哀侯弟 翼翼. 沃十侯 。晉桓 昭晉之 
沃南 之侯生 鄧人弒 莊五惠 人叔. 侯潘三 
伐鄙 ，队侵 哀侯 , 立 孝伯年 .之 立不 而父十 
鼠啟 陘陘侯 > 鄧其侯 .伐曲 四孝克 .納 弑年， 

II.  1 In  the  [duke's]  second  year,  in  spring,  in  tlie  king's  first 
month,  on  [the  day]  Mow-slnn,  Tub  of  Sung  murdered 
his  ruler  Yu-e,  and  the  great  officer  K4ung-foo. 

2 The  viscount  of  T4ang  appeared  at  the  court  of  Loo. 

3 In  the  third  month,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  mar- 

quis of  Ts{e,  the  marquis  of  Ch4in,  and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing, 
at  Tseih,  to  settle  the  confusion  of  Sung. 

4 In  summer, in  the  fourth  month,  the  duke  brought  the 

tripod  of  Kaou  from  Sung,  and  on  [the  day]  Mow-shin 
deposited  it  in  the  Grand  temple. 

5 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  the  marquis  of  Ke  came 

to  tlie  court  of  Loo. 


6 The  marquis  of  Ts*ae  and  the  earl  of  Cluing  had  a meeting 

at  T‘ang. 

7 In  the  ninth  month  we  entered  Ke. 

8 The  duke  and  the  Jung  made  a covenant  in  T^ng. 

9 In  winter  the  duke  arrived  from  T^ng. 


Par.  1.  The  Chucn  at  the  end  of  last  year 
was  preliminary  to  this  par.  Tso-she  adds 
here: 一 4 In  the  duke's  2d  year,  in  spring,  Tuh 
attacked  the  K4ung  family,  killed  K;ung-foo, 
and  carried  off  his  wife.  The  duke  was  angry, 
and  Tuh,  in  fear,  proceeded  also  to  murder  him. 
The  superior  man  understands  that  Tuh  was 
one  who  liad  no  regard  for  his  ruler  in  his  heart, 
and  that  thence  proceeded  his  wicked  move- 
ments. It  is  on  this  account  that  the  text  men- 


tions first  liis  murder  of  his  ruler,  though  it  was 
second  in  point  of  fact:  See  farther  on  par.  3. 

Hwa-foo  Tuh  was  a grandson  of  duke  Tae 
( of  Sung  (died  B.  C.  765).  See  about 
Kung-foo  Kea  in  the  proleg.  to  vol.  I.,  p.  57. 


The  written  sometimes  甫，  is  a respect- 


ful adjunct  sometimes  of  the  clan-name,  and 
sometimes  of  the  designation. 

Par.  2.  See  on  I.  xi.  1.  The  only  thing  to  be 
noticed  here  is  the  descent  of  the  title  from  4mar- 


quis’  to  ‘viscount,’  which  has  given  rise  to  an 
immense  amount  of  speculation  and  writing. 
Hoo  Gan-kwoh^  view  may  be  mentioned, — that 
Confucius  here  degrades  the  marquis  to  corklemn 
him  for  visiting  a villain  like  the  duke  of  Loo! 
The  only  satisfactory  account  of  the  difference 
of  the  titles  is  that  given  by  Too  Yu,  that,  for 
pome  reason  or  other,  the  lord  of  T4ang  had  been 
degraded  in  rank  by  king  Hwan. 一 The  visit  was, 
no  doubt,  to  congratulate  duke  Hwan  on  his 
succession.  According  to  the  rule  in  the  Chow  Le 
(see  on  I.xi.l),  all  the  other  princes  in  this  part  of 
the  kingdom  should  in  the  same  way  have  come 
to  Loo. 

Par.  3.  Tseih  was  in  Sung; — somewhere  in 
the  pres.  dep.  of  K*ae-fung.  Tso-she  says  that 


I though  the  meeting  i9  cautiously  said  in  the 
text  to  have  been  4 to  settle  the  confusion  of 
Sung,*  it  was  really  brought  about  by  bribes 
(see  on  next  par.),  to  maintain  the  power  of  the 
Hwa  family.  He  adds : 一 4 During  the  10  years 
of  duke  Shang's  rule  in  Sung,  he  had  fought  11 
battles,  so  that  the  people  were  not  able  to  en- 
dure Me  cows/awf  summonses  to  the  field.  K4ung- 
foo  Kea  was  the  minister  of  War,  and  Tuh  was 
the  premier  of  the  State.  Taking  advantage  of 
the  dissatisfaction  of  the  people,  Tuh  first  set 
on  foot  a report  that  the  constant  fighting  was 
owing  to  the  minister  of  War,  and  then,  after 
killing  K'ung-foo,  he  murdered  duke  Shang. 
Immediately  aftery  he  called  duke  CJiwang  (the 
Kung-tsze  Ping;  see  the  Chuen  on  I. iii. 5)  from 
Cli‘ing,  and  raised  him  to  the  dukedom； — in 
order  to  please  Ch'ing,  bribing  also  the  duke  of 
Loo  with  the  great  tripod  of  Kaou.  Ts‘e,  Ch‘in, 
and  Ch4ing  all  received  bribes,  and  so  Tuh  acted 
as  chief  minister  to  the  duke  of  Sung.* 

Par.  4.  We  have  met  with  a city  of  Kaou 
already  in  Sung  ； — see  I.  x.  4.  If  Kaou  mention- 
ed here  were  not  tlie  same,  it  is  yet  placed  by 
Too  in  the  same  dis.,  that  of  Sbing-woo  in  Yen- 
chow  dep.  Perhaps  there  had  been  a small 
State  of  this  name,  which  had  been  absorbed  by 
Sung.  The  tripod  in  the  text  had  belonged  to 
it,  either  made  in  Kaou,  or  more  probably  pre- 
sented to  it  by  king  Woo,  when  he  distributed 
among  the  princes  many  of  the  spoils  of  Shang. 
It  was  now  held  by  Sung,  and  as  a valuable 
curio  was  given  at  this  time  by  Hwa  Tuh  as  a 
bribe  to  Loo.  I have  translated  by 4 brought,* 
without  seeking  to  find  any  mysterious  implica- 
tion in  it3  employment, 一 that  the  ‘marquis  of 
Loo  was  taking  from  Sung  what  Sung  had  no 


40 


TIIE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


right  to  give,  and  he  had  no  right  to  receive.* 
The  4 grand  temple 1 was  that  of  tlie  duke  of 
Chow. 

There  is  here  a long  Cliuen: 一 4 This  act  of 
the  duke  was  not  proper,  and  Tsang  Gae-pih 
[son  of  Tsang  He-pih,  famous  for  his  remon- 
strance addressed  to  duke  Yin; — see  I.  v,  1]  re- 
monstrated with  him,  saying,  il  He  who  is  a 
ruler  of  men  makes  it  his  object  to  illustrate 
/ns  virtue,  and  to  repress  in  others  what  is  wrong, 
that  he  may  shed  an  enlightening  influence  on 
his  officers.  He  is  still  afraid  lest  in  any  way 
he  sli ould  faiUo  accom^/?s/i  things；  and  more- 
over he  seeks  to  display  excellent  virtue  for  the 
benefit  of  his  posterity.  Thus  it  is  that  his 
ancestral  temple  has  a roof  of  thatch  ； the  mats 
in  his  grand  chariot  are  only  of  grass;  the 
grand  soup.s  [grand,  as  used  in  sacrifice]  are 
without  condiments；  the  millets  are  not  finely 
cleaned : — all  these  are  illustrations  of  his 
thrift.  His  robe,  cap,  knee-covers,  and  mace;  his 
girdle,  lower  robe,  buskins,  and  shoes ; the  cross- 
piece of  his  cap,  its  stopper  pendants,  its  fastening 
strings,  and  its  crown  ； 一 all  these  illustrate 
his  observance  of  the  statutory  measures.  His 
gem -mats,  and  his  scabbard,  with  its  orna- 
ments above  and  below；  his  belt,  with  its 
descending  ends : the  streamers  of  his  flags  and 
the  ornaments  at  his  horses  ’ breasts  : 一 these 
illustrate  his  attention  to  the  regular  degrees  of 
rank.  The  flames,  the  dragons,  the  axes,  and  the 
symbol  of  distinction  represented  on  his  robes： 一 
these  illustrate  the  elegance  of  his  taste.  The 
five  colours  laid  on  in  accordance  with  the  ap- 
pearances of  nature ; — these  illustrate  with  what 
propriety  his  articles  are  made.  The  bells 
on  his  horses7  foreheads  and  bits,  and  those  on 
liis  carriage  pole  and  on  his  flags: — these  il- 
lustrate liis  knowledge  of  sounds.  The  sun, 
moon  and  stars  represented  on  his  flags : — these 
illustrate  the  brightness  of  liis  intelligence. 

u Now  when  thus  virtuously  thrifty  and  ob- 
servant of  the  statutes,  attentive  to  the  degrees 
of  high  and  low；  his  character  stamped  on  liis 
elegant  robes  and  his  carriage;  sounded  forth 
also  and  brightly  displayed: 一 when  thus  he 
presents  himself  for  the  enlightenment  of  liis 
officers,  they  are  struck  with  awe,  and  do  not 
dare  to  depart  from  the  rules  and  laws.  But 
now* you  are  extinguishing  your  virtue,  and 
have  given  your  support  to  a man  altogether  bad. 
You  have  placed  moreover  tlie  bribe  received 
from  him  in  the  grand  temple,  to  exhibit  it  to 
your  officers.  If  your  officers  copy  your  example, 
on  what  ground  can  you  punish  them?  The 
ruin  of  States  and  clans  takes  its  rise  from 
th〇  corruption  of  the  officers.  Officers  lose 
their  virtue,  when  the  fondness  for  bribes  on  the 
part  of  their  ruler  is  displayed  to  them ; and  here 
is  tlie  tripod  of  Kaou  in  your  temple,  8(>  that  this 
could  not  be  more  plainly  displayed!  When  king 
Woo  had  subdued  bhang,  he  removed  the  nine 
tripods  to  the  city  of  Loh,  and  the  righteous 
Pik-e  and  others,  it  would  appear,  condemned 
him  for  it ; but  what  can  be  said  when  this  bribe 
is  seen  in  the  ^rand  temple, 一 tliis  bribe  of  wick- 
edness and  disorder  ?,J  The  duke  did  not  listen 
to  the  remonstrance,  but  when  Chow's  historio- 
grapher of  the  Interior  heard  of  it,  lie  said, 
44 T«ang-sun  Tali  slmll  have  i)〇8terity  in  Loo! 
Ilia  prince  was  doin^  wroncr,  and  he  neglected 
not  to  administer  to  him  virtuous  reproof.9' f 


Parr.  5,7.  See  I.  iv.  1 ； and  p.  2.  Tso-she  says 
that  the  marquis  of  Ke  behaved  at  this  time 
disrespectfully,  and  that  it  was  to  punish  liira 
for  this  that  the  expedition  in  p.  7 was  under- 
taken. Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang,  however, 

re  以紀  instead  〇f 祀 in  p.  5. 

Par.  6.  There  was  a small  State  called  T*ang, 
a long  way  off  to  the  west  near  the  river  Han  ； 
but  the  T^nghere  was  a city  of  Ts^ae^S/e  south- 
east from  the  pres.  dis.  city  of  Yen-shing  (|^|J 

月定)， dep.  K‘ae-fung.  Acc.  to  Tso-she,  the  lords 
of  Tscae  and  Ch£ing  met  here,  in  fear  for  the 
first  time  of  the  encroachments  and  growing 
power  of  Ts ‘〇〇. 

Parr.  8,9.  See  I.  ii.  1,4.  The  duke  and  the 
J ung  met  now,  says  Tso-she,  to  renew  tlie  good 
relations  between  the  Jung  and  Loo.  The  至 
in  p.  9,  intimates  that  the  duke  on  his  return  to 
Loo  gave  notice  of  his  arrival  in  his  ancestral 
temple.  Tso-she  says: 一 1 On  setting  out  on  any 
expedition,  the  duke  announced  the  movement 
in  the  ancestral  temple.  On  his  return,  he 
drank  in  celebration  of  that  in  the 

temple ; and  when  he  put  down  the  cup,  he  had 
the  transaction  entered  in  the  tablets ; — this  waa 
the  rule.  When  only  two  parties  were  concern- 
ed at  a meeting  [as  in  these  parr.],  the  place  of  it 
is  mentioned  both  in  the  account  of  the  setting 
out  and  of  the  return,  as  if  to  signify  how  each 
had  declined  to  take  the  presidency.  When 
three  or  more  parties  were  concerned,  then  the 
place  is  mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  going, 
and  on  the  return  it  is  said,  u The  duke  came 
from  the  meeting, **  intimating  that  there  was  a 
president^  and  the  business  was  completed.* 

[Tso-she  has  here  a narrative  about  the  af- 
fairs of  Tsin： 一 u Years  back,  the  wife  of  Mull, 
marquis  of  Tsin  (B.  C.  811 — 784),  a lady  Keang, 
gave  birth  to  her  eldest  son,  at  the  time  of  the 
expedition  against  Tleaou,  and  on  that  account 
there  was  given  him  the  name  of  K4cw  (仇 =■ 
“enemy，”).  His  brother  was  born  at  the  timo 
of  the  battle  of  Ts4een-inow,  and  he  «：ot  with  re- 
ference to  it  the  name  of  Cliing-sze  (成師 = 

4 grand  success  ^).  Sze-fuh  said,  u How  strange 
the  names  our  lord  lias  ^iven  to  his  sons!  Now 
naines  should  be  definitions  of  what  is  ri«;ht;  the 
doing  of  what  is  right  produces  rules  of  wliat  ia 
proper  ； those  rules  again  are  embodied  in  the 
practice  of  government ; and  government  has 
its  issues  in  tlie  rectification  of  the  po〇])le. 
rI1ierefore  when  government  is  completed  in  t!iia 
way,  the  people  are  obedient  ； when  tliis  course 
is  changed,  it  produces  disorder.  A good  part- 
ner is  called  Fei  =<  consort  *);  a grumbling 
partner  is  called  K*ew  = * enemy  *): 一 these 
arc  ancient  designations.  Now  our  lord  ha« 
called  his  eldest  son  Enemy,  and  his  second  soa 
Grand  Success; 一 this  is  an  early  onu*!!  of  dis- 
order, as  if  tlio  elder  brother  would  be  supersod- 
〇(l.n  In  tlie  24th  year  of  duke  Hwuy  of  />〇〇 
(H.  C.  744),  Tsin  began  to  be  in  confusion,  a?ui 
tlie  mnrquivS  Ch*iiou  fson  of  K'cw  above]  ap- 
])〇intcd  Ilwan  Sliuh  [Ins  undo,  tho  above  rhiii^- 
87a*]  to  Kkcuh-yn)i,  with  Lwan  Pin,  jfrandfton  of 
the  luarquis  Tsing,  ns  his  minister.  Szv-fuh  snid, 


ybar  m. 


DUKE  HWAN. 


41 


•4 1 have  heard  that  in  the  setting  up  of  States 
and  clans,  in  order  to  the  security  of  the  parent 
State,  while  its  root  is  lftrge,  the  branches  must 
be  small.  Therefore  tlie  son  of  Heaven  estab- 
lishes States  ； princes  of  States  establish  clans. 
Heads  of  clans  establish  collateral  families； 
great  officers  have  their  secondary  branches  ； 
o 伍 cers  have  their  sons  and  younger  brothers  as 
their  servants;  and  the  common  people,  me- 
chanics and  traders,  have  their  different  relatives 
of  various  degrees.  In  this  way  the  people  serve 
their  superiors,  and  inferiors  cherish  no  ambi- 
tious designs.  Now  Tsin  is  a marquisate  in  the 


Teen  (^jJ)  domain;  and,  establishing  tliis  State, 
can  it  continue  long,  its  root  so  weak  ? In  the 
30th  year  of  duke  Hwuy,  Fan-foo  killed  tho 
marquis  Ch*aou,  and  endeavoured  without  suc- 
cess to  establish  Hwan-shuh  in  Tslin.  The  peo- 
ple of  Tsin  appointed  the  marquis  Heaou.  In 
the  45th  year  of  duke  Hwuy,  Chwang,  earl  of 
K4euh-yuh,  attacked  Yih,  and  murdered  tlie 
marquis  Heaou.  The  people  of  Tsin  set  up  his 
younger  brother,  the  marquis  Goh.  Goh  begat 
the  marquis  Gae.  Gae  overran  the  lands  of  II ing- 
oing, which  were  on  his  southern  border,  and  so 
opened  the  way  for  K4euh-yuh  to  attack  Yih.'] 


Third  year. 


有 S 冬纟夫 S 办九 S 公 I 辦六 ill 三 5 
年 。齊人 會凡子 七瓦齊 年> 
俣姜齊 齊翬月 、公侯 舂> 
後氏侯 侯如壬 會衞正 
其至于 送齊屁 杞侯凡 
弟直議 。姜逆 朔> 侯胥公 
年氣 氏女。 6 手命畫 

肴鄕。 T 齊 


來 

聘 


食 

之> 

旣。 


蒲 。寧 


多 ©冬 自送 卿卿也 。好 , 秋及戛 •會獲 右屬届 
寵芮齊 送1之 送送凡 故必會 齊于之 逐次左 
人 伯仲於 於之之 公日子 祀侯臝 。及 翼于傅 
也 , 萬年小 天於以 女公翬 侯衞成 麋侯陘 a 
故之來 國子大 禮嫁子 。如 于侯昏 共于庭 三 
逐毋聘 。則則 國於于 齊齊卿 。胥于 叔册韓 年> 
之 芮致上 諸雖先 敵侯逆 祀命齊 隰渴春 > 
出姜 k 夫大 卿公君 ，國 ，送太 求于也 k 驂御曲 
居 惡人夫 皆子公 姊姜脩 成蒲。  鞞戎及 

于芮也 。送行 k 亦 子妹氏 。先也 。不  而梁武 

魏 。伯 之 公上則 則非君 盟 Ifc. 弘公 

之 不卿下 上禮之 也。  夜覉伐 


VOL.  V. 


6 


42 


THE  C11UX  TS  EW,  WITH  TI1E  TSO  CIIUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


III.  1 In  his  third  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month,  the  duke 
had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Tsle  in  Ying. 

2 In  summer,  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  and  the  marquis  of  Wei 

pledged  each  other  at  P(oo. 

3 In  the  sixth  month,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the 

marquis  of  Ive  in  Sliintr. 

4 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  [the  day]  Jin-shin, 

the  first  day  of  the  moon,  the  sun  was  totally  eclipsed. 

5 Duke  [Heaon’s]  son,  Hwuy,  went  to  Ts4e,  to  meet  the 

[duke!s]  bride. 

6 In  the  ninth  month,  the  marquis  of  Ts{e  escorted  his 

daughter  to  Hwan. 

7 The  duke  and  the  marquis  of  Tsce  bad  a meeting  in  Hwan. 

8 The  [duke's]  wife,  the  lady  Keang,  arrived  from  Ts£e. 

9 In  winter,  the  marquis  of  Ts^,  sent  his  younger  brother 

Neen  with  friendly  inquiries. 

10  There  was  a good  year. 


[Tso-she  here  continues  his  narrative  of  events 
in  Tsin： — 4 In  the  3d  year,  in  spring,  duke  Woo 
of  K'euh-yuh  [son  of  earl  Cliwang],  proceeded 
against  Yih,  and  halted  in  Hing-t^ng.  [His 
uncle],  Han  Wan  drove  his  ohariot.  liaving  on 
his  right  Liiang  Hwang.  They  pursued  the 
marquis  of  Yih  [?.e^  Tsin]  to  the  banks  of  the 
Fun,  when  the  trace  of  one  of  his  outside  horses 
got  entangled  about  the  yoke,  and  the  carriage 
stopped.  They  caught  hiiii  in  the  niglit,  and  | 
Kung-shuh  of  Lwan  with  liim/] 

Par.  1.  The  absence  of  王，  4 king's,*  after  I 

and  before  正月，  has  given  rise  to  end-  j 
less  speculation  aiul  conjecture,  espeoiiilly  ns 
the  character  is  wanting  in  most  of  the  years  of 
Ilwan.  Too  Yu  thinks  that  the  king  luul  not 
sent  round  the  calendar  to  tlie  princes  on  those 
years.  Ivuh-leang  thinks  the  omission  is  to  | 
mark  the  sage*s  c.Qiulemnation  of  duke  llwan*s 
character.  Hut  then  it  should  have  l)een  omit-  1 
ted  every  year,— ^especially  in  the  1st.  Even  | 
Too\s  explanation  cannot  be  julmitted  in  nil  tlie  ! 
omissions  of  the  term  throughout  tlie  classic,  i 
We  oan  only  accept  the  omission  without  trying 
to  account  for  it.  Ying  belonged  to  Ts4e,-^50 
h to  the  south-east  of  tlie  pres.  dep.  city  of  Tre- 
pan. The  object  of  the  meeting  liere  was  to 
settle  a rnarriago  between  the  duke  and  a prin- 
cess of  Ts4e.  The  K*anj;-he  editors  say  here 

that  as  會 intimates  that  the  mover  to  the 
meeting  was  not  I400  but  the  outside  party,  and 
we  must  suppose  here  tliat  the  mover  was  really 
tlie  marquis  of  Loo,  wishing  to  strengthen  him- 
self in  his  ill-acquired  dignity  by  an  alliance 
witli  a powerful  House,  the  term  is  used  to  mark 
Confucius*  condemnation  of  r4Ve.  But  the  tiling 
itself  was  the  oond^innation  of  T8*e,  and  we  need 
not  look  for  it  in  the  simple  term. 

Par.  2.  P ‘00  was  in  Wei, — in  tho  pres.  dis. 
of  Ch‘ang-yuen  (長 女百) dis”  (lqn  Ta-n\ing, 

Chili-le. 命"*® •相  ‘clmrgcfl  each 

other;’  i.e；  the  subject  about  whioh  the  two 


princes  liad  inet  was  put  in  writing,  and  read 
out  in  the  hearing  of  them  both；  but  they  sepa- 
rated, simply  pledged  to  each  other  in  a certain 
line  of  conduct,  without  having  gone  through 
the  formalities  of  making  a convenant. 

Par.  3.  Tso  and  Ivuh  both  have  here  祀, 
wliile  Kung-yang  reads  The  K‘ang.lie 

editors  tliink  Ivung^  reading  is  right.  Both 
Ke  (系已 ） and  Sliing,  they  say,  were  afraid  of 
Ts4e,  and  were  cultivating  the  friendsliip  of 
Loo  as  a counterpoise  to  the  other  powerful 
State.  Sliing, — see  I.v.  8. 

Par,  4.  See  on  I.iii.l,  旣 = 盡，‘ 

'Flicre  was  a total  eclipse  in  this  year,  on  the  day 
Jin-shin;  but  the  montli,  acc.  to  Mr.  Chalmers' 
table,  should  he  the  8th,  and  not  the  7th.  See 
prolong,  to  tlie  Shoo,  p.  103, 

Par.  5 一 8.  See  on  I.ii.5.  The  ancient  practice 
of  the  princes  goin|(  themselves  to  meet  their 
l)ritlos  had  Ions：  fallen  into  disuse,  though  it 
miglit  sometimes  be  observed,  especially  by  tho 
lord  of  a small  State  intermarrying  with  a 
larger.  IIwu}*  (I.  iv.5;  x.2)  appears  here  with 
liis  full  title  of  ‘ （iuke’s  son，， 一 acc.  to  Tso-slie  out 
of  respect  to  his  father,  a former  marquis  of 
Loo.  and  av]»〇,  it  might  be  presumed,  was  pleased 
with  the  match;  but  the  reader  nee<l  not  weary 
himself  in  trying  to  account  for  the  difTereme 
of  style  in  this  matter  between  this  and  former 
paragraphs. 

Hwan  was  in  Loo, — in  pres.  dis.  of  Fei-shing 
(肥城 ) dep.  Ts^-nnn.  It  was  contrary  to 
the  repulnr  rule  for  the  marquis  himself  to 
escort  liis  daughtor；  but  probably  he  had  somo 
businoss  of  another  kind  to  discuss  with  the 
marquis  cif  Loo.  Tso-she  says: 一 * It  was  con- 
trary to  the  rule  for  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  to 
escort  his  djiu^htcr.  In  all  cases  of  the  mar- 
riages of  the  daughters  of  princes： 一 if  the  intor- 
marrin^e  were*  with  a State  of  equal  dignity  nmi 
])〇w〇r,  and  the  Indies  were  sisters  of  the  ruling 
prince,  a minister  of  the  highest  rank  cscortini 


Ykab  IV. 


DUKE  UWAN. 


43 


them,  out  of  respect  to  their  father,  tla*  former 
lord  of  the  State；  but  if  they  were  daughters  of 

the  ruling  prince,  only  a minister  of  lower 

rank  escorted  then)  ； if  the  intermarriage  were 
with  a greater  State,  even  in  the  case  of  a daugh- 
ter of  the  ruling  prince,  a minister  of  the  liighest 
rank  escorted  her  ； if  the  intermarriage  wore  with 
the  son  of  Heaven,  all  the  ministers  of  the  State 

went,  only  the  ruler  himself  did  not  go;  and 

if  it  were  with  a smaller  State,  then  the  escort 
was  only  a great  officer  of  the  1st  class.*  Observe 

the  bride  is  here  called  * lady  Keang,* 

as  being  still  in  Ts*e  and  with  her  father. 

The  duke  may  be  said  to  have  observed  tl»e 
ancient  ceremony  of  meeting  his  bride,  as  Hwan 
was  on  the  borders  between  Loo  ami  Ts‘e. 

Par.  8.  Having  now  entered  Loo,  the  bride 
has  passed  into  the  wife  〇!1 

see  the  last  par.  of  the  previous  year. 

Par.  9.  See  I.  vii.  5,  and  note.  Tso-she  says 
that  the  object  of  this  mission  was  to  carry  her 

parents’  salutations  to  the  wife  ( 芙 

Too  Yu  adds  that  it  was  to  inquire  also  about 

her  deportment,  whether  it  was  becomingly 


modest  nnd  reverent,  nnd  to  sliow  the  enrnost 
regard  which  the  union  might  bt»  siippc)M.*tl  to 
produce  between  the  States.  A mission  of  this 

kind  sent  from  Loo  would  be  called 
coming  吣 Loo  it  lias  the  gcncTftl  name  of  聰- 
Such  a mission  was  sent  three  months  after  the 

I lady  had  left  her  parents.  If  she  were  not  giv- 
ing satisfaction,  she  be  returned.  (So 

j Y ing- tab  says  ： 一 其 意言不 堪事宗 

廟則欲 以之歸 )• 

Par.  10.  The  plirase  有年  is  expressive  of 

I a good  year,  no  crop  failing  (五 榖皆熟 )• 
It  is  stranpe  that  the  critics  should  find  a mys- 
tery in  this  simple  paragraph,  as  if  the  sage 
liail  preserved  the  record  to  show  how  things 
turned  out  in  Loo  as  they  ou^ht  not  to  have 
done  under  so  bad  a ruler  as  llwjm. 

p'so-she  appends  ht*re  ： — 4Juy  Keanp,  the 
niolher  of  Wan,  earl  of  Juy,  indignant  at  liiin 
because  of  his  many  favourites,  drove  him  out 
of  Juy,  and  lie  took  up  his  residence  in  Wui 

丨 ( 魏) •’] 


SM 


Fourth  year. 

王夏 _ 。狩凡 春 •酿 
使天 手公正 年> 


歸 。執秦 © 小侵 © 殳伯夏 . 書公年 ，左 
芮師冬 . 之氙秋 .在 .料 周時 .狩春 . 傅 
伯 圍王也 。败 秦故來 宰禮于 正曰， 
以魏 ，師  焉 .師名 。聘 。渠也 。郧 。月 ，四 

IV.  1 In  his  fourth  )Tear,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month,  the  duke 
hunted  in  La li 

2 In  summer^  the  kinjr  [bv]  Heaveirs  [grace],  sent  the  [sub-] 
adiniiiistrator,  Kkeu  Pili-kew,  to  Loo  Avith  friendly  in- 
quiries. 


Par.  1.  here  is  the  name  of  the  winter 
hunt  celebrated,  as  Tso  says,  4 at  the  proper 
season；*  for  in  reality  Chow^  1st  month,  was 
the  2d  month  of  winter.  This  is  an  instance  iu 
point  to  show  that  Chow^  4 spring*  did  rejilly 
include  two  months  of  the  natural  winter. 
Lang, 一 see  I.ix.  4. 

Par.  2.  See  I.i.  4,  for  the  meaning  of 
K*eu  vras  the  name  of  a city  in  Chow,  from 
which  the  official  family  to  whom  it  was  granted 
took  their  clan-name.  Tso-she  sa}rs  tlie  name 
(Pili-kew)  of  the  messenger  is  given  because 
his  father  was  still  alire.  If  he  had  not  been 
so,  we  should  have  read 

There  is  no  entry  liere  under  autumn  or  witi- 
ter  ； not  even  the  names  of  those  seasons  and 
their  first  months.  This  is  contrary  to  tlie  rule 


of  the  classic,  and  tve  must  believe  that  a 
portion  of  the  text  is  here  lost.  Of  course  many 
of  the  Chinese  critics  are  unable  to  accept  so 
simple  a solution  of  the  matter,  and  will  have 
it  that  the  sage  left  those  seasons  out  of  the 
year,  to  express  his  displeasure  with  duke 
Ilwan,  and  bis  conclenittation  of  the  king  for 
seiuling  friendly  inquiries  to  such  a nj an  as  he 
was! 

[Tso-slie  has  two  brief  notes  of  events  that 
happened  in  the  second  half  of  this  year: 一 

k In  autumn,  an  army  of  Ts*in  made  a raid  on 
Juy.  and  was  defeated.  It  was  defeated  through 
making  too  light  of  Juy.* 

4 In  winter  a kingJs  array  and  an  army  of 
Ts4in  besieged  Wei.  The  army  oj  TsHn  captured 
the  earl  of  Juy,  and  carried  him  back  to  Ts^n 
with  it：] 


44 


THE  CH'UN  TS;EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


沿屯春 正凡 甲戍 己丑 ‘陳侯 

鮑卒。 

夏齊 侯鄭 伯如祀 

三章 〇 

天王使 仍叔之 于來聘 

PP 章 〇 

莽陳望 

U. 章 o 

城观丘 

六章  I v»  k I r o 

秋蔡 人衞人 陳人從 王伐鄭 

七章  〇 

大雩 

< 章 o 

冬 I . 

勒州公 如 WO 


I II 


五章 


左傅曰 五年春 正月甲 戌己丑 陳侯肅 卒再 赴也於 
是陳 亂文必 子铊殺 大子免 而代之 公疾病 而亂仡 
國人分 &故再 & 

1 齊 侯鄭伯 朝于紀 。欲以 襲之 紀人 知之 
仍 叔之子 。弱也 。 

王奪 鄭伯玖 鄭伯不 朝 ¥ 王以諸 侯伐鄭 ir 伯禦之 
王 爲中鼠 虢厶 林父 將右鼠 蔡人衞 人屬鼠 周公黑 
肩 將左鼠 陳人屬 I 鄭 子元請 爲左槪 以當蔡 人衞 
人 爲右恨 以當 陳人‘ 曰‘ 陳亂 i4 莫 有_§ #* 先犯之 
必奔‘ 王 卒顧之 必亂 蔡衞 不恍 固將先 #, 旣 而苹於 
王卒 ‘可以 集 *. 從 t 曼伯 爲右柜 ‘ 祭仲足 爲左报 原 
繁 高渠彌 以中 軍奉么 爲魚 麗之陬 光偏 後伍 ‘伍承 
彌鼠 戰于糯 I 命二拒 曰‘ 婦 動而鼓 。蔡衞 陳皆奔 >H 
卒亂鄭 師合以 攻之王 卒大敗 i* 驰 M 土 •中鳳 王亦 
能鼠視 聃請從 之公 曰‘ 君子不 欲多上 人 况 敢陵天 
子乎 、苟 自救也 社 稷無隕 •多 矣。 疚 鄭伯使 祭足勞 王〔 


Ykak  V. 


DUKE  HWAN. 


45 


In  the  [duke's]  fifth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month,  on 
Keah-seuh  or  Ke-ch{ow,  Paou,  marquis  of  Ch4in,  died. 

In  summer,  the  marquis  of  Tsle  and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing  went 
to  Ke. 

The  king  [by]  Heavens  [^race],  sent  the  son  of  Jing  Shull  to 
Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

There  was  the  burial  of  duke  Hwan  of  Ch4in. 

We  walled  Chuh  k^w. 

In  autumn,  an  army  of  Ts4ae,  an  army  of  Wei,  and  an  army 
of  Ch4in  followed  the  king  and  invaded  Chling. 

Tliere  was  a grand  sacrifice  for  rain. 

There  were  locusts. 

In  Avinter  the  duke  of  Chow  went  to  Ts*aou. 


Par.  1.  There  is  here  evidently  some  cor- 
ruption of  the  text.  Between  Keah-seuh  and 
Ke-ch4ow  there  are  14  clear  days.  We  can 
hardly  conceive  how  the  historiographers  could 
have  entered  the  death  of  the  marquis  as  having 
occurred  on  the  one  day  or  the  other.  If  by 
any  possibility  they  had  done  so,  here,  if  any- 
where, there  was  need  for  the  pruning  pencil  of 

Confucius  Tso-she  says  that  two 

different  announcements  were  communicated  to 
Loo,  and  adds,  4 At  this  time  Ch4in  was  all  in 
confusion.  T*o,  the  son  of  duke  Wan,  had  killed 
the  marquis's  eldest  son,  Wan  [so  is  here 
read],  and  superseded  him.  The  disorder  arose 
when  the  marquis  was  very  ill；  the  people  got 
scattered  ； and  so  two  announcements  were  taken 
to  Loo.’  But  this  is  an  explanation  made  to  suit 
the  text.  Ch4ng  E supposes  tliat  after  Keah- 
seuh  some  entry  has  dropt  out  which  constituted 
the  1st  par.  ； and  then  a second  par.  might  com- 
mence with  己 This  is  a reasonable 
conjecture,  but  there  is  another  difficulty  in  the 
text  wliich  renders  it  inadmissible.  The  day 
Ke-ch4ow  was  in  the  1st  month  of  this  year, 
but  Keali-seuh  was  in  the  12th  month  of  the 
preceding.  This  error  of  the  month,  as  preced- 
ing is  equally  fatal  to  the  solution  of 

Kung-yang  and  Kuh-leang,  that  the  marquis, 
in  a fit  of  madness,  or  some  other  way,  disap- 
peared on  the  first  of  the  days  mentioned,  and 
was  found  dead  on  the  second.  The  text  is 
evidently  corrupt.  Leave  out  the  two  charac- 

咖甲 戌 , and  the  difficulty  disappears. 

Par.  2. 女口， as  in  III. 5,  simply=^|^,  ‘to 
go  to.’  Tso  says  that  4 the  lords  of  Ts;e  and 
Ch*ing  went  to  the  court  of  Ke  wishing  to  sur- 
prise it,  and  that  the  people  of  Ke  knew  their 
design.*  The  marquis  of  Ke,  it  is  understood, 
then  communicated  their  visit  and  its  object  to 
Loo,  to  which  alone  he  looked  for  help  ; and  so 
the  entry  of  a transaction,  apparently  foreign 


to  Loo,  was  made  by  its  historiographers.  Wa 
shall  see,  hereafter,  that  Ke*s  fear  of  Ts4e  wai 
well  founded. 

Par.  3.  For  Kuh-leang  has  Com- 

pare I.  iii.  4.  Jing  Shuh  must  liave  been  a great 
officer  of  Chow.  The  critics  are  much  concern- 
ed to  determine  whether  Jing  Shuh  himself 
were  dead,  or  only  old,  so  that  his  son  was  em- 
ployed instead  of  him,  and  whether  he  took  it 
upon  him  to  send  his  son,  or  the  son  was  direct- 
ly commissioned  by  the  king.  The  last  point 
seems  to  be  settled  by  the  text ; the  others  only 
give  rise  to  uncertain  speculations.  Tso-she 
simply  says  the  messenger  was  4 a youth 

也 v 

Par.  5.  Chuh-k*ew  is  believed  to  have  been 
50  le  to  the  south-east  of  the  pres.  dep.  city  of 
E-chow.  Too  tliinks  it  was  walled  as  a pre- 
caution, in  consequence  of  the  designs  of  Ts4e 
on  Ke. 

Par.  6.  On  this  paragraph  Tso-she  gives  us 
the  following  narrative : 一 

* The  king  deprived  the  earl  of  Ch*ing  of  all 
share  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom^  and  the 
earl  in  consequence  no  more  appeared  at  court. 
In  autumn  the  king  led  several  of  the  princes  to 
invade  Ch^ng,  when  the  earl  withstood  him. 
The  king  drew  up  his  forces  so  that  he  himself 
was  in  the  centre,  while  Lin-foo,  duke  of  Kwoh, 
commanded  the  army  of  the  right,  having  the 
troops  of  Ts'ae  and  Wei  attached  to  him,  and 
Hih-keen,  duke  of  Chow,  commanded  on  the  left, 
having  the  troops  of  Ch4n.  Tsze-yuen  of  Ch'ing 
asked  the  earl  to  draw  their  troops  up  in  squares, 
on  the  left  opposed  to  the  armies  of  Tslae  and 
Wei,  and  on  the  right  to  the  men  of  Ch{in. 
“ Ch‘in，”  said  he,  “ is  at  this  time  all  in  confu- 
sion, and  the  people  have  no  heart  to  fight.  If 
we  attack  them  first,  they  will  be  sure  to  run. 
The  king’s  soldiers  seeing  this  will  fall  into 
disorder,  and  the  troops  of  Ts4ae  and  Wei  will 
set  them  the  example  of  flight  without  making 
any  resistance.  Let  us  then  collect  our  troops 


復危. 度必冬 .書 。氚閉 殺而邻 .啟 也書秋 .右 。且 
遂 其如淳 過 蟄而雩 ，龍蟄 凡不大  問 

不國曹 .于  則而嘗 k 始見而 祕. 時雩. 左 


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 


46 


THE  CH;UN  TS*EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


and  fall  upon  the  king ; — in  this  way  we  may 
calculate  on  success.^  The  earl  followed  this 
counsel.  Man-pih  commanded  the  square  on 
the  right ; Chae  Chung-tsuh  that  on  the  left ; 
while  Yuen  Fan  and  Kaou  K^u-me,  with  the 
earl,  led  the  centre,  which  was  drawn  up  in 
fish-scale  array.  There  was  always  a force  of 
25  chariots,  supported  by  5 files  of  5 men  each, 
to  maintain  a close  and  unbroken  front.  The 
battle  was  fought  at  Seu-koh.  The  earl  com- 
manded the  squares  on  the  riyht  and  left  to  wait 
till  they  saw  his  flag  waved,  and  then  to  advance 
with  drums  beating.  The  troops  of  Ts‘ae,  Wei, 
and  Ch4in  all  fled,  while  the  king5s  were  thrown 
into  disorder.  The  forces  of  Ch^ng  then  united 
in  an  attack  on  the  opposite  centre.  The  king 
received  a great  defeat,  and  an  arrow  shot  by 
Chuh  Tan  wounded  him  in  the  shoulder ; but, 
notwithstanding  this,  he  retreated^  still  maintaining 
an  able  fight.  Chuh  Tan  asked  leave  to  pursue 
him,  but  the  earl  said,  u A superior  raan  does 
not  wish  to  be  always  showing  superiority  over 
others ; much  less  dare  he  offer  insult  to  the 
son  of  Heaven  ! If  we  manage  to  save  our- 
selves, and  the  altars  of  Ch4ing  take  no  damage, 
we  have  accomplished  very  much.**  At  night 
he  sent  Tsuh  of  Chae  to  comfort  the  king,  and 
to  ask  after  the  welfare  of  his  officers/ 

Par.  7.  ‘a  sacrifice  in  time  j 

of  drought.*  The  Chuen  says  that  to  offer  this 
sacrifice — or  at  least  the  grand  sacrifice  for  rain 一 
in  the  autumn  was  unseasonable,  and  therefore 
the  record  of  it  appears  here.  Tso-slie  adds : 一 
4 With  regard  to  the  sacrifices  in  general,  at  the 
season  of  K ‘谷 -chih  [‘  the  emergence  of  insects 
from  their  burrows 一 the  1st  month  of  Hea,  and 
the  3d  of  the  Chow  year],  the  border  sacrifice 
[to  Heaven]  was  offered ; at  the  season  of  Lung- 
heen  [4  the  appearance  of  the  Dragon  (see  the 
Shoo,  on  Pt.  I.,  par.  5);' 一 the  4th  month  of  Hea, 
and  the  6th  of  Chow],  the  sacrifice  for  rain  ； at 
the  season  of  Ch‘e-shali  [‘comencement  of  death 
—the  8th  month  of  Hea,  and  the  10th  of  Chow], 
the  Shang  or  sacrifice  of  first  fruits ; and  at  the 


season  of  Pei-chih  [4tlie  closing  of  insects  in 
their  burrows；*  — the  10th  month  of  Hea, and  12th 
of  Chow],  the  Cliing  or  winter  sacrifice.  If 
any  of  those  sacrifices  were  offered  after  the 
season  for  tliem,  the  historiographers  made  an 
entry  of  it/  According  then  to  Tso-she.  tliis 
sacrifice  for  rain  was  competent  to  Chow  and 
its  various  States  only  in  the  Gth  montli,  its 
object  being  to  supplicate  for  rain  in  the  begin- 
ning of  summer,  that  there  niiglit  be  a good 
harvest； 一 of  course  it  was  out  of  season  to  offer 
this  sacrifice  in  any  month  of  Chow's  autumn. 
But  I believe,  with  Maou  K4e-ling,  that,  while 
there  was  the  regular  saorifice  at  the  beginning  of 
the  natural  summer,  special  sacrifices  might  be 
offered  at  any  season  of  prolonged  drought,  aiid 
it  does  not  follow,  therefore,  that  the  sacrifice 
in  the  text  was  unseasonable.  As  to  the  name 
1 grand/  characterizing  the  sacrifice  here,  it  has 
given  rise  to  much  controversy.  Ivea  Ivwei 
thought  the  sacrifice  was  addressed  to  Heaven 
or  God  by  the  princes  of  Loo,  under  sanction 
of  the  grant  to  their  ancestor  to  use  imperial 
rites,  and  is  therefore  here  called  ‘grand.’  This 
point  we  must  leave. 

加 . 8. 螽 (in  Kung-yang,  are  de- 

scribed by  Too  Yu  as  虫公螞 之島‘ akind 

of  locusts •’ 


Par.  9.  Chow  was  a small  State,  in  pres,  d is. 
of  Gan-k4ew  ),  dep.  Tsking-chow.  Its 

prince  appears  here  with  the  title  of  duko； 
一 it  is  supposed  because  some  previous  lord  had 
been  one  of  the  three  Rung  or  dukes  at  the 
king’s  court.  His  capital  was  Shun-yu  (淳 • 

Ts^ou  was  an  earldom,  held  by  the  de- 
scendants of  one  of  the  sons  of  king  Wan  ; 一 its 


capital  was  Ts{aou-k*ew  (f^J  ),  in  pres.  dis. 
of  Ting-t{aou,  dcp.  Ts^ou-chow.  Tso-she  says 
on  the  par： 一 4 In  winter,  the  duke  of  Shun-yu 
went  to  Ts4aou,  reckoning  that  his  State  was  in 
a perilous  state；  and  he  did  not  return  to  it/ 


Sixth  year. 

冬_ 九5 蔡沃 秋辣 E 夏襻六 $ 
祀生 。凡 人亂八 侯四來 。年 k 


俣 

丁殺 

月 f 凡 

春‘ 

來 

卯 J 東 

主成 。公 

正 

細。 

于佗。 

午 > 會 

月. 

三然池 .志 曰詹成 .使待 軍章侵 © 其 楚來年 .左 
軍肩 我於吾 于 _ 少之於 求隨. 楚國來 .齓葬 .傅 
而張則 漢不 楚伯 師隨 瑕成 使武也 。不霈 自曰, 
被吾使 來得子 此董 人以焉 .遙王 復曰 曹 六 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


47 


..  諮 .之教 i 年也 .微也 . 季熊之 

室自 犬成 使謀有 .親豐 謂何上 梁率彼 
以 爲子齊 ，乞齊 君其也 .其 則思止 冱則 
歸 、謀 。忽 .齊師 難姑九 奉音不 利之 此權 
是及大 人于也 、脩族 k 酒之信 .民 ，曰 .曰 ，而 
以其子 饋齓政 ，以醴 碩對忠 天季協 
師敗 忽之鄭  而致 以大曰 ，也 k 方梁以 

紈 其告 氣夫祝 檯在 .疏 


曰 .九秋 .命 圃侯于 ©夏濰 其時調 牷於師 .請 吾 
名月 .大# 何欲 是北軤 獨三不 民肥民 隨羸甲 
有丁問 。齊爲 。以諸 戎于豐 .時 .害 .力腯 ，而侯 師兵, 
五泖 .簡 之君文 侯伐成 。其脩 而之 粢信將 以以 
有子車 •急 >子 姜之齊 其民 昔盛矜 許張武 
信 .同 馬而白 k 妻大 舜來福 五和存 控 神 t 之 。臨 
有生 。也 i 善鄭 夫侯諮 

義 .以  

有大 

氣子 

有生 
假 .之 
着禮 
類 .舉 
以么 
名接 
生以 
爲大 
信 .牢， 

以卜 
德士 
命 M 

義 .士 
以妻 
類食 
命之 • 

爲公 
象與 
取文 
於姜 
物宗 
食婦 
假 .命 

於公 
父問 
爲名 
類 •於 
不申 
以糯。 

國身 


昏 戎辭篇 .大 
也 ，師 人使子 
民也 ，問 魯忽 
其齊 其爲酏 
謂侯 故其師 
我又 大现救 
何 。請子 後齊, 
遂妻 氏鄭。 六 
辭之人 鄭月, 
諸固 各忽大 
鄭辭. 有以敗 
伯 。人耦 •其戎 
問齊 有師, 
其大 .功薄 
故 .非也 .其 
犬吾怒 ，二 
子 耦故帥 

BAS  i 

無 詩威良 
事 云之堂 
于自師 。頁. 
齊4 求公甲 
吾 多之首 
猶福 .未三 
不在 昏百, 
敢, 我於以 
今 而齊獻 
以已 .也於 
君大 齊齊. 


兄禋曰 ，滋民 .史楚 .何我 , 
弟祀 .嘉也 ，神 JH 楚 益/故 
之於果 謂之辭 之_難 
國 •是 晉其 主信羸 .伯間 
庶乎酒 ，不也 .也 ，其 比也。 
免民 譎疾是 今誘曰 4 漢 
于和 .其 藤以民 我以東 
難。 而上蠡 聖餒也 ，爲之 
隨 _ 下也 .王而 君後國 
侯降 皆謂允 君何圖 J 遺 
懼 名有其 成逞急 少爲 
而福, 嘉備民 .欲 ，焉厕 九 
脩故德 .腯 而祝 臣得隨 
政 .動而 咸後史 聞其張 , 
楚則 無有致 矯小君 。必 
不 有違也 舉 之王棄 
敢成， 、奉 於以 能毁小 
伐 。今％ 盛神 >祭 靡軍國 . 
良所 以故鱼 大而小 
各 言胃告 奉不也 .鈉國 
有 _ 曰,# 知小 少離. 
心 \香 ，繁以 其道師 。楚 
而無 粢告可 大少乏 
鬼 請豐曰 ，也 。淫 .師利 
§ 慝盛 .博 公所歸 •也 ^ 
牟也 .謂 碩曰, 調請少 
王, 故其肥 •吾道 .追師 
君 務三腯 ，牲忠 楚侈. 


48 


THE  CH  UN  TS  EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


告命爷 命其不 廢廢 廢則牲 山名. 諱以牲 ，不不 
不以紀 之生可 二司司 廢則川 以么諱 不以以 
能 。求 侯日也 M Ok 空龙 j 敢廢則 官故事 以隱官 ， 
成來同 。與命 。是光 朱晉祀 .廢 以神 > 器疾 ，不 
—朝 .吾公 以君以 以以主 .廢 國名幣 k 不以 
同曰 .大 獻武俱 器以職 > 則終 周以山 
物 ，是物 武公侯 幣音以 廢將人 音川， 

In  the  [duke's  sixth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month, 
Shih  came  to  Loo. 

In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  the  duke  had  a meeting 
with  the  mai'quis  of  Ke  in  Ching. 

In  autumn,  in  the  eighth  month,  on  Jin-woo,  [the  duke] 
held  a grand  military  review. 

The  people  of  Ts‘ae  put  to  death  T‘o  of  Ch‘in. 

In  the  ninth  month,  on  [the  day]  Ting-inaou,  the  [dukes] 
son,  Tlung,  was  born. 

In  winter,  the  marquis  of  Ke  came  to  [our]  court. 


VI.  1 


Par.  1.  According  to  all  the  three  Chuen, 
this  is  a continuation  of  tlie  last  par.  in  last 
year.  Tso-she  says : 一 4 In  the  spring,  he  came 
from  Ts‘aou  to  the  court  of  Loo.  The  text 

楚來  intimates  that  lie  did  not  return  again 
to  his  own  State.’  In  this  way,  for  good,’ 

and  Too  Yu  defines  it  by  Rung  and  Kuh 

explain  it  by  是 and  是人 ，‘ this  _ 

Ch'ing  E and  Hoo  Gan-kwo,  however,  suppose 
that  Shih  was  the  name  of  the  duke  of  Cliow. 
A prince,  living,  ought  not  to  be  called  by  liis 
name,  but  this  poor  duke,  a fugitive  from  his 
State,  never  to  return  to  it,  was  in  his  princely 
character  as  pood  as  dead,  and  might  be  named. 
The  K^ng-he  editors  say  botli  views  are  to  be 
preserved.  The  point  is  one  of  trivial  importance. 

[Tliere  is  appended  here  in  the  Chuen  the 
following  narrative: 一 4 King  Woo  of  Ts4oo  [this 
viscount  of  Ts4oo  bad  usurped  the  title  of  4 kinj>：  *] 
burst  suddenly  into  8uy,  and  sent  Wei  Chang  to 
bog  that  Ts*oo  and  Suy  might  be  on  terms 
with  each  other,  meanwliile  waiting  with  his 
army  at  Ilea  for  intelligence.  The  court  of 

Suy  sent  Shaou-8zc  [少師  ； this  is  evidently 
the  name  of  an  office；  but  nothing  can  be  ascer- 
tained about  it.  I have  therefore  followed  the 
example  of  the  Lcoh-kwoh  Che  which  calls  tlie 
phrase  the  name  of  the  marquis  of  Suy's  fa- 
vourite] to  manage  the  conclusion  of  a treaty  of 
peace.  Tow  Pih-pe  said  to  the  viscount  of  Ts*oo, 
4*That  we  have  not  got  our  will  on  the  oast  of 
the  Han  is  all  owing  to  ourselves.  Wc  have 
displayed  our  three  armies,  our  men  all  oquipt 
witli  their  buff  coats  and  weapons,  and  b〇  wc 
have  presented  ourselves  to  the  States  in  nil  our 
power.  They  have  been  afrnid,  therefore,  and 
have  united  toother  to  provide  n^ainst  our 
designs.  It  is  tliis  wliioh  makes  it  diflicult  to 
separate  thorn.  Of  th^  States  ( ast  of  tho  linn 
Suy  is  the  greatest.  Let  Suy  once  be  dated,  and 


then  it  will  spurn  the  smaller  States,  which 
will  become  alienated  from  it ; — this  will  be  to 
the  advantage  of  Ts*oo.  This  Shaou-sze  is  a 
vain  extravagant  man;  let  us  inflate  him  by 
making  our  army  appear  as  if  it  were  weak/' 
Heung  Leuh-tseu-pe  said,  u While  Ke  Leang  is 
in  Suy^  of  what  use  will  tliis  be?**  Tow  Pih-pe 
replied,  “It  will  serve  as  a basis  for  future 
measures ; 一 Shaou-sze  is  his  prince’s  favourite." 

4 The  king,  according  to  Pih-pe  s counsel,  gave 
his  army  a dilapidated  appearance,  and  then 
received  Shaou-sze,  who  on  his  return  to  Suy 
requested  leave  to  pursue  the  army  of  Ts*oo. 
The  marquis  was  about  to  jrrant  it,  when  Ko 
Leang  siopt  him  saying,  <(  Heaven  is  now  giv- 
ing power  to  T8*oo.  Its  exhibition  of  weakness 
was  only  made  to  deceive  us.  Why.  O ruler, 
be  so  liasty  ? I have  heard  that  the  condition 
in  which  a small  State  can  match  with  a great 
one,  is  when  tlie  small  one  is  ruled  according  to 
reason,  and  the  great  one  is  abandoned  to  wild 
excess.  What  I mean  by  beinp  ruled  according 
to  reason,  is  showing  a loyal  /ore  for  the  people, 
and  a faitliful  worship  of  the  Spirits.  When 
tlie  ruler  tliinks  only  of  benefiting  the  people, 
that  is  loyal  loving  of  them；  when  the  priests* 
words  arc  all  correct,  that  is  faitliful  worship. 
Now  our  people  arc  famishing,  and  tlie  prince 
indulges  his  desires  ； the  priests  arc  hypocrites 
in  tlieir  sacrifices : 一 I do  not  know  whether 
there  is  the  condition  of  success.**  The  mar- 
quis said,  * My  victims  are  the  best,  and  woll 
fatted  ； the  millet  in  the  vessels  is  good  and  all 
complete ; — where  is  there  any  want  of  since- 
rity ?**  Ke  Lean*?  replied,  u 'l'he  state  o/'tlie  people 
is  what  the  Spirits  regard.  The  sage  kin^s  there- 
fore first  securi'd  the  welfare  of  the  people,  nnd 
tluMi  put  forth  tlu'irstrcnj^tli  iii5erfim/tlie  Spirits. 
Thus  wlien  they  presented  their  victims,  and 
announced  thcMn  as  large  and  fat,  they  me«nt 
that  the  pcoplo\s  strength  was  nil  preserved ; 
lliat  to  this  was  owing  the  Inr^o  growth  of  the 
animals;  that  to  ibis  was  owin^  tlii*ir  freedom 
from  scab  or  itch ; that  to  this  it  was  owing 


Year  VI. 


DUKE  inVAX. 


49 


they  wore  so  fat,  and  amply  sufficient.  When 
they  presented  their  vessels  of  millet,  and  uii- 
nounced  it  as  clean  and  abundant,  they  meant 
that  in  all  the  three  seasons  no  harm  was  done 
to  the  cause  of  husbandry  ； that  the  people  were 
harmonious,  and  the  years  good.  When  they 
presented  their  distilled  and  sweet  spirits,  and 
announced  them  as  admirable,  strong,  and  good, 
they  meant  that  superiors  and  inferiors  were  all 
of  admirable  virtue,  and  their  hearts  in  nothing 
inclined  to  perverseness；  what  was  termed  the 
widely  diffused  fragrance  was  really  that  there 
were  no  slanderers  nor  wicked  men.  In  this 
way  it  was  that  they  exerted  themselves  that 
the  lalx)urs  of  the  three  seasons  should  be  per- 
formed; they  cultivated  and  inculcated  the  five 
great  duties  of  society；  they  cherished  and 
promoted  the  affection  that  should  exist  among 
the  nine  classes  of  kindred  ： and  from  this  they 
proceeded  to  their  pure  sacrifices.  Tlius  their 
people  were  liarmonious,  and  tlic  Spirits  sent 
down  blessings,  so  that  every  movement  tliey 
undertook  was  successful.  Now  the  people’s 
hearts  are  all  at  variance,  and  the  Spirits  have 
no  lord  [t.  e.,  none  whom  they  will  serve,  nml 
serve  by  blessing].  Although  you  as  an  in- 
dividual may  be  liberal  in  your  acts  of  worship,  | 
what  blessing  can  that  bring  ? I pray  you  to 
cultivate  good  government,  and  be  friendly  with 
the  States  of  your  brother  princes ; then  perhaps 
you  will  escape  calamity.** 

*The  marquis  of  Suy  was  afraid,  and  attended 
properly  to  his  duties  of  government ; and  Ts4oo 
did  not  d«are  to  attack  him/] 

Par.  2.  Tso  says  the  marquis  of  Ivc  came  to 
this  meeting  to  consult  with  Loo  about  his 

difficulties  with  Ts*e.  The  邮 in  the  text  is 
from  Kuh-leang.  Tso  and  Kung  both  read 
which  makes  Too  give  the  situation  differently 
from  that  of  the  other  in  I.y.  3 90  le  north-east 
from  pres.  dis.  city  of  Ning-yang. 

[The  Chuen  has  here： 一 *The  northern  Jung 
had  invaded  Ts*e,  which  sent  to  ask  the  assist- 
ance of  a force  from  Chling.  Hwuh,  the  eldest 
son  of  the  earl  of  Ch'ing,  led  a force  accordimjhj 
to  the  help  of  Ts4e,  and  inflicted  a great  defeat 
on  the  Jung,  capturing  their  two  leaders,  Tae- 
leang  and  Shaou-leang,  whom  he  presented  to 
the  marquis  with  the  heads  of  300  of  their  buff- 
coated  warriors.  At  that  time  the  great  officers 
of  many  of  the  princes  were  keeping  guard  in 
Ts4e,  and  the  marquis  supplied  them  with  cattle, 
employing  the  officers  of  Loo  to  arrange  the  order 
of  distribution.  These  placed  the  troops  of 


e(l  the  army  of  the  Jung,  the  marquis  of 
Ts^e  again  asked  him  to  take  another  of  his 
daughters  to  wife,  but  again  he  firmly  refused. 
Being  asked  the  reason,  he  said,  ^Formerly 
when  I had  had  nothing  to  do  in  Tske,  I still  did 
not  dare  to  marry  one  of  its  princesses.  Now  I 
hurried  here  by  our  ruler's  orilor  to  succour 
Ts4e  in  its  exigency;  if  I returned  from  it  witli 
a 'vife， it  would  be  as  if  I had  won  her  by  arm、” 
In  this  way  he  declined  the  alliance  on  the 
ground  of  wanting  the  earl  of  Ch4ing’s  coninianil •’ 

Tso-she  3eems  to  have  forgotten  here  that  ho 
had  already  narrated  tlie  marriage  of  Hvvuh  of 
Ch'ing  to  a daughter  of  the  house  of  Cli4in,  un- 
der I.viii.  3.  The  marquis  of  Ts4e  would  hardly 
have  offered  one  of  his  daughters  to  fill  a 
secondary  place  in  Hwuh^  harem.] 

^•3 •閲 = 簡車馬  * to  examine  tlio 

cliariots  and  horses.*  This  was  an  annual  cere- 
mony, to  which  the  winter  hunt  was  subsidiary. 
See  the  Chow  Le,  Bk.  XXIX.,  pp.  24 一 34.  Many 
of  the  critics  think  that  the  holding  this  review, 
as  here,  in  the  8th  montli  in  autumn,  was  un- 
seasonable, and  that  it  is  recorded  to  condeiim 
it.  But  the  duke  mijrht  easily  have  had  reasons 
sufficient  to  justify  him  for  holding  such  a re- 
view at  this  time. 

Par.  4.  Tso-shc  has  no  Chuen  here,  but  we 
find  wliat  serves  for  one  under  the  22d  year  of 
duke  Chwang.  We  have  seen,  under  V.l,  that  T4o 
had  killed  the  eldest  son  of  the  niarqui3  of  Ch4in, 
and  superseded  him.  ut  that  son^  younger  bro- 
ther was  a son  of  a princess  of  Ts4ae,  and  in  his 
interest  Ts4ae  now  did  justice  on  T4o.  T4o  liad 
not  yet  been  recognized  as  marquis  of  Clrin, 
and  therefore  we  have  simply  his  name,  with- 
out hi3  title.  I have  translated  by  4 the 

people  of  Ts‘ae，’  after  the  analogy  of  橋 

in  I.iv.6,7.  Kuh  and  Kung  account  for  his  death 
at  the  hands  of  some  people  of  Ts4ae  by  saying 
that  he  had  intruded  into  the  territory  of  Ts4ae 
in  hunting  or  for  a worse  purpose,  arid  was  kill- 
ed in  a quarrel  about  a bird  or  a woman.  Their 
Chuen,  however,  where  matters  of  history  are 
concerned,  are  not  to  be  compared  with  Tso- 
she^. 

Par.  5.  Tso-she  tells  us  that  this  entry  of 
Ting's  birth  intimates  that  he  was  received 
with  all  the  honours  proper  to  the  birth  of  a 
son  and  heir；  that  an  ox,  a sheep,  and  a }>ig 
were  sacrificed  on  the  occasion  ； that  an  officer 
of  divination  carried  him  on  his  back,  and  his 
wife  nursed  him ; and  that  the  duke,  with  the 
child's  mother,  Wan  Keang,  and  the  wives  of  tlie 


. . , . , V A i • 1 J I v-iiiui  « uiuuiur,  vvau  iveaug,  aim  tne 

last,  which  made  Hwuh  indignant,  con-  duke's  noble  kindred,  gave  him  his  name.  This 
si<  ering  that  his  had  been  the  merit  of  the  vio-  iast  ceremony  took  place  on  the  3d  month  after 


tory  ； and  it  gave  rise  to  the  battle  of  Lang  [see 
the  10th  year]. 

* Before  the  duke  of  Loo  had  married  the 
daughter  of  Ts‘e， the  raarquis  liad  wished  to 
marry  her — Wan  Keang 一 to  Hwuh ; but  he  had 
refused  the  match.  Some  one  asked  the  reason 
of  his  refusal,  when  he  replied,  People  should 
be  equally  matched.  A daur/hter  oj  Ts4e  is  too 
greiitamatchforme.Theodesays^Forhiiii- 
sclf  he  seeks  much  happiness  (She,  III.  i.  1. 6).* 
I have  to  do  with  what  depends  on  myself 


the  birth.  Tso-she  adds： 一 1 The  duke  asked 
Shin  Seu  about  names,  wlio  replied  u Names  are 
taken  from  five  things： 一 some  pre-intimation； 
some  auspice  of  virtue ; some  striking  appear- 
ance about  the  child;  the  borrowing  the  name 
of  some  object ; or  some  similarity.  When  a 
child  is  born  with  a name  on  it,  that  is  a pre-in- 
tim*ation  [a  character,  such  as  may  seem 
to  be  made  by  some  marks  on  tlie  body,  and  so  is 
taken  as  the  name] ; wlien  a child  is  named  from 


simply；  what  have  I to  do  with  a great  Slate ?n  | some  virtue,  this  is  called  an  auspice  [Ch4an^, 
A superior  man  will  say  that  Hwuh  (lid  well  the  name  of  king  Wiin,  is  ail  instance  in  point]; 
m thus  making  himself  the  centre  of  his  plan  when  it  is  named  from  some  reseml>lance  about 
Kfe.  On  this  occasion,  when  he  had  defeat-  it  to  something,  this  is  called  naming  from  tlie 


vol  y. 


7 


50 


THE  CII  UN  TS-EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


In  his  seventh  year,  in  spring,  in  the  second  month,  on 
lve-hae,  the  duke  hunted  with  fire  in  Heen-klew. 

In  summer,  Suy,  earl  of  Kuh,  came  to  [our]  court. 
Woo-lc,  marquis  of  T'ang,  came  to  [our]  court. 


Par.  1.  IIeen-k4ew  was  a district,  and  pro- 
bably the  name  of  a town  in  it,  belonging  to 
Loo ; 一 somcwliere  in  dep.  of  Yen-cliow. 

火田  , 4 to  hunt  with  fire.*  This  ap- 
pears in  the  Urh-ya  as  another  name  for  the 

winter  hunting  (火 田爲狩 ).  The  object 

in  using  fire  was  to  drive  the  birds  and  ani- 
mals from  their  coverts.  Too  says  the  record  is 
made  here  to  oondemn  the  duke  for  liis  wanton- 
ness in  carrying  on  the  operation,  so  tlmt  nothing 
sliould  esoape.  Rut  this  does  not  appear  in  the 
text;  and  the  Chuen  has  nothing  on  the  par. 

Parr.  2,  3.  Kuh  was  a marquisate,  with  the 
surname  Ying  has  left  its  name  in 

the  pros.  dis.  of  Kuh-shing,  dep.  Seang-ynng, 


Iloo-pih.  T^tng  was  not  far  from  Kuh,  Rn 
ertrlilom  with  the  surname  Man  (-^)«  Some 
place  it  in  pres.  T^&ng  Chow,  dep.  Nan-yang, 
Ilo-nan ; others  find  its  principal  city,  20  le 
north-east  of  the  dep.  city  of  Scang-yang  in 
Hoo-pih.  But  the  two  identifications  need  not 
dash.  What  brought  these  two  distant  lonls 
to  Loo  wc  cannot  tell.  Tso-she  says  they  arc 
mentioned  by  name  in  contempt;  but  we  may 
find  ft  better  reason  in  a rule  of  the  LcKct  I.  Pt. 
Il.ii.  21,  that  princes  who  had  lost  their  States 
were  mentioned  by  name.  The  supposition  tlmt 
the  princes  in  the  text  wore  in  this  condition 
adequately  ex])lains  thoir  corning  all  the  long 
way  from  their  former  fiefs  to  Loo. 


appearance  [Confucius  was  so  named  Ne-k4ew 
(足丘 )]  ; when  it  is  named  from  some  ob- 
ject, this  is  called  borrowing  [the  name  of  Con- 
fucius1 son  Pih-yu  (^&>  *the  fish*)  is  an  in- 
stance] ; when  the  name  is  taken  from  something 
about  the  father,  this  is  called  a name  from 
similarity  [see  below].  The  name  must  not  be 
taken  from  the  name  of  the  State  ； or  of  an  office ; 
or  of  a mountain  or  river;  or  of  any  malady； 
or  of  an  animal ; or  of  a utensil,  or  of  a cere- 
monial offering.  The  people  of  Chow  do  not  use 
tlie  name  which  they  bore  in  serving  the  Spirits 
of  the  dead；  and  the  name  is  not  mentioned  after 
death.  To  take  the  name  from  the  State  would 
do  away  with  the  State's  name；  one  from  an 
office  would  do  away  with  the  office ; one  from 
a hill  or  stream  would  do  away  with  the  sacrifice 
to  it;  one  from  an  animal  would  do  away  with  its 
use  as  a victim ; one  from  a utensil  or  a cere- 
monial offering  would  do  away  with  its  use  in 
ceremonies.  The  name  of  the  marquis  He  of 
Tsin  [he  was  called  "gj  made  the  title  of 
minister  of  Instruction  ( be  discontinu- 


ed in  Tsin.  So  with  duke  Woo  of  Sung  and  the 
title  of  minister  of  Works  (司空 )•  Our 
former  dukes  Heen  [called  具] and  Woo 

[called  caused  two  bills  to  lose  their  names. 
Therefore  the  names  of  such  great  objects  and 
offices  raust  not  be  given  to  a child.”  The  duke 
said,  uWell,  his  birth  and  mine  were  on  the 
same  day.”  So,  from  that  similarity,  the  child 
was  named  T'ung  [the  Similar]  / 

As  this  is  the  only  instance  in  the  classic  in 
which  the  birth  of  a Son  of  any  of  the  marquises 
of  Loo  is  chronicled,  there  is  much  speculation 
as  to  the  reason  of  the  entry  here.  Some  think 
it  is  a clear  case  of  the  pencil  of  the  sage,  who 
would  thus  show  that  duke  Chwang  was  really 
tlie  son  of  the  marquis  of  Loo,  and  not  the  fruit 
of  the  incestuous  commerce  which  his  mother 
subsequently  indulged  in ! 

far.  6.  Tso-she  says  this  visit  from  the  mar- 
quis of  Ke  was  to  beg  the  services  of  the  duke 
to  ask  the  king's  order  to  bring  about  peace 
between  Ke  and  Ts4e,  but  that  the  duke  told 
liim  he  could  do  nothing  in  the  matter. 


Seventh  year. 


2 3 


FA 


- 0 t l 左傅！ if 七 

七年春  s 榖伯 

1 - 鄧 侯來朝 。 

一 一月己 各賤之 也。 

© H, 盟 i: 
。 求成於 M 
旣而眢 之 
二章‘  秋‘ 鄭人齊 
昏 ^: 秋 人 衞人伐 
盟向 •王遷 
盟向之 民 


克焚咸 


殺來就 


15 


鄭侯吾 I 

I,  \ © 冬曲沃 

離 來朝伯 S 日小 

子俛 殺之。 


Year  VIII. 


DUKE  HVVAN. 


51 


Nothing  that  occurred  in  autumn  or  winter  is 
here  entered.  See  what  has  been  said  upon 
this. 一 on  the  4th  year. 

[T8〇-8he  appends  here  two  short  Chuen： 一 
* and  Iliiang  sought  terms  of  peace  from 

Ch‘ing  [these  are  t'vo  of  the  places  mentioned  I 
in  one  of  the  Chuen  under  1.  xi.  3,  as  granted  by 
Chow  to  Ch^ng.  It  was  there  said  that  Chow  | 
could  not  keep  them,  and  it  would  appear  that  i 


Cluing  also  found  it  difficult  to  do  8〇],  and 
afterwards  broke  tliein.  In  autumn,  an  army 
of  Clring,  an  army  of  Ts4e,  and  an  army  of  Wei 
invaded  Milng  and  Hl*an〇：,  when  the  king  re- 
moved their  inhabitants  to  Keah.* 

4 In  winter,  the  earl  of  K*euh-yuh  inveigled 
the  child-marquis  of  Tsin?  and  put  him  to 
death.*] 


I I 


八年 春正月 
己卯丞 一 
劳王 使家父 
來軋 

•1l $ k k k 

夏五 月丁丑 

丞 一 

辦 伐辄 

尜十凡 雨雪。 

岭 不公來 邊 逆 
王后于 IB0 


© 左傅曰 •八年 •春 ‘滅鼠 
© 隨少師 有鼠楚 鬪伯此 曰‘ 可免 警有 
氮不可失也。1楚子合諸侯於沈脱黃 
隨不會 使馨章 讓黃  •楚 子伐隞 軍於漢 
淮之亂 季粱請 下之 弗許 而後藏 所以 
怒 我而怠 寇 I 少師謂 隨侯曰 ‘必 速戰 • 
k 然：將 失楚師 。隨 侯禦之 望楚師 •季梁 
a 楚 人上左 ‘君必 左‘無 與王齓 且攻其 
乾右 無良 氣必敗 偏耽 衆乃攜 矣。 少師 
ni 不當王 非敵也 。弗從 。戰於 速机 隨師 
M 氟 隨侯逸 •_ 丹獲其 戎軋與 其戎右 
少師 ¥ 隨 及楚平 ‘楚 子將 不許‘ 鬪伯此 
氐 天去 其疾免 隨未 可克也 乃 盟而鼠 
GW 冬王命 虢仲立 晉哀 侯之弟 _于 晉。 
祭公來 遂逆 王后於 紀。 禮也 


h: 

t 

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o 

m 

t 

s 

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w. ia 
lo\ ed 


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bs ter K 
in nt lt 
F wi en r 
SI S o 
l e _ — _ 
in th ce th 


d 


ar. ， ed gr« 
e r • 
thy ofFe 


J ollth 


th( ol, de 
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「 Dr 


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tel ec th. 
eat 
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In 


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52 


THE  CH4UN  TSW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CTUEN. 


BOOK  II, 


Par.  1.  was  the  name  of  the  sacrifice 
offered  in  the  ancestral  temple  at  mid-winter. 
名备 = 肩泛， ‘ all 一 all  the  labours  of  tlie  year 
had  been  completed,  and  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
gathered  in.  They  could  tlierefore  be  now  pre- 
sented more  largely  than  at  the  other  seasonal 
sacrifices.  This  is  supposed  to  be  tlie  reason  of 
the  name.  Chow's  1st  month  was  the  2d  month 
of  Hea*s  winter.  The  clang  sacrifice  was  now 
offered,  therefore,  at  the  proper  time;  but  a re- 
cord of  it  is  here  entered,  the  critics  think,  to 
show  the  absurdity  of  offering  the  same  again 
in  summer,  as  in  par.  3. 

Par.  2.  See  I.  yii.  6.  is  the  clan-name, = 

the  surname,  and  is  the  designation.  The 
rule  was,  it  is  said,  that  great  officers  of  Cliow 
sent  on  such  missions  to  the  States  should  be 
mentioned  with  their  designation  ； but  I am  not 
6ure  of  the  correctness  of  such  a rule. 

[Tso-slie  adds  here  that  4 in  tlie  spring  there 
was  the  extinction  of  Yih  ;*  i.e.  the  earl  of  K4euli- 
yuh  extinguished  Tsin,  or  thought  he  had  done 
so.] 

Par.  3.  The  proper  sacrifice  at  this  time  was 
the  祠_  To  repeat  at  this  season  tlie  winter 
sacrifice  was  certainly  a strange  proceeding. 

[Tso-she  here  gives  the  sequel  of  the  Chuen 
under  VI.  1 ： — k Shaou-sze  became  more  tlie  fa- 
vourite in  Suy;  and  Tow  Tili-pe  of  Ts^o  said, 
‘‘  Our  enemy  presents  an  opening,  which  we 
must  not  lose.”  Accordingly,  in  summer,  the 
viscount  of  Ts^oo  called  the  princes  of  the  south 
together  at  Ch'in-luh；  and  as  Hwang  and  Suy 
did  not  attend,  lie  sent  Wei  Chang  to  reprove 
Hwang,  wliile  he  proceeded  himself  to  attack 
Suy,  encamping  his  army  between  the  Han  and 
the  Hwae.  Ke  Lcang  begged  the  marquis  of 
S\iy  to  make  offers  of  submission.  u If  Ts4oo  re- 
fuse them,**  he  said,  u and  we  fight  afterwards, 
this  will  have  made  our  men  indignant  and  the 
thieves  remiss.”  Shaou-sze,  however,  said,  uWe 
must  fight  quickly,  for,  if  we  do  not  do  so,  we  shall 
lose  tlie  army  of  Ts^o  a second  The  mar- 

quis took  the  field ; and  as  he  surveyed  from  a 
distance  the  army  of  Ts4oo,  Ke  Leang  said,  li  In 
Ts4oo  they  attadi  greatest  importance  to  tlie  left  ； 
the  king  is  sure  to  be  on  the  left.  Don’t  let  us 
meet  him,  but  let  us  attack  their  right.  There  are 
no  good  soldiers  there,  and  they  will  be  beaten. 
When  a part  is  beaten,  the  whole  will  be  disor- 
ganized.>,  {Shaou-sze  said, 44  If  we  do  not  meet  the 


king,  we  are  no  solcliers/*  The  marquis  would  not 
follow  Ke- Leang' s advice.  The  battle  was  fought 
j in  Suh-ke,  and  the  army  of  Suy  was  completely 
defeated.  The  marquis  fled.  Tow  Tan  cap- 
tured his  Avar-chariot,  and  Shaou-sze  who  had 
occupied  tlie  place  in  tlie  right  of  it.  In  au- 
tumn, Suy  and  Ts^oo  made  peace.  At  first  the 
viscount  was  unwilling  to  grant  peace,  but  Tow 
Pih-pe  said,  u Heaven  has  removed  from  Suy 
him  who  was  its  plague  ； it  is  not  yet  to  be  sub- 
dued.”  Accordingly  the  viscount  granted  a cove- 
nant, and  withdrew  with  his  army.1^ 

Par.  4.  The  critics  are  much  divided  on  the 
question  whether  the  duke  himself  commanded 
in  person  in  this  expedition  or  not.  I do  not 
see  that  it  can  be  determined ; and  have  left  the 
matter  in  the  translation  indefinite.  Many  of 
the  neighbouring  small  lords  had  been  to  Loo 
since  HwanJs  accession,  but  he  of  Choo  had  not 
made  his  appearance.  This  invasion  was  tho 
consequence  probably. 

Par.  5.  This  was  only  the  8th  month  of  Hea, 
and  snow  was  unseasonable. 

[Tso-she  has  here : — 4 In  winter,  the  king 
ordered  Chung  of  Kwoh  to  establish  Min,  young- 
er brother  of  the  marquis  Gae,  as  marquis  of 
Tsin.，] 

Par.  6.  In  I. i.  6,  we  have  an  earl  of  Chae. 
The  duke  in  the  text  may  have  been  the  same, 
or  a soil  of  that  earl,  here  called  kung  or  duke, 
as  being  one  of  the  king's  three  highest  minis- 
ters ; 一 see  the  Shoo,  V.  xx.  5.  When  the  king 
was  taking  a wife  from  one  of  the  States,  the 
rule  was  that  one  of  these  kung  should  meet 
lier,  and  one  of  the  princes,  of  the  same  surname 
as  the  royal  House,  act  as  director  in  the  affair. 
The  king  himself  could  not  appear  in  it,  in  con- 
sistency with  his  supreme  position.  Every 
thing  in  this  par.,  therefore,  is,  as  Tso-she  says, 
1 proper.*  The  duke  of  Chae  comes  from  Chow, 
gets  his  orders  from  the  duke  of  Loo,  and  then 
goes  to  Ke  to  meet  the  bride,  whom  Loo  could 
not  designate  daughter*  of  Ke,  simply,  ns 
she  was  going  to  be  6 queen  The  poor 

marquis  of  Ke  had,  no  doubt,  managed  to  bring 
the  match  about,  as  a forlorn  hope  against  tho 
attempts  on  him  of  the  lord  of  Ts*e.  Maou  ob- 
serves that  as  this  was  the  18th  year  of  king 
II wan,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  he  had  re- 
mained queen-less  up  to  tliis  time,  and  tliat  the 
daughter  of  Ke  was  being  taken  by  him  as  & 
second  wife  (3^ 


Ninth  year. 

來于 使冬揪 『夏獅 。歸 祀九 5 
朝 。射其 曹七四 于季年 > 
姑 世伯月 。月 。京 姜春, 


Ybar  IX. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


53 


也 ，父也 。冬伐 © 鄧北 .衡帥 酏譲殺 於爲 © 師 。左 
曰厚曹 曲秋獅 鄧陳 師師. 於道鄭 。好, 巴凡傅 
智 曹大沃 。號 大人其 救及鄧 j 凡鄧楚 子諸曰 . 
大龙子 仲敗 逐師挪 .巴鄧 及南子 使侯九 
子子 ，來 芮 酃 之於三 師人巴 鄙使韓 之年. 
其 初朝。 伯人 膂巴逐 圍弗行 綁道服 女春. 
有獻 廣 梁宵 巴師巴 y. 受 。人 ，人朔 告行 ，紀 
憂樂之 伯溃。 師之師 。掷夏 . 楚攻將 于唯季 
乎 .奏以  荀 而中 k 不養楚 子而巴 楚> 王姜 
非而上 侯 夾以克 / 甥使 使奪客 請后歸 
歎歎 。卿 .賈 坆 戰鬭聃 鬧麄之 以與書 。于 
所施禮 伯 .之而 胳甥 服章幣 ，聘鄧 京 


IX.  1 


2 

3 

4 


In  the  [duke's]  ninth  year,  in  spring,  the  lady  Keang, 
fourth  daughter  of  [the  marquis  of]  Ke,  went  to  her 
palace  in  the  capital. 

It  was  summer,  the  fourth  month. 

It  Avas  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

In  winter,  the  earl  of  Ts{aou  sent  his  heir-son,  Yih-koo,  to 
our  court. 


Par.  1.  This  is  the  sequel  of  the  last  par. 
of  last  year.  Tso-she  observes  that  the  historio- 
graphers did  not  enter  any  intermarriages  of 
other  States,  excepting  where  they  were  with  the 

royal  House.  季 is  the  4th  in  order  of  birth, 
and  appears  here  as  the  designation  of  the  lady, 
so  that  the  translation  might  have  been  simply 
一 ‘ Ke  KSang  of  Ke •’  一 see  I.  ii.  6.  I have 

here  rendered  it  1 to  her  palace/  as  Ke  Keang 
was  a royal  bride.  On  京師  Kung-yang 
says,  i The  phrase  denotes  the  dwelling  of  the 
son  of  Heaven,  means  ‘‘  great and  師 
means  “all.”  Where  the  son  of  Heaven 
dwells  must  be  described  by  such  terms.5 

Parr.  2,  3.  See  on  I.  vi.  3. 

[The  Chuen  adds  ： 一 4 The  viscount  of  Pa  sent 
Han  Full  with  an  announcement  to  Tscoo,  asking 
Ts^o^  services  to  bring  about  good  relations  be- 
tween it  and  T*Sng.  The  yiscount  of  Tsloo  then 
sent  Taou-soh,  along  with  the  visitor  from  Pa, 
to  present  a friendly  message  to  T'ang,  but  the 
men  of  Yew,  on  the  southern  borders  of  T;ang, 
attacked  them,  carried  off  the  presents  they 
were  bearing,  and  slew  them  both.  Ts‘oo  sent 
Wei  Chang  to  complain  to  the  lord  of  T^ng  of 
the  matter,  but  he  would  not  acknowledge  that 
he  had  any  hand  in  it. 

* In  summer,  Ts^o  sent  Tow  Leen  with  a force 
and  a force  of  Pa  to  lay  siege  to  Yew,  to  the 


relief  of  which  the  lord  of  T4&ng  sent  his  nephews 
Yang  and  Tan.  They  made  three  successful 
attacks  on  the  troops  of  Pa,  and  Ts‘oo  and 
Pa  were  likely  to  fail.  Tow  Leen  then  threw 
his  force  right  in  between  the  troops  of  Pa,  en- 
gaged the  enemy,  and  took  to  flight.  The  men 
of  T‘ang  pursued  them,  till  their  backs  were 
towards  the  troops  of  Pa,  and  they  were  at- 
tacked on  both  sides.  The  army  of  T4ang  re- 
ceived a great  defeat,  and  during  the  night  tho 
men  of  Yew  dispersed.* 

i In  autumn,  the  brother  of  the  duke  of 
Kwoh,  the  earl  of  Juy,  the  earl  of  Leang,  tho 
marquis  of  Seun,  and  the  earl  of  Kea,  invaded 
K%uh-yuh.’] 

Par.  4.  The  earl  of  Ts‘aou  himself  was  ill, 
and  therefore  sent  his  son  to  visit  the  marquis 
of  Loo  in  his  stead.  Tso-she  says : 一 4 The  son  of 
the  earl  of  Ts4aou  was  received,  as  was  proper, 
with  the  honours  due  to  a minister  of  the  high- 
est rank.  At  the  ceremonial  reception  which  was 
given  to  him,  when  the  first  cup  was  presented, 
as  the  music  struck  up,  he  sighed.  She-foo  said, 
u The  prince  of  Ts4aou  will  soon  be  sad  indeed. 
This  is  not  the  place  for  sighing.,,J 

The  critics  are  rauch  divided  in  their  views  of 
this  visit,  and  labour  hard  to  find  the  sage’s 
work  of  4 condemnation  * in  it. 


54 


THE  CH4UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  n. 


Tenth  year. 


伯 4 •冬 許兆衡 公…， 
來 齊十丘 、公 五 
戰侯 有弗會 凡 
于 衞二遇 。衞 
亂 侯凡侯 
鄭 丙于栺 


卒 。庚十 s 
申 ,年, 
曹春‘ 

伯王 

終正 

生月, 


侵 於之忽 初免么 是害罪 ，旣 © © 奔 父 © 左 
伐濟 ，魯有 北齊故 無也。 懷而初 .秋篇 。有 虢傅 
先 齊以功 戎衛虞 厭乃璧 悔虞秦 辭 •仲曰 . 
晝入 周皇 看細公 也 、感 其 之叔人 边 _ 十 
齊以 班齊齊 >來 出無之 。罪 ，曰, 有納 王其年 > 
衞篇 後人諸 戰奔厭 .又 吾周玉 .芮 師大春 . 
王師鄭 ，靝 侯於共 將求焉 諺虞伯 伐夫曹 
爵助鄭 諸救郧 篇。 及其用 有公萬 貌詹桓 
也 。之人 侯>  之我 我。 寶此之 .求於 夏 .父公 
故怒, 使鄭有 遂劍 .其匹 旃, 亂虢 於卒。 
不請 魯公辭 伐叔 以夫弗  公王 》 

稱師次 子也。 虞氐賃 無獻，  出詹 

X.  1 In  the  [duke's]  tenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  first 
month,  on  Kang-shin,  Chung-sang,  earl  of  Ts{aou,  died. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  there  was  the  burial  of  duke 

Hwan  of  Ts‘aou. 

3 In  autumn,  the  duke  [went  to]  have  a meeting  with  tlie 

marquis  of  Wei  in  T^aou-k^w,  but  did  not  meet  with 
'him. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  on  Pirig-woo,  the  marquis 

of  Ts‘e， the  marquis  of  A\rei， and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing 
came  and  fought  [with  us]  at  Lang. 


Par.  1.  Parr.  1,2.  See  the  Chuen  on  last 
par.  of  last  year.  A great  mystery  is  found  in 
the  reappearance  of  ； 一 4 in  the  10th  year,  the 

completion  of  numbers.’  Tso  blends  the  two 
parr,  together,  saying  that  4 in  the  spring  duke 
Hwan  of  Ts^ou  died/ 

[Tso-slie  adds  here: — * The  brother  of  the  duke 
of  Kwoh  slandered  his  great  officer  Chen  Foo 
to  tho  king.  Chen  Foo  was  able  to  rebut  tho 
slander,  and  with  an  army  from  tho  king  at- 
tacked Kwoh.  In  sumraer,  the  duke  of  Kwoh 
fled  fco  Yu.’] 


rar.  3.  T‘aou-k‘iiw  was  in  Wei; — 50  le  to 
tho  west  of  the  present  dist.  city  of  Tung-o 

[J 可 ), in  dept.  Tung-cl^ang.  The  meeting  had 
been  agreed  upon,  and  the  dake  was  anxious  to 
detach  Wei  from  the  party  of  Ch4inpr,  which  was 
threatening  Loo; — see  next  par.  The  niarquig 
of  Wei,  however,  changed  his  mind,  and  de- 
termined to  go  with  tlie  other  side. 

[Tso-she  adds: 一 *In  autumn,  Ts*in  restored 
Wan,  carl  of  Jay,  to  Juy.*  See  the  Chuen  at 
the  end  of  the  4th  year. 


Year  XI. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


55 


4 The  3d  brother  of  the  duke  of  Yu  had  a 
valuable  piece  of  jade,  which  the  duke  asked  of 
him.  He  refused  it,  but  afterwards  repented, 
saying,  4* There  is  the  proverb  in  Chow,  *A 
man  may  have  no  crime； 一 that  lie  keeps  his 
ptih  is  his  crime.*  This  jade  is  of  no  use  to 
me; — sl)all  I buy  my  liurt  with  it?n  He  then 
presented  it  to  the  duke,  who  went  on  to  ask 
a precious  sword  which  he  had.  The  young 
brother  then  said  to  himself,  **This  man  is  in- 
satiable; his  greed  will  reach  to  my  person. n 
He  therefore  attacked  the  duke,  who  wtis 
obliged  to  flee  to  Kung-dre.’] 

^ar.  4.  Lang, 一 see  I.  ix.  4.  Tso-she  says  ： — 
4 In  winter,  Ts4e,  Wei,  and  Ch'ing  came  to  fight 
with  us  in  Lang；  but  we  could  explain  what 
they  complained  of.  Formerly  when  the  northern 


Jung  were  distressiiiff  Ts*e,  many  o/'the  princes 
sent  to  its  relief,  and  Ilwuh,  son  of  the  earl 
of  Clring,  acquired  merit.  When  the  people  of 
Ts%e  were  sending  cattle  round  to  the  dilferent 
troops,  the  officers  of  Loo  were  employed  to 
arrange  the  order  of  distribution.  They  did  so 
according  to  the  rules  of  precedence  at  the  court 
of  Chow,  and  sent  last  to  Ch'ing.  The  men  of 
Ch*ing  were  angry,  and  the  carl  requested  the 
help  of  a force  from  Ts4e,  which  granted  it  and 
got  troops  from  Wei  besides.  In  these  circum- 
stances the  text  does  not  speak  of  their  attacking 
Loo  covertly  or  opt*nly,  but  that  they  came  aiid 
fought.  It  also  puts  Ts-e  and  Wei  before  Ch*ing, 
though  Ch'imj  was  the  prime  mover  of  the  expeditiony 
— in  the  order  of  tlieir  rank  as  fixed  by  the  king.* 
The  battle  was,  we  may  suppose,  bloodless. 


Eleventh  year. 

冬祕 S 柔喂 P 突 5九_^ 夏 纟鄭十 5 

十 會會忽 歸凡七 五人有 
有 宋宋出 于宋凡 凡盟一 
二公 么奔鄭 A 葬癸于 年、 


凡于 陳衞。 

執 

鄭未 ，惡春 k 

鄭 

莊鄭曹 。正 

會鍾廣 

祭 

公 。伯 

月‘ 

木 

叔 1 

仲。 

，寤 

■ —— - 

齊 

公 

盟 

生 

人 

衞 

于 

于 

卒。 

闊。 

析。 

人 

敢卜濟 所在於 必有員 P 邑 .也 .不 _ 州人 ©鄭左 
鄙以焉 。聞齓 王靡。 _ 有 我君誡 .藤 m 軍 楚宋溥 
師 决莫也 .商 對莫志 ，虞以 次且曰 .伐於 屈盟曰 . 
於疑 .敖 成周曰 ，敖若 心\ 銳於日 鄙楚蒲 瑕於十 
蒲不日 > 軍之師 氐敢 而師郊 虞人師 .騷 廣惡一 
騷 ，疑卜 以不克 盍鄢恃 宵郭 .四軍 莫將盟 曹年* 
卒何之 。出 ，敵. 在請師 .其加 以邑其 敖與蕺  m, 
盟丨 、。對 又君和 . 濟四城 .於 禦之郊 ，患 隨歡齊 
而遂曰 , 何之不 師邑莫 亂四至 必 > 鉸員 H 衞 


56 


THE  CH'UN  TS  EW  WITH  THE  TSO  CIIUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


亥 .秋 之 。與 亦仲宗 莊祭卿 ，足 ，夏 .弗援 ，必人 © 還, 


厲九 
公凡 
立 。丁 
亥‘ 
昭 

奔 

衞。 

己 


朱 執而有 必仲爲 有鄭從 。將 取將鄭 


人厲 執寵曰 立公寵 
盟 ，公之 於雍之 。娶 於公 
以而曰 ，来姑 k 朱鄧 莊卒。 
厲求不 莊生雍 晃么初, 
公 賂立各 厲氏 生莊祭 
歸 突/ 故公. 女昭公 
而 祭將誘 雍於各 使人 
立仰死 。祭 氏鄭 故爲仲 


不之 妻厢 

±M  z/j> 

三 多昭之 
公 內公敖 
子寵 JM 匕 
皆 子祭戎 
君無 仲也, 
也。 大曰濟 


XI.  1 In  the  [duke's]  eleventh  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month, 
an  officer  of  Ts‘e,  an  officer  of  Wei,  and  an  officer  of 
Ch(ing  made  a covenant  in  Goh-ts^ou. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  [the  day]  Kwei-we,  Woo- 

sang,  earl  of  Ch(ing,  died. 

3 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  there  was  the  burial  of 

duke  Chwang  of  Ch^ing. 

4 In  the  ninth  month,  the  people  of  Sung  seized  Chae  Chung 

of  Ch‘ing. 

5 Tuh  returned  to  Ch£ing. 

6 Hwuh  of  Ch4ing  fled  to  Wei. 

7 Yew  had  a meeting  Avith  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of 

Chcin,  and  the  third  brother  of  [the  marquis  of]  Ts4ae, 
in  Cheh. 

8 The  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  duke  of  Sung  in  Foo- 

chung. 

9 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  the  duke  had  a meeting 

with  the  duke  of  Sung  in  K'an. 


Par.  1.  The  position  of  Goh-ts{aou  is  not 
known.  This  meeting  was,  no  doubt,  a sequel, 
in  some  vay,  to  the  expedition  of  the  three 
princes,  the  previous  month,  against  Loo.  Tso- 
she  says  that  Ts4e,  Wc»i,  Ch'ing  and  Sung  all 
united  in  the  covenant,  and  Too  thinks  therefore 
that  is  wanting  in  the  text.  But  the  men- 
tion of  Sung  is  supposed  by  many,  and  I think 
correctly,  to  be  an  error  of  Tso.  But  who  were 
the  covenanting  parties?  Sun  Keoh 
early  in  Sung  dyn.),  Iloo  Gan-kwoli,  the  K'anp：- 
he  editors,  and  many  other  critics,  contend  that 
they  were  the  princes  of  the  tlirec  States,  who 
arc  called  — in  condemnation.  But  why 

were  tliey  not  called  in  the  par.  immeiliatc- 
ly  before?  It  is  bettor  to  understand  here, 
ns  in  many  other  places,  of  officers  appointed  by 
the  princes  to  act  for  them. 

[Tso-she  apponds  lioro: 一 4 K4euli  lira  of  Ts^oo 
was  about  to  make  a covenant  with  Urli  ami  (liin, 
when  I lie  people  of  Yun  took  posl  with  their 
army  at  r*oo-saou,  intending,  witli  Suy,  Kcaou,  1 


Chow,  and  Liiaou,  to  attack  the  army  of  Ts*oo. 
The  Moli-gaou  [this  was  the  name  of  an  office 
in  Ts4oo.  The  party  intended  is  K*euli  Ilea]  was 
troubled  about  it;  but  Tow  Lecn  said,  * The  peo- 
ple of  Yun,  having  their  army  in  their  suburbs, 
are  sure  to  be  off  their  guard ; and  they  are  daily 
anxious  for  the  arrival  of  the  forces  of  the 
other  four  States.  Do  you,  Sir,  take  up  a posi- 
tion at  Keaou-ying  to  withstand  the  advance 
of  those  forces,  and  I will  mako  an  attack  upon 
Yun  at  nigl»t  with  a nimble,  ardent  troop,  ’i’he 
men  of  Yun  are  anxiously  looking  out,  nml  relying 
on  theproximity  of  thew  city,  so  that  they  have  no 
mind  to  fight.  If  we  defeat  the  army  of  Yun, 
the  other  four  cities  will  abandon  their  uUiaure 
with  it.”  Kc'iih  Ilea  replied,  u Why  not  ixsk  the 
lu'lpof  more  troops  from  (ho  kinjr  fi.  c.t  tlu*  vih- 
count  of  Tsoo]?'*  The  otlior  said,  tkAn  army 
coiKiucrs  by  its  harmony,  and  not  hv  its  numlKT8. 
You  have  heard  how  unc^qually  ShatiK  and  Cliow 
were  matched.  We  have  come  forth  with  a 
complete  army  ; 一 wlmt  more  do  we  want?**  The 
Moh-«j：aou  said,  4t  Lot  us  divino  al>oul  it.'*  u We 
(livine/'  returned  flic  otluT,  uto  dotcrmiiu*  in 
cases  of  doubt.  Where  wo  have  noduulHs,  why 


Yi.AH  XII. 


DUKE  HWAN. 


57 


should  we  divine?M  Immediately  he  defeated  : 
the  army  of  Yun  in  P4oo-saou.  The  covenant 
[with  Urh  and  Chin]  was  completed,  and  they 
returned/ 

4 When  duke  Ch4aou  of  Chung  [i.  e.y  the  earl's 
son  Hwuh,  afterwards  duke  ClraouJ  defeated 
the  northern  Jung,  the  marquis  of  T8*e  wished 
to  give  him  one  of  his  danghters  to  wife.  When 
he  declined  the  match,  Chae  Chung  said  to  him, 
“You  must  take  her.  Our  prince  has  many 
favourites  in  his  family.  Without  some  great 
support,  you  will  not  be  able  to  secure  the 
succession  to  yourself.  Your  three  brothers 
may  all  aspire  to  the  earldom.**  Hwuh,  however, 
did  not  follow  the  advice.*] 

Parr.  2,  3.  The  earl  of  Ch4ing  was  certainly 
the  ruling  spirit  of  his  time,  shrewd,  crafty,  and 
daring, — the  hero  of  the  first  part  of  the  Ch*un 
Ts*ew.  His  burial  should  not  have  taken  place 
till  the  10th  month.  There  must  have  been 
sometliing  in  the  circumstances  of  the  State  to 
cause  it  to  be  hurried.  Tso-she  appends  to  par. 
2: — 4 Chung  Tsuh  had  been  border-ward  n of 
Chae,  and  became  a favourite  with  duke 
Chwang,  who  made  him  one  of  his  chief 
ministers.  He  had  got  the  duke  married  to 
a lady  Man,  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  House  of 
T*ftng,  and  the  produce  of  the  union  was  duke 
Cli‘aou  [the  duke’s  son  Hwuh.]  It  was  on  this 
account  that  Chae  Chung  secured  the  succession 
to  him.’ 

Parr.  4 一 6.  Chae  was  a place  or  district  in 
Ching,  of  which  Chae  Chung,  as  we  leai'n  from 
the  last  Chuen,  had  been  warden ; and  it  became 
equivalent  to  his  surname,  and  actually  the  sur- 
oame  of  his  descendants.  Too  says  that  Chae 
was  really  his  surname,  and  Chung  his  name ; 
but  I must  believe  that  Chung  was  the  designa- 
tion,  and  Tsuh  (^)  the  name. 

一 4 the  people  of  Sung；*  like  in 

YI.  4.  A literal  translation  of  執 would  be  I 
4 grabbed.'  The  reason  of  the  seizure  of  Chae 
Chung  is  told  by  Tso-she  ： 一 4 The  officer  Yung 
of  Sung  had  married  a daughter,  called  Yung 
K‘eih  [雍 結；  Yung  was  the  father*s  clan- 
narae；  K^ih  the  surname]  to  duke  Chwang  of 
Ch*ing.  She  bore  a son  [Tuh]^  who  became  duke 
Le.  The  Yung  clan  was  in  favour  with  duke 
Chwang  of  Sung,  who  therefore  beguiled  Chae 


Chung,  seizing  him,  and  tolling  liim  that,  unless 
he  raised  Tuh  to  the  earklom,  lie  should  die. 
At  the  same  time  he  seized  duke  Le  [I'uh],  and 
required  the  promise  oj  bribes  from  him.  Chao 
Chung  made  a covenant  with  an  officer  of  Sun^, 
took  duke  Le  back  with  hiin/o  C/<4i////,  and  set  him 
up.’  The  action  of  pp.  5,  6 was  almost  contem- 
poraneous. As  the  Chuen  says: 一 4 Jn  the  9th 
month,  on  Ting-hae,  duke  Ch‘aou  fled  to  Wei,  and 
on  Ive-hae  p2  days  after]  duke  Le  was  acknow- 
ledged in  his  room.*  As  Hwuh  had  been  both 
de  jure  and  de  facto  earl  of  Ch4ingr  since  his  fa- 
ther^ death,  the  critics  are  much  concerned  to 
find  the  reason  why  lie  is  mentioned  here  simply 
by  his  name,  without  his  title.  Kung-yang 
thinks  the  style  is  after  the  simplicity  of  the 
Yin  dynasty,  which  called  the  son  by  his  name 
in  presence  of  the  father ; and  the  former  earl 
might  be  considered  as  only  just  dead, 一 in  fact, 
as  almost  still  alive.  Kuh-leang  thinks  the 
name  is  given,  as  to  a prince  who  had  lost  his 
State.  Hoo  Gan-kwoh  thinks  the  name  is  con- 
demnatory of  him,  for  having  refused  the  strong 
alliance  which  Ts'e  had  pressed  on  them.  Too’s 
explanation  is  more  likely.  The  announcement 
of  his  exit,  he  says,  was  from  Ch4ing,  which 
gave  his  name  in  contempt,  and  the  historio- 
graphers of  Loo  entered  it  as  it  came  to  them. 
But  see  od  XV.  4. 

Par.  7.  The  situation  of  Cheh  has  not  been 
determined.  Yew  was  a great  officer  of  Loo, 
who,  acc.  to  Tso-she,  had  not  received  a clan- 

name.  On  蔡叔， T。。 Yu  says  that  叔 is 
the  name,  and  Maou  agrees  with  him.  It  serves, 
indeed,  tlie  purpose  of  a name;  but  I prefer  to 
render  the  word,  according  to  its  signification, 
as  in  the  translation.  So,  Sun  Fuh 

蔡侯 弟也) • ^ 

Parr.  8,9.  Foo-chung  (Kung  reads  was 

in  the  small  State  of  Sliing  (成  JJ);  and  K‘an 
was  very  near  to  Shing,  belonging  to  Loo； — in 
the  west  of  WSn-shang  ) district.  At 

this  time  Loo  and  Sung,  for  some  reason,  be- 
came, or  wanted  to  become,  close  friends.  We 
shall  find  that  their  two  princes  had  three  meet- 
ings in  the  course  of  the  next  year.  The  af- 
fairs of  Ch4ing  were,  no  doubt,  a principal  topic 
with  them. 


Twelfth  year. 


十 0? ¥, #, 
正月。 

一一  章 4 I I 

夏六 月壬寅 
公會 * 侯宮 
于盟 于曲 MO 

U I- /*  I $ 

秋七 月丁亥 

石會 宋公 i 
人盤 于穀丘 。 

四章  k k 

八 月壬 。辰陳 
侯躍來 


VOL.  V, 


8 


58 


THE  CIPUN  TSkEW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


公會宋 公于虛 

六章 k k 

冬十 有一 J 公 
會宋公 于 ao 

£ I 

丙戌公 會鄭伯 
盟于武 C 九 

八章  k 〇 

丙戎衞 侯晋卒 

* 章 I 

十有二 月及鄭 
師伐宋 丁來戰 
于宋。 


左傅 曰>  十二年 a, 盟 于曲池 。平 
祀莒也 

公欲 平朱 。瓤秋 ‘公 及宋么 盟于 
问 漬 v 丘。 宋成 未可 知也故 .X 
會于虛 < 又會 于&米 公辭 平‘ 
故 與鄭伯 盟于武 C 人遂# 師而 
伐宋 ‘戰鼠 朱 無信也 君子曰 ‘苟 
信不歡 盟 無益也 詩元 君子屢 
1 亂 是用鼠 無信也 
© 楚伐綾 \軍其南門>莫裁屈瑕 
曰‘ 絞小 而氟 輕則 寡謀‘ 請無杆 
采樵 者以 誘之 從之絞 人獲三 
十人明 日‘絞 人爭此 驅楚 殺徒 
於山叭 楚人 坐其北 門‘ 而覆諸 
山孓 大敢 之爲 城下之 盟而霰 
伐絞之 從 楚師分 渉於 鼓羅人 
欲伐之 使伯嘉 課之三 巡數之 


th« 

g» 
n 
• rl 
p 
s 

e 

n 

ar. ， 
e 
y 

fth 

11 


uk( 

rd - 

e • 

th th 


l tof uke cer 'in. , 
el UIlt du offi ch 
k 3u e. .e 0 4e fc 
t of 
uh- uis 


isc -ch th 


( 1 h c . 
th he eu -ha a] K rq' 

• yln> dt .K< mg 叫 at ma 
in- ean tat nT su or 
nJ Ke ron of YO 

o of l th ke co n， 
f uis 二 du ea -shi 
7 deaq thm the mad Jin 
l el na ven ith p on 
six th p se w .he h， 
eh_e ng lt nt 

mil 

r.in ’ ng vhe .„J th 
Ile etl w rnn a en f 〇 . 
nflm rrle eu. ， ul dY ei ed 

F aut ha 在 

In In In 


in et- of ng in 

r)  c 1 ,/M*  t 

ng m ar . :h g^ 
url a egc Mg 
s d he -fo of fo 
of ha lt tl ny as 
ke ke ith w w 
luk duk gw tat ed. lea ttle 
nsr Int di t.h ba 
让 i ven lla 

o ' I — . 


th 


til 

I 

th. ， 


of HO 


:: sun r . 工 

eti en of ke m lar rol 
me lev uke du hey r 

e u e u n lt 
a ed he 


r LS lo g 

h e t e T m n 

t th l’h  , 1I U 

ht uh w uh fth ds 

t ie r”  e d cd 


ts se el 

dul eu. Iltel PTmf tw acl 


he 


Hc l ing pi ch pil he im su 
\\ t 


2 


3 


4 


5 


In 


6 


n 


7 


Ylxu  XII. 


DUKE  HWAN. 


59 


Par.  1.  See  on  I.vi.  3. 


so  far  as  the  month  was  concerned,  in  Die  mes- 


Par. 2.  ForKe^*«  e lmve  紀 in  Kung  aiul 
Kuh.  For  曲池 ^ Kung  丨丨 as  區 5 蛇 . lC‘iiuh- 
ch4e  was  in  Loo ; — iOfe  to  the  north-east  of  pres, 
dis.  city  of  K*euh-fow.  We  might  translate 
the  characters 一 ‘the  pool  of  There  is 

or  was  such  a pool,  having  its  source  in  Sliili- 

inCiii  (石門 ） hill. 

Tso-she  says  the  object  of  this  meeting  was 
4 to  reconcile  Ke  and  Keu/  which  had  been  at 
feud  since  Keu  invaded  Ke  in  the  4th  year  uf 
duke  Yin. 

Par.  3.  Kuh-k*ew  w«as  in  Sung； 一 30  le  north 
from  the  dep.  city  of  Ts4aou-chow.  Tso-she 
6ay8： 一 cThe  duke,  wishing  to  reconcile  Sung 
and  Ch4ing,  had  a meeting  in  the  autumn  with 
the  duke  of  Sung,  at  the  height  of  Kow-tow 
( 句 瀆之丘 >’  This  is  another  uamc  for 

Kuli-k^w.  Yen  here  is  the  ‘soutliei4!!’  Yen,  a 
small  earldom,  whose  lords  had  the  surname 
K‘eili  ami  professed  to  be  descended  from 

Hwang- te.  It  was  in  the  pres.  dis.  of  Keih 
dep.  Wei-hwuy,  Ho-nan.  Sung  had  re- 
quired very  great  promises  from  Tuh,  as  the 
price  of  establishing  him  in  Ch4ing；  and  the  non- 
fulfilment  of  them  created  great  animosity  be- 
tween the  two  States.  Loo,  at  Ch'ing^  solici- 
tation, tried  to  act  as  mediator；  but  without 
success.  But  if  this  meeting  were,  as  Tso-she 
Bays,  held  simply  on  account  of  the  differences 
between  Sung  and  Ch4ing,  we  cannot  account 
for  the  presence  of  an  officer  of  Yen,  whose 
weight  in  the  scale,  on  one  side  or  the  other, 
would  hardly  be  appreciable.  W oo  Cluing 
澄；  the  great  Yuen  commentator)  thinks 
therefore,  that  the  meeting  was  called  for  an- 
other purpose  in  which  Yen  had  an  interest,  and 
that  Loo  took  the  opportunity  to  touch  on 
Chling  matters.  The  4 History  of  the  Different 
States'  gives  quite  another  turn  to  the  par.,  and 
makes  to  be  the  earl  of  the  ‘northern 

Yen/  who  happened  to  arrive  at  Kuh-k4ew, 
while  the  meeting  was  being  held,  on  his  way 
to  the  court  of  Sung. 

Par.  4.  This  marquis  was  canonized  as  duke 
Le  His  burial  is  not  recorded,  be- 

cause Loo  did  not  attend  it.  See  on  I.iii.  7. 
Ho  Hew  foolishly  supposes  that  this  marquis  was 
the  son  of  T4o,  and  therefore  his  burial  is  not  en- 
tered,一 4 in  condemnation  of  T.o.’  Too  Yu  obser- 
ves that  the  day  Jin-shin  was  tlie  23d  of  the  7th 
month;  and  explains  the  error  of  entering  the 
death  under  the  8th  month  as  having  arisen 
from  the  historiographers  of  Loo,  simply  taking 
down  the  date  as  it  was  giyen  them  erroneously, 


sage  from  Cl^in  (從赴 )• 

Parr.  5,  (J.  Tso-slie  says： 一 i Uncertain  whe- 
ther Sung  would  be  reconciled  to  Ch4ing  or  not, 
Loo  persevered  in  its  endeavours  ; and  the  duke 
had  the  meetings  in  these  two  paragraphs.' 
Heu  and  Kwei  were  both  in  Sung；  but  their 
positions  are  not  well  deterniined. 

Par.  7.  San*j  had  now  positively  declined  to 
be  reconciled,  and  Loo  takes  decidedly  the  side 
of  Ch'ing.  Woo-foo  was  in  Ch4ing, — in  tho 


south-west  of  pres.  dis.  of  Tung-ming 


dep.  Ta-ming,  Cliih-le. 

Par.  8.  Tliis  is  the  only  instance  in  tho 
Ch4un  Ts'ew,  in  which,  when  entries  of  two  or 


more  different  tilings  that  occurred  on  the  same 


day  are  made,  the  oame  of  the  day  is  given 
with  each  of  them. 


l)ar.  9.  This  is  the  6〇quel  of  par.  7.  Tho 
text,  however,  is  not  6〇  precise  as  usual.  Wo 

want  a subject  before  万^， which  should  be  ‘the 
duke  ’ or  守运 存币， as  I have  given  it.  Then  the 

clause  at  the  end  is  quite  indefinite,  8〇  that 
Kung  and  Kuh  both  say  that  Loo  and  Ch4ing 
quarrelled,  and  fought  between  themselves, 一 
wliereas  we  find  them  fighting  on  the  same  side 
in  the  2d  par.  of  next  year.  Tso-she,  after  men- 
tioning the  meeting  of  Loo  and  Ch4ing  at  Woo- 
foo,  adds: 一 4 Immediately  after,  they  led  their 
forces  and  invaded  Sung,  with  which  they 
fought  a battle, 一 to  punish  it  for  its  want  of 
good  faith.  A superior  man  will  say,  u If  there 
be  not  the  appendage  of  good  faith,  covenants  are 
of  no  use.  It  is  said  in  the  Poems  (II.  v.  IV.  3), 
4 The  king  is  continually  insisting  on  cove- 
nants, 

And  the  disorder  is  thereby  increased；* 一 
which  was  from  the  want  of  good  faith/ 

[The  Chuen  adds  here : 一 4 Ts4oo  invaded  Keaou, 
and  attacked  the  south  gate  of  the  city.  The 
Moh-gaou,  K'euh-hea,  said,  44  Keaou  being  small 
Will  be  lightly  moved.  Lightly  moved,  its  plans 
will  be  vith  little  thought.  Let  us  leave  our 
wood -gatherers  unprotected  and  so  entrap  it.’ 
His  advice  was  followed,  and  the  people  of 
Keaou  caught  30  men.  Next  day  they  struggled 
to  get  out  to  pursue  the  service-men  of  Ts‘oo 
upon  the  hill.  The  army  took  post  at  the  north 
gate,  and  an  ambuscade  had  been  placed  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill.  K^aou  received  a great  defeat. 
Ts4oo  imposed  a covenant  beneath  the  wall,  and 
withdrew.  In  this  invasion  of  Keaou,  the  army 
of  Ts*oo  waded  through  the  P{ang  in  separate 
divisions.  The  people  of  Lo  wished  to  attack 
them,  and  sent  Pih-kea  to  act  as  a spy.  He 
went  thrice  round  tlie  troops， and  counted  them.’] 


GO 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘E\V  WITH  THE  TS()  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


Thirteenth  year. 

冬 嫩? 夏 _三獅屬。 宋仇月 .十― • 
十七 大瓦燕 齊公. 己公有 
月 。月 。水 。葬師 .缻衞 巳會三 
衞敗宋 最及祀 年> 
宣績 。師羞 齊侯舂 k 
公 。衞 人侯減 R 二 


© 齊朱刑 .之 。且 師也不 司備將 而之焉 .心、 计 © 
鄭與 多楚莫 不曰 ，楚 假而乎 J 威謂 不送若 
人朱責 子敖設 諫子易 勸夫用 莫其告 固之傅 
來 衞賂日 .總微 者使也 .之 固也 .敖 謂夫矣 。還 .曰. 
請燕 於孤 於及有 賴不以 謂必以 君人遂 f 胃十 
脩戰 。鄭, 之荒羅 .刑 。人然 > 令君小 刑撫鄧 見其三 
好 •不 鄭罪谷 .羅及 追夫德 .訓羅 .也 .小曼 , 楚御年 . 
書不也 。羣與 鄢> 之豈見 衆君莫 民鄧子 旧 .春. 
所堪皆 帥盧亂 不不莫 而苷敖 以曼曰 > 莫楚 
戰扁 ，免囚 戎次及 。知 敖好 不狃信 .曰, 必敖屈 
後故 之於雨 以莫楚 而鎭鎭 於訓大 濟必瑙 
也 。以 冶軍濟 .敖師 告撫撫 .蒲 諸夫師 。耽伐 
紀 父之遂 使之諸 之其騷 司其楚 舉羅， 
魯 以大無 徇盡天 召不之 以非子 趾_ 
及 聽敖次 ，於 行之諸 設從德 .衆 辭鼠伯 

XIII.  1 In  his  thirteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  second  month, 
the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ke  and 
the  earl  of  Cluing;  and  on  Ke-sze  they  fought  with 
the  marquis  of  Ts{e,  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis 
of  Wei,  and  an  officer  of  Yen,  when  the  armies  of 
Ts£e,  Sung,  Wei,  and  Yen  received  a severe  defeat. 

2 In  the  third  month  there  was  the  burial  of  duke  Seuen 
of  Wei. 


3 In  summer  there  were  great  floods. 

4 It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

5 It  was  winter,  the  tenth  month. 


[Tso-Rhe  gives  the  following  narrative  as 
prior  to  the  fight  in  par.  1 ： — 4 In  spring,  K4euh 
Hea  of  T8coo  proceeded  to  invade  Lo,  and  was 
escorted  part  of  the  way  by  Tow  Pih-pe.  As 
Pih-pe  was  returning,  he  said  to  his  charioteer, 
44 The  Mok-gaou  will  certainly  be  defeated.  He 


walks  high  on  his  tiptoes； 一 his  mind  is  not 
firm.**  Immediately  after,  he  had  an  interview 
with  the  viscount  of  and  begged  him  to 

send  more  troops.  The  viscount  refused,  Rnd 
when  he  had  gone  into  his  palace  told  his  wife, 
a Man  of  T'fiug  [see  on  VII.  3J  about  the  matter. 


Ykih  XIV. 


DUKE  HWAN. 


01 


“Your  great  officer’s  words，”  said  she,  “were 
not  merely  for  tlie  9ake  of  sending  more  troops; 
his  meaning  was  that  you  should  comfort  the 
inferior  people  by  your  good  faith,  instruct  all 
the  officers  by  your  virtue,  and  awe  the  Moh- 
gaou  by  the  Jear  of  punishment.  Tlie  Moh- 
gaou,  accustomed  to  success  by  the  action  of 
P*oo-saou  [see  the  Chuen  npjXMulod  to  XI.  1 ; 
but  perhaps  for  lhoo-saou  we  sliouhl  read  ICiiaou] 
will  presume  on  his  own  ability,  and  is  sure  to 
Diake  too  little  of  Lo.  If  you  do  not  control  him 
and  comfort  the  army,  the  Moh-gaou  will  not  make 
the  necessary  preparations.  Pih-pe’s  meaning 
certainly  is  that  you,  my  Lord,  should  instruct 
all  the  people,  by  good  words  controlling  him 
and  comforting  them ; that  you  should  call  the 
officers  and  stimulate  them  on  the  subject  of 
excellent  virtue；  that  you  should  see  the  Moli- 
gaou,  and  tell  him  how  Heaven  does  not  make 
use  of  hasty,  supercilious  men.  If  this  were 
not  his  meaning,  he  would  not  speak  as  he  has 
done； — does  he  not  know  that  all  the  army  of 
Tsw  has  gone  on  the  expedition^'  The  viscount 
on  this  sent  a Man  of  Lae  after  K^euh  U'ea,  but 
he  could  not  overtake  him.  Meanwhile  the 
Moh-gaou  had  sent  an  order  round  the  army 
that  whosover  remonstrated  with  him  should  be 
punished.  When  they  got  to  the  river  Yen,  the 
troops  got  disordered  in  crossing  it.  After  that, 
they  observed  no  order,  and  the  general  made 
no  preparations.  When  they  got  to  Lo,  its  army 
and  one  of  the  Loo  Jung  [see  the  Shoo,  V.  ii.4.] 
attacked  them,  and  inflicted  a grand  defeat. 
The  Moh-gaou  strangled  liimself  in  the  valley 
of  Hwang,  and  all  the  principal  officers  of  the 
expedition  rendered  themselves  as  prisoners  at 
Yay-foo  to  await  their  punishment.  But  the 
viscount  of  Ts‘oo  said,  “The  fault  was  mine,” 
and  forgave  them  all.’] 

Par.  1.  The  three  Chuen  all  differ  as  to  the 
parties  in  whose  interest  this  battle  was  fought. 
Kung-yang  thinks  they  were  Loo  and  Sung； 
Kuh-leang,  Ke  and  Ts‘e;  and  Tso-she,  Sung 
and  Ch'ing.  The  K4ang-he  editors  prefer  the 
view  of  Kuh-leang,  referring  to  the  arguings  of 

Chaou  Kcwang  (趙匡  ; of  the  T4ang  dyn.), 
Hoo  Gan-kwoh,  Sun  Keoh,  and  Woo  Ch4ing  in 
its  favour；  and  place  the  scene  of  the  battle  in 


Ke  (弟已 )•  Sometliing  may  be  said  in  favour 
of  each  view,  but  a fourth  one,  advocated  by 
Maou  Ke-ling,  is  to  my  mind  still  more  likely. 
He  sees  in  the  battle  Loo's  return  to  Ts*e  anil 
Wei  for  their  attack  in  the  duke^  10th  year. 
Then  Ch4ins：  was  associated  with  them  under 
H wuh,  but  Hwan  had  managed  to  make  Ch4in^ 
under  Tuh  confederate  witli  him  to  punisli  tlio 
other  two  States.  The  battle  he  thinks  was 
fought  in  Sung,  like  the  one  in  the  preceding 
par.,  which  seems  to  account  for  the  place  not 
being  mentioned  in  the  text.  Tso-she^  account 
is: — u Sung  kept  constantly  requiring  the  pay- 
ment of  the  bribes  promised  by  the  earl  of  dicing. 
Ch*ing  could  not  endure  its  demands,  and  with 
the  help  of  Ke  and  Loo  fought  with  Ts*e,  Sun^, 
Wei,  and  Yen.  The  name  of  the  place  of  tho 
battle  is  not  in  tlie  text,  because  the  duke  was 
too  late  to  take  part  in  it'  The  last  observation 
is  sufficiently  absurd.  The  marquis  of  Wei  is 
mentioned,  the  son,  that  is， of  Tsin,  whose 
death  is  mentioned  in  the  8tli  par.  of  last  year. 
As  the  father  was  not  yet  buried,  the  son  ought 
not,  it  is  said,  according  to  rule,  to  be  mentioned 
by  his  title.  But  would  that  rule  hold,  when  a 
new  year  came  between  the  death  and  burial  of 
the  former  prince?  Then  the  son  would  publicly 
4 come  to  the  vacant  place,*  and  a new  rule  be 
inaugurated.  means  a great  defeat/ 

Tso-she  says,  under  the  lltli  year  of  duke 

Chwang  that 大崩曰 敗績，  * the  phrase 

indicates  a ruin  like  the  fall  of  a great  moun- 
tain.*  ==  4 merit/  The  defeat  in- 

volved the  loss  of  merit  and  character. 

Par.  8.  See  on  1.5.  Wang  Paou  ( 王葆； 
Sung  dyn.,  about  contemporary  with  Hoo  Gan- 
kwoh)  says： 一 4 Nine  times  is  the  calamity  of 
floods  recorded  in  the  Ch^un  Ts4ew：  twice  in  the 
time  of  Hwan,  and  thrice  in  the  time  of  Chwang. 
Of  the  nine  calamities  five  of  them  occurred  in 
the  days  of  the  father  and  his  son.  May  we 
conclude  that  they  were  in  retribution  to  the 
father  for  his  wickedness  accumulated  and  un- 
repented of,  and  to  the  son  for  allowing  his 
fathers  wrong  to  go  unavenged  V So  speculate 
Chinese  scholars. 


Fourteenth  year. 


冬? 乙壤秋 琪 夏纖增 。月 .十 5 


十亥 、災。 八弟五 I 


I 


力 h 卩口 

來 


鄭 


公有 
會四 
鄭年 , 
伯春、 
正 


62 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


mikkmkm  a f 〇l  m 


之槺 ，首 .伐門 ，之 侯爷嘗 。御秋 . 之尋夏 曹年左 
槺。 歸以東 A 戰伐 朱書 廪八會 。盟 人春 .傅 
爲犬郊 .及也 。鄭 。人不 災>月 ，且子 致會曰 . 
盧 宮取大 焚報以 害乙壬 脩人 氣 .於十 
門 之牛逵 .渠 朱諸也 。亥 .申 k 曹來 ，禮曹 。四 


XIV. 


1 In  his  fourteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month,  the 

duke  had  a meeting  with  the  earl  of  Ch^ing  in  Ts4aou. 

2 There  was  no  ice. 

3 In  summer,  in  the  5th  [month], the  earl  of  Ch4ing 

sent  his  younger  brother  Yu  to  Loo  to  make  a covenant. 

4 In  autumn,  in  the  eighth  month,  on  Jin-shin,  the  granary 

of  the  ancestral  temple  was  struck  with  lightning. 

5 On  Yih-hae  we  offered  the  autumnal  sacrifice. 

6 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  on  Ting-sze,  Luh-foo, 

marquis  of  Ts‘e,  died. 

7 An  officer  of  Sung,  with  an  officer  of  Ts{e,  an  officer  of 

Ts(ae,  an  officer  of  Wei,  and  an  officer  ofChlin,  invad- 
ed Citing. 


Par.  1.  Since  the  meeting  of  the  duke  and 
earl  at  Woo-foo  in  the  12th  year,  Loo  and  Chcing 
had  been  fast  allies,  and  this  meeting  was,  no 
doubt,  to  cement  the  bond  between  them.  Too 
says  that,  as  they  met  in  Ts^ou,  the  earl  of 
Ts4aou  was  also  a party  at  the  meeting.  Tso- 
slie  adds  that  the  people  of  Ts'aou  supplied, 
cattle  and  other  fresh  provisions ; 一 4 which  was 
proper.* 

Par.  2.  The  1st  month  of  Chow  was  the  11th 
of  Hea,  the  2d  month  of  winter,  when  there 
ought  to  have  been  ice. 

Par.  3.  After  there  is  wanting  the  char- 
acter ^ c month  and  perhaps  other  characters 
as  well.  Or  it  may  be,  as  some  critics  think, 
that  is  an  interpolation. 

Instead  of  Kuh-leang  has  Tso-slie 
says： 一 4 The  son  of  duke  Chwany  of  Ching,  Tsze- 
子人  ; this  was  the  designation  of  Yu,  and 
afterwards  became  a clan-name]  came  to  renew 
the  covenant  [尋 盟]，  and  to  confirm  the 
meeting  in  Ts^aou.*  I suppose  thi6  meeting  had 
then  been  apjeed  on.  Kuli-leang  lays  down  a 
law,  that  wliere  the  (lay  of  a covenant  is  not 
given,  it  intimates  that  the  covenant  had  form- 
erly been  arranged  for.  The  law  is  arbitrary; 
but  the  fact  in  this  case  was,  probably,  as  it 
would  assume. 

Par.  4.  Woo  Ch^mg  says : 一 4 When  the  prince 
is  in  his  chariot,  he  is  in  immediate  proximity 


to  l]is  charioteer. ( 與御者 最相親 

近 )•  Therefore  the  charioteer  御 is  used  of 
the  men  whom  the  prince  approaches  nearest, 
and  also  of  the  things  which  the  prince  himself 

use.  The 御 granary  was  that  in  which  the 
rice  which  was  produced  from  the  field  cultivated 
by  the  prince  himself  was  stored,  used  to  supply 
the  grain  for  the  vessels  of  the  ancestral  ten) pie, 
and  which  it  was  not  presumed  to  apply  to  any 
other  use •’  This  is  an  attempt  to  explain  the 
use  of  here ; and  it  is  strange  the  dictionary 
takes  no  notice  of  the  term  in  this  passage.  The 
phrase  might  be  rendered  by  4 the  duke^  own 
granary/  as  well  as  by  those  I have  employed  in 
the  translation.  with  calamity;* 

but  acc.  to  Tso-she,  in  the  Ch*un  Ts4ew  the 
term  is  used  specially  of  4 calamity  by  fire  from 

llt'avcn  (天火 曰災) •’ 

Par.  5.  The  Chany  was  a regularly  recurrinflf 
sacrifice,  and  as  ordinary  and  regular  things  are 
not  entered  in  the  Ch4un  Ts*ew,  the  critics  aro 
greatly  concerned  to  account  for  this  entry.  A 
sufficient  reason  seems  to  be  supplied  in  the 
date.  The  Chang  was  due  on  the  8th  month  of 
Hea,  and  it  was  now  only  the  8th  month  of 
Chow,  = the  6th  month  of  Hea.  But  the  grain 
for  it  would  have  to  be  supplied  from  the 
granary  which  had  been  burned;  and  by  the 
mention  of  the  sacrifice  immediately  after  that 
event,  the  text  seems  to  intimate  some  connt*c- 
tion  between  the  two  things.  Tso-she  simply 


Year  XV. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


63 


says  that  the  proximity  of  tlie  texts  shows  thftt 
•no  harm  was  done*  by  the  lightning;  i.  e., 
observes  Too,  4 the  fire  was  extinguished  before 
it  reached  the  grain.*  But,  contends  Kuh-leang, 
to  use  the  miserable  remains  of  tlie  grain  scath- 
eil  by  the  lightning  was  very  disrespectful  ； ami 
not  to  divine  again  for  another  day  on  which  to 
offer  the  Shang,  after  such  an  ominous  disaster, 
Hoo  Gan-kwo  shows,  was  more  disrespectful 
still!  To  a western  reader  all  this  seems  4 much 
ado  about  nothing.1 

Far.  7.  Too  Yu  gives  here,  from  another  part 
of  the  Chuen,  a useful  canon  about  the  use  of 
in  the  text  and  similar  paragraphs : — *\Vhen 
armies  can  be  ordered  to  the  right  or  tlie  left, 


is  used.*  The  character  simply  e=  甩 
* used.’  In  this  case  the  troops  of  Ts*e  and  other 
States  were  at  the  disposal  of  Sung.  Once  in 
tlie  She — IV.  i.  [iii.]  V. 一 we  find  the  same  usage 
of  yA.  The  invasion  of  Ch'ing  was  in  reprisal 
for  tlie  events  in  par.  1 of  last  year,  and  XII.  8. 
The  Chuen  says : 一 4 In  winter,  an  officer  of  Sunp, 
aided  by  armies  from  several  princes,  invjuled 
Ch‘ing， to  avenge  the  battle  [or  battles]  in 
Sung.  The  allies  burned  tlie  Kkeu  gate  of  its 
outer  wall  and  penetrated  to  the  great  road. 
Then  they  attacked  the  eastern  suburbs;  took 
New-show；  and  carried  off  tlie  beams  of  Chunks 
ancestral  temple  to  supply  those  of  the  Loo  gate 
of  Sung  [carried  off  the  year  before].' 


Fifteenth  year. 


冬揪 殊萨公 轰許臺 鄭 5五尝夏, 三還十 5 

十九人  > 會 叔世見 四凡有 
有 凡牟齊 八于鄭 凡乙五 
一 鄭人眉 于忽伯 己未淹 、 
凡 A 葛手鄭 。邊 突已 . 天春 k 

公 突人艾 。歸出 ■王二 
會八來  于 奔齊崩 。見 


宋 于朝。 

公嚴 

m 

侯， 

陳 

侯、 

于 

索‘ 

伐 

鄭。 


麵 f 


天 

王 

使 

家 

父 

來 


G4 


TIIE  CirUN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


克冬 秋泌 許六夏 .公 以氏一 父之 ，祭 不求左 
而會鄭 會叔月 属載告 。舍 而與將 仲私車 。傅 
還 。於 伯齊人 乙公以 祭其巳 夫享辱 ，求 非曰， 
叙因 侯於亥 ，出出 室,胡 紈—鈿 办。 _ 十 
謀櫟 於許。 昭奔曰 .殺 而可親 。郊 .伯 也 。五 
伐人艾 。公蔡 。謀 雍將此 其雍患 諸年. 
-鄭, 殺謀 人及轧 享也。 母姬之 .侯春 ， 
將檀定  婦尸 子遂曰 k 知使 不天 

鈉伯 .許  人諸於 告人之 .其 貢王 

厲 而也。  宜周郊 ，祭 盡謂壻 車使 

公遂  其 氏吾仰 夫其雍 服 ，家 

也 ，居  死之 惑日池 . 母糾 天父 

弗櫟。  也 。汪 。之. 雍父曰 .殺 子來 

XV.  1 In  the  [duke's]  fifteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  second 
month,  the  king  [by]  Heaven's  [grace]  sent  Kea  Foo 
to  Loo  to  ask  for  carriages. 

2 In  the  third  month,  on  Yih-we,  the  king  [by]  Heaven's 

[grace]  died. 

3 In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  on  Ke-sze,  there  was 

the  burial  of  duke  He  of  Ts‘e. 


4 In  the  fifth  month,  Tuh,  earl  of  Ch4ing,  fled  to  Ts{ae. 

5 Hwuh,  heir-son  of  Cluing,  returned  to  his  dignity  in 

Chling. 

6 The  third  brother  of  [the  baron  of]  Heu  entered  into  Heu. 

7 The  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  in  Gae. 

8 An  officer  of  Choo,  an  officer  of  Mow,  and  an  officer  of 

Koh  came  to  [our]  court. 

9 In  autumn,  in  the  ninth  month,  Tuh,  earl  of  Ch^ng,  en- 

tered into  Leih. 


10  In  winter,  in  the  eleventh  month,  the  duke  joined  the 
duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Wei,  and  the  marquis 
of  Ch4in,  at  Ch4e,  and  they  invaded  Chling. 


Par.  1.  — see  VIII.  2.  On  the  whole 

par.,  see  on  I.  iii.  5.  Tso-slie  says  here: 一 “Tliis 
mission  was  contrary  to  propriety.  It  did  not 
belong  to  the  princes  to  contribute  carriages  or 
dresses  to  the  king;  and  it  was  not  for  the  son 
of  Heaven  privately  to  ask  for  money  or  valua- 
bles.* 

Par.  2.  See  on  I.  iii.  2. 

Par.  4.  The  Chuen  relates: 一 ‘Chae  Chunp： 
monopolized  the  government  of  to  the 

groat  trouble  of  the  earl,  who  employed  Chung's 
son-in-law,  Yung  Kcw  [this  Yung  Kew  had 
come  to  Ch*ing  witli  Tuh  from  Sun^  and  mar- 
ried a daughter  of  Chae  Chung]  to  kill  him. 
Kcw  proposed  doing  so  nt  a feast  wliich  be  was 
to  ffivo  Chung  in  the  suburbs,  but  Yunpr  Ke 
[Kew’s  wife,  and  Chung's  daughter]  became 


aware  of  the  design,  and  said  to  her  mother, 
u Whether  is  a father  or  a husband  the  nearer 
and  dearer  ?**  The  mother  said,  4<Any  man  may 
be  husband  to  a woman,  but  she  can  have  but 
one  father.  How  can  tliere  be  any  comparison 
between  them?”  She  then  told  0l】ae  i〕liuii 汉, 
saying,  <#Yung  is  leaving  his  liouse,  and  intends 
to  feast  you  in  tlie  suburbs  and  there  hill  you； 
I pot  him  to  tell  me  by  guile.**  On  this  Chae 
Chung  killed  Yung  Kcw,  and  threw  away  his 
body  by  the  pool  of  the  Chow  family.  The 
earl  took  it  with  him  in  his  o^arriage,  and  left 
the  State,  sayiiiK,  4iIt  was  right  he  should  die, 
w)io  communicated  his  plans  to  his  wifi、!” 
Thus  in  summer  duke  Le  quitted  Clring,  and 
fled  to  Ts‘ae.’  Here  Tuh  Im8  his  title  ^ivon 
him,  which,  we  saw,  was  withheld  from  Hwuh 
in  XL  6.  Some  of  the  reasons  assigned  by  tho 


Ykar  XVI. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


65 


critics  for  that  withholding  were  then  adduced, 
but  another  may  here  be  suggeated.  Under 
Hwuh,  Loo  and  Ch4ing  were  and  continued  after 
this  to  be  enemies.  Uuder  Tuh,  they  were 
friends.  These  different  conditions  betray  them- 
selves in  the  historiographers,  and  Confucius 
did  not  care  to  alter  their  style  in  XI.  6.  In 
this  par.  it  should  seem  that  there  ought  to  be 
some  mention  of  Chae  Chung's  expelliug  his 
prince；  but  the  characters  JjJJ  *went  out 
and  fled/  imply  an  impelling  violence  behind. 

Par.  5.  The  feeling  of  Loo  against  Hwuh 
appears  here  also  in  his  being  only  called 

世子  or  4 heir-son.*  Tso  says : 一 * In  the  6th 
month,  on  Yih-hae,  duke  Ch4aou  entered.*  The 
phrase  however,  implies  his  recovery 

of  former  dignity.  In  a Chuen  on  dake  Ch4ing, 

XVUL  5,  Ts。 1^- 復 其位曰 復歸， 

•restoration  to  one's  dignity  is  expressed  by 

歸 •’ 

Par.  6.  See  the  long  Chuen  on  the  affairs  of 
Heu  on  I.xi.  3.  The  Heu  Shuh  here  is  the 
young  brother  of  the  baron  who  had  fled  before 
Ching  and  its  allies,  and  whom  the  earl  had 
placed  in  the  eastern  borders  of  the  State,  as  if 
with  some  prevision  of  what  now  occurred.  After 
sixteen  years,  the  young  man  recovered  the 
possession  of  his  fathers,  here  has  not  the 
hostile  meaning  which  it  generally  bears,  though 
the  K4ang-he  editors  think  such  a term  is  used 
to  convey  some  blame  of  Heu  Shuh,  for  taking 
possession  of  the  seat  of  his  fathers  without  an- 
nouncing his  purpose  to  the  king,  and  getting 
his  sanction  to  his  undertaking.  But  of  what 
use  could  such  a proceeding  have  been  ? The 
king  was  hardly  able  to  sustain  himself.  The 
after  seems  to  distinguish  this  use  of 
from  the  cases  in  which  it  is  followed  direct- 
ly by  its  object. 

Par.  7.  Tso-she  says  the  object  of  this  meet- 
ing was  4 to  consult  about  the  settlement  of 


Heu；'  but  the  criti〇3  doubt  this  view  as  nothing 
is  found  in  the  Ch‘un  Ts‘L;w  or  el&ewliere  to 
confirm  it.  See  I.  vi.  2.  For  ^ Kung  1ms 

and  Kuh  嵩. 

Par.  8.  Choo,  Mow,  and  Koh  were  all  small 
States,  though  the  lords  of  Choo  came  to  be  called 
viscount  and  marquis,  and  the  chief  of  Koh 
was  an  earl,  with  the  surname  Ying  (^^).  It 
was  in  pre9.  dis.  of  Ning-ling  |^g),  dep. 

Kwei-tih.  Mow  was  merely  an  Attached*  State, 
in  pres.  dis.  of  Lae-woo  dep.  T‘ae- 

gan.  Too  Yu  thinks  the  three  visitors  were  all 
the  heir-sons  of  the  three  small  States ; the 
chiefs  of  which,  as  being  merely  attached/  would 
be  entered  by  their  names,  and  their  sons,  there- 
fore, would  simply  be  called  4 luen/  and  not 
named ; but  this  is  mere  conjecture.  We  may 
adhere  here  to  the  translation  of  by  ‘officer.’ 

Par.  9.  Leih  was  a strong  city  of  Ch4ing,  in 
pres.  Yu  Chow,  dep.  K4ae-fung.  Tso-she  says : 
一 *In  autumn,  [Tuh],  the  earl  of  Ch'ing,  pro- 
cured the  death  of  T*an  Pih  [the  commandant 
of  Leih]  by  some  of  the  people  of  Leih,  and  im- 
mediately took  up  his  residence  in  it/  Tho 
meaning  of  here  is  intermediate  between 
its  purely  hostile  significance,  and  that  in  par. 
6.  Kung-yang  supposes  that  tliis  occupation  of 
Leih  was  equivalent  to  the  recovery  by  Tuh  of 
Ch4ing,  led  away  probably  by  the  i earl  cf 
Ch^ng,*  in  which  we  again  see  the  favour  which 
Loo  bore  to  Tuh. 

Par.  10.  Ch4e  was  in  Sung； — in  Suh  Chow 
: (j 替 dep.  Fung-yang,  Gan-hwuy,  Tso- 

I she  says  the  movement  was  to  restore  duke  Le ; 
and  that  it  was  unsuccessful,  and  the  invaders 

returned.  Kung-yang  has  典 ( after 

Sung  was  induced  to  join  the 
undertaking,  probably  by  assurances  from  Tuh 
! that,  if  he  were  once  again  re-established  ia 
! Ch'ing,  he  would  fulfil  the  promises  he  had 
I formerly  made. 


Sixteenth  year. 

出十 ■冬 _ 秋釅 衞夏 P 侯公十 ^ 
奔有城  I 

齊 一向。 

衞 
侯 
朔 


七 

°侯>  四于 會有 

月‘ 

陳瓦 曹宋六 

公 

侯公 

° 公年 

至 

蔡會 

蔡春 

白 

侯‘宋 

俣正 

伐 

伐么 

衞月 

vol  y. 


9 


66 


THE  CH  UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


齊# 右子 此先池 „命. 壽公夷 取諸初 ，冬. 飲夏 、謀左 
公故 何盜及 惡子使 姜之右 衞城至 伐伐傅 
子怨罪 > 殺行 Jf 告諸織 .生 公宣向 k 之鄭 。鄭曰 ， 
職, 惠請之 。飮 子之齊 k 宣壽子 .公書 禮秋也 。十 
立公 。殺 急以矣 ，使使 姜及爲 潘時也 。七 六 
在十 我子酒 ，有行 溢與朔 之於也 9 .月 > 年， 

子一乎 .至. 壽無不 待公 屬娶夷  公 春 

黔月 ，又曰 子父可 .諸子 壽於姜 . 至 正 

牟 。左殺 我載之 日宰肩 於齊生  自 凡 

惠公之 。岑 其國. 棄將構 左而急  伐 會 

必子 二求旌 則文籍 急必氣 丰，  鄭 。於 

奔洩 .必也 .以可 之之子 >子 及屬  以 曹。 

XVI.  1 In  his  sixteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month,  the 
duke  had  a meeting  with  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  mar- 
quis of  Ts^e,  and  the  marquis  of  Wei,  in  Ts4aou. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  the  duke  joined  the 

duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Wei,  the  marquis  of 
Ch4in,  and  the  marquis  of  Ts^e,  in  invading  Chsing. 

3 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  the  duke  arrived  from 
. the  invasion  of  Ch4ir)g. 

4 In  winter,  we  walled  Heang. 

5 In  the  eleventh  month,  Soh,  marquis  of  Wei,  fled  to  Ts^. 


Par.  1.  The  expedition  by  Loo,  Sung,  Wei 
and  Ch4in  against  Ch'ing  in  the  11th  month  of 
tlie  last  year  had  been  unsuccessful.  The 
princes  of  Loo,  Sung,  and  Wei  now  meet  and 
arrange  for  another;  and  they  have  Ts£ae  also 
to  join  their  confederacy.  Tso-she  says: 一 4 The 
object  of  the  meeting  was  to  plan  about  invad- 

ing  Ch‘ing  ( 謀 伐鄭也 } 

Par.  2.  This  is  the  sequel  of  the  last  par.；  and 
Ch*in  re-appears  in  the  expedition.  In  accounts 
of  conferences  and  expeditions,  Ts{ae  is  always 
placed  before  Wei,  as  in  par.  1,  wliile  here  it  is 
last  in  order.  This  makes  Too  say  that  at  this 
time  the  marquis  of  Ts'ae  was  1 the  last  to  ar- 
rive V Ying-tah,  however,  quotes  from 

Pan  Koo  (liistorian  of  the  1st  Han),  to  the 
effect  that,  from  Yin  to  the  14th  year  of  duke 
Chwang, 一 a period  of  43  years, 一 there  was  no 
regular  order  of  precedence  among  the  princes, 
as  no  really  leading  one  among  them  幸) 
had  yet  arison.* 

Par.  3.  See  on  II.  9. 

Par.  4.  It  is  mentioned  before,  I.  ii.  2,  that 
4Kou  entered  Heang and  in  VII. iv.  1,  we  read 
that  duke  Seuen  attacked  Keu  and  took  Heang. 
But  here  we  find  duke  Hwan  fortifying  H cung. 
Tliis  can  hardly  have  been  the  same  place,  but 
another,  properly  belonging  to  Loo.  Too  Yu 
says  nothing  here  on  this  point,  nor  does  any 
other  of  the  critics,  so  far  as  I have  observed. 
Tso-she  observes  that  this  undertaking  was  re- 
corded because  it  was  ‘at  the  proper  time.’ 


But  the  time  for  such  undertakings  was  not 
yet  come,  according  to  the  natural  reading  of 
the  par.,  which  simply  says  the  thing  was  done 
in  winter；  and  as  the  next  par.  begins  with  the 
specification  of  the  11th  month,  we  conclude 
that  Heang  was  walled  in  the  10th; 一 which 
was  only  the  8th  month  of  the  Hea  year.  To 
justify  Tso-she’s  observation,  therefore,  Too 
contends  that  though  no  month  is  mentioned 
here,  we  must  understand  the  11th  month;  and 
he  says  also  that  the  sixth  month  of  this  year 
was  intercalary,  which  of  course  would  carry 
the  11th  month  of  Chow  forward  to  the  term  for 
for  such  an  undertaking.  All  this,  however,  i9 
very  uncertain. 

Par.  5.  Tso-she  has  here  a melancholy  narra- 
tive：— 1 Long  before  this,  duke  Seuen  of  Wei 
had  committed  incest  with  E-keang  [a  concu- 
bine of  his  father ; 一 comp.  1.  Cor.  v.  lj,  the  pro- 
duce of  which  was  Keih-tsze,  the  charge  of 
whom  he  entrusted  to  Chih,  his  father's  son  by 
the  occupant  of  the  right  of  the  harem.  In  course 
of  lie  made  an  engagement  for  Keih-tsze 
with  one  of  the  princesses  of  Ts*e,  but  took  her 
to  himself  in  consequence  of  her  beauty.  She 
gave  birth  to  two  sons,  Show  and  Soli,  the  former 
of  whom  he  gave  in  charge  to  his  father's  son 
by  the  occupant  of  the  left  of  the  harem.  E 
Kcang  strangled  hensclf ; and  Seuen  Kcang  [the 
lady  of  T84e,  who  sliould  have  been  Keih  t8zc*8 
wife]  and  Soh  plotted  against  Keih-tsze,  till  the 
duke  sent  him  on  a mission  to  T84e,  employing 
rullians  to  wait  for  him  at  Sin,  and  put  him  to 
death.  Show  told  Keih-tszc  of  the  scheme,  and 


Year  XVII. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


67 


urged  him  to  go  to  some  other  State  ； but  he  re- 
fusal, saying,  u If  I disobey  my  father's  com- 
mand, how  can  I use  the  name  of  son  ? If  there 
were  any  State  without  fathers,  I might  go 
there.”  As  he  was  about  to  set  out,  Show  made 
him  drunk,  took  his  flag,  and  went  on  before 
him.  The  ruffians  [thinking  him  to  be  Keih- 
tsze]  killed  him,  and  then  came  Keih-tsze, 


crying  out,  ‘‘It  was  I whom  ye  sought? 
What  crime  had  he?  Please  kill  me.**  The 
ruffians  killed  him  also.  On  this  account,  the 
two  brothers  of  Seuen  [who  had  received  charge 
of  Keili-tsze  and  Show]  clicrishcd  resentment 
against  duke  Hwuy  [Soh],  and  raised  K4iien- 
inow  to  the  marquisate,  when  Hwuy  fled  to 
See  the  She,  I.  iii.  XIX. 


Seventeenth  year. 


七有七 年春正 凡丙巵 公會 
齊像 祀像盟 于黃。 
r 一凡 丙乇公 會邾 儀父 盟于 
祖 

11』 章 k I—  o 

夏五 月丙午 及齊師 戰于奚 
# 凡 kT 说蔡候 封人果 。 
_八見 蔡 季自陳 歸于氣 

S 宋人衞 人伐級 

八章1  $ o 

务 十月朔 B 有食之 


左傅 nf 十七 。年 春‘ 盟於黃 。平 齊亂 
且謀 衞故也 。 

及 W 儀父 盟于 tio 尋蔑 之盟也 。 

夏 及齊師 戰于象 S 事也 於是齊 
人 侵魯亂 疆 吏來告 ‘公曰‘ 疆埸： 
氟愼守 其 r 而 備其不 虞‘姑 盡所 
備 鼠 事 至而戰 •又 何謁 焉。 

蔡 桓侯卒 。蔡 人召蔡 季於陳 。狄蔡 
季自陳 歸於氟 蔡 人嘉之 也 
伐紙 朱志 mo J 
冬 十月朔 0* 有食么 不書日 ‘官 失 
之也天 子有日 民 諸侯 有日御 •日 
官居鄉 以底日 ‘禮也 。日 御不失 0. 
以授 百官於 朝。 

© 初. 鄭伯將 以高 渠彌 爲胤 昭公 
惡之 固諫 不鼠 昭公立 •懼 其殺己 


68 


THE  CH{UN  TS^EW,  WITH  TIIE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


III  111  IK  Iff  I Slf 


XVII. 


1 In  his  seventeenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  first  month, 

on  Ping-shin,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis 
of’  Ts‘e  and  the  marquis  of  Ke， 'vhen  they  made  a 
covenant  in  Hwang. 

2 In  the  second  month,  on  Ping- woo,  the  duke  had  a 

meeting  with  E-foo  of  Choo,  when  they  made  a cove- 
nant in  Ts4uy. 

3 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  Ping-woo,  we  fought 

with  the  army  of  Ts{e  at  He. 

4 In  the  sixth  month,  on  Ting-ch^ow,  Fun^-jin,  marquis 

of  Ts{ae,  died. 

5 In  autumn,  in  the  eighth  month,  the  fourth  brother  of 

[the  marquis  of]  of  Ts^e  returned  from  Ch4in  to  Ts'ae. 

6 On  Kwei-sze  there  was  the  burial  of  the  marquis  Hwan 

of  Ts‘ae. 

7 Along  with  an  army  of  Sung  and  an  army  of  Wei,  [we] 

invaded  Choo. 

8 In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  the  first  day  of  the 

moon,  the  sun  was  eclipsed. 


Par.  1.  Hwang,  acc.  to  Too,  was  in  Ts4e.  Some 
find  it  in  the  pres.  dis.  of  Iiwang,  dep.  Tang- 
chow  ； but  that  would  seem  to  be  too  distant  from 
Loo,  though  convenient  enough  for  Ts'e  and  Ke. 

Tso-she  says  that  the  object  of  the  meeting  was 
to  reconcile  Ts*e  and  Ke,  and  to  consult  about 
the  affairs  of  Wei.  We  may  suppose  that  Ke 
was  now  in  more  danger  from  Ts^e,  since  the 
death  of  the  king,  and  the  consequent  loss  of 
his  influence  in  favour  of  his  son-in-law. 

Par.  2.  Ts4uy  was  in  Loo,  somewhere  in  the 
borders  of  the  pres.  diss.  of  Sze-slnvuy  and 
Tsow.  T8〇  says  the  object  of  the  meeting  was 
to  renew  the  covenant  at  Meeh； 一 see  I.i.  2. 
Too  observes  that  Ping-woo  was  not  in  the 
2d  month,  but  was  the  4th  day  of  tlie  3d  month. 
It  is  plain  that  there  could  be  no  Ping-woo  in 
the  2d  month,  as  we  liave  the  same  day,  in  the 
next  par.  recurring  in  the  5th  month.  Kung  has 
instead  of  會. 

Par.  3.  Kung-yang  has  here  no  夏，- 
Kuh-  lcanpf,  instead  of  has  lie  was  in 

Loo ; — in  pres.  dis.  of  dept.  Ycn-chow. 

Tso  says: 一 4 This  fight  was  in  consequence  of 
some  border  dispute.  When  it  arose,  the  people 
of  Ts*e  made  a stealthy  inroad  on  the  borders 
of  Loo,  the  officers  of  which  came  and  told  the 
duke,  who  said,  uOn  the  borders  it  is  for  you 
carefully  to  guard  your  own  particular  charge, 
and  to  be  prepared  for  anytfiing  unexpected. 
In  the  meantime  look  thoroughly  to  your  pre- 
parations ； and  when  the  thing  comes,  fight. 
Wliat.  need  you  come  to  see  me  for?** 

The  covenant  of  the  1st  month  l»ad  proved  of 
littlu  use. 


Par.  5.  h«a9  the  meaning  in  the  translation, 

and  was  also  and  naturally  the  designation  of  the 
individual.  On  par.  4 Tso  says  that,  on  the  death 
of  the  marquis  [who  had  no  son],  the  people  of 
Ts{ae  called  his  younger  brother  from  Ch*in; 
and  here  he  observes  tliat  the  entry  here  [the 
designation  being  given,  aud  not  the  name] 
shows  how  highly  the  people  of  Ts*ae  thought 
of  him.  I think  the  character  intimatea 
that  Ke  was  raised  to  be  marquis  of  Ts^ae ; and 
this  was  the  opinion  of  Too  Yu,  who  identifies 
him  with  Ileen-woo,  who,  we  shall  see  hereafter, 
was  carried  off  prisoner  by  Ts‘oo. 

I am  surprised  that  the  K^ng-he  editors 
doubt  this  identification,  and  follow  the  opinion 
of  Ho  Hew,  the  editor  of  Kung-yang,  who  says 
that  Ke  refused  to  accept  the  marquisate,  which 
was  then  given  to  Ilccn-woo.  Kuh-leang  says 
strangely  that  Ke  was  a nobleman  of  Ts‘ae, 
raised  by  the  support  of  Chlin  to  be  marquis. 
Yet  even  he  does  not  doubt  the  elevation  of  Ke. 

Par.  6.  In  all  other  cases,  where  tlie  burial 
of  a prince  is  recorded,  the  title  of  duke  follows 
tlie  honorary  or  sacrificial  epithet.  Here  we 
have  a solitary  instance,  where  the  title  of  rank, 
borno  during  the  life-time,  is  preserved.  This  haa 
given  rise  to  much  speculation.  It  seems  the 
simplest  solution  of  the  difficulty  to  suppose  an 
error  in  the  text  of  for 

Par.  7.  Loo  had  covenanted  with  Choo  in 
tlie  2d  month,  and,  the  year  before,  Choo  had  sent 
its  salutations  to  the  court  of  Loo;  and  yet  hero 
we  find  Loo  joined  with  Sung  and  Wei  in  an  in- 
vasion of  Choo.  Tso-she  says  that  Loo  wa§ 
following  the  lead  of  Sung,  which,  acc.  to  Too, 
was  quarrelling  with  Choo  about  their  border*. 


Year  XVin. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


60 


Par.  8.  Thi9  eclipse  took  place,  Oct.  3d,  B.  C. 
and  on  Kftng-woo,  the  7th  day  of  tlie  cycle. 
The  day  of  the  cycle  is  not  given  in  the  text, 
because,  acc.  to  Tso-slie.  *the  officers  had  lost  it.* 
He  adds,  4The  son  of  Heaven  had  his  u officer  of 
the  days  (日  and  the  princes  their  il  su- 

perintendentof  the  (lays  ( 曰 ^J).”  The  o 伍 cer 
of  the  (lays  had  the  rank  of  a high  minister, 
and  it  was  his  business  to  regulate  the  days  of 
the  year.  The  superintendents  of  the  clays  were 
required  not  to  lose  the  days  [which  they  had 
received  from  the  king's  officer],  but  to  deliver 
them  to  the  difft.  officers  in  their  princes*  courts.* 
It  may  have  been  so  that  the  number  of  the 
day  was  thus  lost ; but  it  is  simpler  to  suppose 
that  the  historiographers  on  this  occasion  omit- 
ted it.  This  is  the  view  taken  by  many  critics ; 

— as  Chaou  K‘、vang  (走良 匡； T4ang  dyn.), 

Chin  Foo-leang  ([J^  12tb  cent.),  and 

Chan  Joh-shwuy  ; Ming  dyn.). 

The  K*ang-he  editors  observe,  that,  during  the 
Han  dynasty  and  previously,  astronomers  could 
only  determine  the  first  day  of  the  moon,  ap- 

proximately,  in  an  average  way  (平朔 )， from 


the  average  motion  of  the  sun  and  moon,  but 
that  from  the  time  of  Lew  Hung,  (^lj  ； the 
After  Han  dyn.),  and  through  his  labours,  it 
became  possible  to  determine  exactly  the  time 
of  new  raoon  (定朔 )，  by  adding  to  or 
subtracting  from  the  average  time,  as  might 
be  necessary.  Still,  this  want  of  exactitude 
in  these  times  could  not  affect  the  day  of 
the  cycle  on  wliich  a phaenonenon  like  an  eclipse 
was  to  be  recorded. 

[The  Chuen  appends  here: 一 4 Years  back, 
when  tlie  earl  of  Ch;ing  [Woo-8hang,  duke 
Chwang,  the  earl]  had  wished  to  make  Kaou 
K4eu-me  one  of  his  higli  ministers,  duke  Chlaou 
[then  the  earl’s  son  H'vuh], 、vh〇  disliked  Kaou, 
had  remonstrated  strongly  against  such  a meas- 
ure. The  earl  did  not  listen  to  him；  but 
when  duke  Cli^ou  succeeded  to  the  State,  Kaou 
was  afraid  lest  he  should  put  him  to  death.  On 
the  day  Sin-maou,  therefore,  he  took  the  initiative^ 
and  killed  duke  Cli'aou,  raising  up  his  brother 
We  in  his  room.  A superior  man  will  say  that 
the  prince  knew  the  man  whom  he  disliked. 
Kung-tsze  Tah  said, 4i  Kaou  Pih  [Kaou  K4eu-me] 
indeed  deserved  an  evil  end ! His  revenge  of  an 
ill  done  to  him  was  excessive.**  *] 


Eighteenth  year. 


葬冬 _淫 于夏咖 公凡十 ^ 
我十 七自齊 、四齊 。與 公有 
君 有凡齊 。丁凡 夫會八 
才亘二  說丙 人齊年 k 

公 。凡  公予、 姜侯春 i 

己 之公 氏于王 

氧 喪薨 遂 ■正 


是祭齊 會 © 生 。請 不敢 於生四 齊齊諝 女行左 
行仲 人之秋 > 以反 ，寧齊 .乘凡 侯侯之 有遂傅 

彭無居 .曰名 k 丙通于 有家, 與曰。 
生 所來寡 公子屬 .、;樂。禮. 男姜十 
除歸修 君薨享 公遂易 有氏八 
垄。咎>舊 畏於公 .謫 及此室 ，如年 . 
齊惡好 k 君車, 使之文 必無齊 。氛 
人於禮 之魯公 以姜敖 。相 申公 
殺 諸成威 ,人 子告 。如公 瀆糯將 
彭侯 k 而不 告彭夏 .齊， 也曰膚 


也 ，逆 殺高齊 
祭鄭 i 渠侯 
伸 手覺加 I 自币 
知於而 商 。手 
之陳 轘七首 
故 而高月 ,止, 
稱 立渠戊 i 
疾之。 亂戌眉 


70 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  II. 


公亂 
弗之 
從本 
故也 c 
及 。周 
XVIII. 


嫡 ，諫 諸桓子 
兩曰 .周至 ，儀 
政>  並 桓有 
耦后 k 辛王寵 
國 ， 匹伯 屬於 


1 S miMM 


奔黑與 
燕 •肩 ‘王 
初王殺 


辛而必 

伯立欲 

告王弒 


曰 ，仲不 
信 以往。 
也 。知人 
免 .曰 • 
仰祭 


In  his  eighteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king’s  first 
month,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of 
Tsce,  near  the  Luh,  after  which  the  duke  and  his  wife, 
the  lady  Keang,  went  to  Ts4e. 

In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  on  Ping-tsze,  the 
duke  died  in  Ts{e;  and  on  Ting-yew,  his  coffin  ar- 
rived from  Ts£e. 


3 It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  on  Ke-chcow,  we  buried 

our  ruler,  duke  Hvvan. 


Par.  1.  Once  more,  at  the  commencement  of 
duke  Hwan^  last  year,  the  character  王 re-ap- 
pears,  and  the  fancies  to  which  its  re-appear- 
ance has  given  rise  are  numerous  and  ridiculous. 
It  would  be  as  fruitless  to  detail  as  to  discuss 
them.  We  must  read  the  two  entries  about  tlie 


meeting  on  the  Luh,  and  the  going  to  Ts4e,  in 
one  par.  because  of  the  which,  as  a 繼事 


之 or  word  connecting  events/  links 
them  together.  The  character  in  the  second 


part  does  not  occur  in  Kung-yang  ； and  Twan 
Yuh-tsae,  in  his  4 Old  Text  of  Tso-she^  Ch4un 
Ts4ew  * omits  it,  contending  that  Kuh-leang  also 
did  not  have  it.  It  is,  however,  in  all  the 


editions  of  Kuh  that  I have  seen.  Twan  says 
that  it  is  4 a vulgar  addition  * to  Tso-she  (俗 
增之 )•  The  critics  generally  receive  it, 

however.  The  conjunctions  及， 會， and 璧 
are  those  proper  to  the  Classic,  and  for  the 
與 here  they  account  by  insisting  on  its  equi- 
valence to  許，‘  to  grant,’  ‘ to  allow •’  It  was 
contrary  to  propriety  for  the  duke^  wife  to  go 
to  Ts4e,  but  she  was  bent  on  going,  and  the 
duke  weakly  allowed  her  to  accompany  him. 

The  ^ 樂 (pronounced  Lull  or  Loh)  was  a 
stream,  which  flows  into  the  Tse  in  the  north- 
west  of  the  dis.  of  Leih-shing  货 ^)， dep. 


Tse-nan.  We  have  no  intimation  of  the  busi- 
ness discussed  at  this  meeting  between  Loo 
and  Ts‘o ; and  the  ordinary  view  is  that  it  had 
been  brought  about  by  duke  Scang  of  T84e  sim- 
ply with  a view  to  bring  his  sister  and  him  to- 
gether, and  then  to  get  her  farther  to  accompany 
him  to  bis  capital.  The  only  scholar  who  con- 
troverts this  view  is  Wan  Sze-ta  ( 萬斯大 )， 
of  the  pres,  dyn.,  who  argues,  feebly  however, 
that  Seang  was  a younger  brother  of  Wttn 


Keang,  and  that  the  incestuous  connection  be- 
tween them  originated  at  this  meeting. 

The  Chuen  says : 一 * In  spring  the  duke,  being 
about  to  travel,  allowed  at  the  same  time  his  wife 
Keang  to  go  with  him  to  Ts4e.  Shin  Seu  said, 
u The  woman  has  her  husband^  house  ； the  man 
has  his  wife’s  chamber;  and  there  must  be  no 
defilement  on  either  side ; 一 then  is  there  what 
is  called  propriety.  Any  change  in  this  matter 
is  sure  to  lead  to  ruin.”  Notwithstanding  this  re- 
monstrance,  the  duke  had  a meeting  witli  the 
marquis  of  Ts4e  near  the  Luh,  and  then  went 
on  with  Wan  Keang  [his  wife  was  styled  Wftn, 
from  her  elegance  and  accomplishments]  to  Ts4e, 
where  she  had  criminal  connection  with  the 
marquis,  her  brother.  The  duke  angrily  re- 
proached her,  and  she  told  the  marquis  of  it.* 

Par.  2.  In  continuation  of  the  last  Clmen, 
Tso-she  says: — 4 The  marquis  feasted  the  duke, 
and  then,  [having  made  him  drunk],  employed 
Pkang-sftng,  a half  brother  of  his  own,  to  take 
him  to  his  lodging  in  his  carriage.  The  duke 
died  in  the  carriage,  and  the  people  of  Loo  sent 
a message  to  the  marquis  〇/*  T8*e,  sayiDg,  uOar 
poor  lord,  in  awe  of  your  majesty,  did  not  dare 
to  remain  quietly  at  home,  but  went  to  renew 
the  old  friendship  between  your  State  and  ours. 
After  the  ceremonies  had  been  all  completed, 
he  did  not  come  back.  We  do  not  fix  the  crime 
on  any  one,  but  the  wicked  deed  is  known  among 
all  the  princes,  and  we  beg  you  will  take  the 
shame  of  it  away  with  P‘&ng-8ang.”  On  this, 
the  people  of  Ts*e  put  P*ang-sang  to  death.9 

The  reader  will  find  all  the  incidents  of 
Hwan’s  visit  to  T8‘e,  his  wife’s  misconduct， liis 
death,  &c.,  graphically  told  in  the  4 History  of 
the  Different  States/  Bk.  XIII.  As  to  Confucius* 
silence  about  them  in  the  text,  eee  the  note  to 
I.xi.  4.  Choo  He  says  very  lamely,  * Confucius 
gives  a straightforward  narration,  and  his 
judgment  lies  in  the  facts  themselves.  When 
he  says,  **  The  duke  met  with  the  marquis  of 
Ts*e  in  such  and  such  a place;  the  duke  and 
his  wife  Keang  went  to  T8*e;  the  duke  died  in 
Ts‘e;  the  duke’8  coffin  came  from  Ts‘e;  the 
duke’s  wife  withdrew  to  Ts‘e;” 一 with  such  en- 


YtAR  XVIII. 


DUKE  IIWAN. 


71 


tries  plainly  before  our  eyes,  we  could  under- 
stand the  nature  of  them  without  any  Chuen.* 

喪 is  to  be  taken  here  as  喪器 = 枢， 

•the  coffin  with  the  body  in  it  ;* 一 see  the  diction- 
ary, in  voc. 

Par.  3.  [Tso-she  gives  here  two  narratives  ： 一 
4 In  autumn,  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  went  with  a 
force  to  Show-che,  and  there  Tsze-we  [the  new 
earl  of  ChHng;  see  the  Chuen  at  the  end  of  last 
year]  went  to  have  a meeting  with  him,  Kaou 
K*ea-nie  being  in  attendance  as  his  minister. 
In  the  7th  month,  on  Mow-seuh,  the  marquis 
put  Tsze-we  to  death,  and  caused  Kaou  Kkeu- 
nie  to  be  torn  in  pieces  by  chariots.  After  this、 
Chae  Chung  sent  to  Ch4in  for  another  son  of 
duke  Chwanjar,  met  him,  and  made  him  earl  of 
Clring.  When  Tsze-we  and  K^eu-me  were  setting 
out  for  Show-che,  Chae  Chung,  knowing  what 
would  happen,  made  a pretence  of  being  ill,  and 
would  not  accompany  them.  Some  people  said, 
**  Chae  Chunf?  escaped  by  his  intelligence, n and 
he  himself  said  that  it  was  so.* 

*The  duke  of  Chow  [Hih-keen;  see  the 
Chuen  on  V.  6]  wished  to  murder  king  Chwang, 
and  set  liis  brother  K‘ih  [the  king’s  brother; 
another  son  of  king  Hwan]  on  the  throne.  Sin 
Pih  told  the  king  of  it,  and  then  he  and  the  king 
put  the  duke  of  Chow,  Hill-keen,  to  death, 
while  the  king^s  brother  K4ih  fled  to  Yen. 
Formerly.  Tsze-e  [the  designation  of  K4ih]  was 
the  favourite  with  king  Hwan,  who  placed  him 


under  the  care  of  the  duke  of  Chow.  Sin  Pih 
remonstrated  with  the  duke,  saying, 41  Equal  queens 
[t.  €.,  a concubine  mude  the  equal  of  the 
queen],  equal  sons  [/.  the  son  of  a concubine 
put  on  the  same  level  as  the  queen's  son],  two 
governments  [i.  e.y  favourites  made  equal  to 
ministers],  ana  equal  cities  [«.  c.,  any  other  for- 
tified city  made  a3  large  as  the  capital]: 一 these 
all  lead  to  disorder.”  Tlie  duke  paid  no  heed  to 
this  advice,  and  he  consequently  came  to  his 
bad  end.*"] 

[The  marquis  of  Ts4e,  having  committed 
incest  with  his  sister,  and  murdered  his  brother- 
in-law,  proceeded  to  execute  the  justice  which 
the  former  of  these  narratives  describes  to  awo 
princes  and  people  into  silence  about  1“8  own 
misdeeds.  The  division  of  the  body  by  five 
chariots  was  a horrible  punishment.  The 
head,  the  two  arms,  and  two  legs  were  bound, 
each  to  a carriage  in  which  an  ox  was  yoked, 
each  animal  placed  in  a separate  direction. 
The  oxen  were  then  urged  and  beaten  till  the 
head  and  lirabs  were  torn  from  the  body.] 

Par.  4.  The  burial  took  place  later  than  it 
should  have  done;  and  indeed,  according  to 
Kung  and  Kuh,  it  should  not  have  taken  place 
at  all  until  the  real  murderer  of  the  duke  was 
punished.  But  what  could  Loo  do  in  the  cir- 
cumstances? The  evil  man  had  come  to  an 
evil  end；  and  the  best  plan  was  to  consign  his 
coffin  to  the  earth. 


BOOK  III.  DUKE  CHWANG. 


First  year. 


齊 S 王 S 王 S 冬_ 辦 蔚三 i 元 i 

師飽使 子燊 單凡年 、莊 
遷歸 榮凡王 f 夫春 k 公 
祀于 叔乙飽 送人王 
辄齊 。來亥 之 王孫正 
錫 陳館紙 于月。 
栺侯于  齊。 

公林 夕卜。 

命 。卒。 


I 


外 ，於姬 秋>  禮 不姜齊 。人 三出位 > 不元左 
禮外。 之榮也 。爲氏 不孫月 ，故 文稱年 .傅 
也， 爲館王  親>  絶稱於 夫也。 姜卽春 。曰， 

I.  1 [It  was]  the  [duke's]  first  year,  the  spring,  the  king's  first 
month. 

2 In  the  third  month,  the  [late  duke’s]  wife  retired  to  Ts‘e. 

3 In  summer,  the  earl  of  Shen  escorted  the  kings  daughter. 

4 In  autumn,  a reception  house  was  built  for  the  king's  daugh- 

ter outside  [the  city  wall]. 

5 In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  on  Yih-hae,  Lin,  marquis  of 

Ch‘in,  died. 

6 The  king  sent  Shuh  of  Yung  [to  Loo]  to  confer  on  duke 

Hwan  [certain]  symbols  of  liis  favour. 

7 The  kings  daughter  went  to  her  home  in  Ts4e. 

8 An  army  of  Tsfe  carried  away  [the  inhabitants  of]  I>4ing, 

Tsze,  and  Woo,  [dtics  of]  Ke. 


Ykak  I. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


73 


Title  of  the  Book.  一 莊办 ‘Duke 
Chwang.*  This  was  the  son  of  Hwan,  whose 
birth  is  chronicled  in  II.  vi.5,  and  who  received 
the  name  of  T4ung  (|^})>  >n  the  manner  de- 
scribed in  tlie  Cliuen  on  that  paragraph,  lie 
was  therefore  now  in  his  13th  year.  The 
honorary  title  Chwang  denotes — 4 Conqueror  of 

enemies  and  Subduer  of  disorder  ( 勝敵克 

亂曰莊 )•’ 

Chwang*8  rule  lasted  32  years,  B.C.  C92 一 661. 
His  first  year  synchronized  witli  the  4th  year  of 
king  Chwang  ()|£);  the  5th  of  Siiang  of 

Ts‘e;  the  12tli  of  Min  of  Tsin;  the  7th  of 
Hwuy  ( ^[)T  and  the  3d  of  K*een-mow  (黔 
午 •)， of  Wei  [Hwuy  is  the  Soli  of  II.  xvi.  5.  See 

the  Chuen  there]  ； the  2d  of  Gae  (J^)  Ts4ae  ； 
the  8th  of  Le,  and  the  1st  of  Tszc-e,  of  Cl^in^ 
[see  the  Chuen  appended  to  II.  xviii.  3];  the  9th 
of  Chwang  (3J)  of  Ts^aou  ; the  7th  of  Cliwang 

(^£)  〇f  Ch‘in;  the  11th  of  Tsing  of  Ke 

(祀 ):  the  17th  of  Chwang  of  Sung；  the 

5th  of  Woo  (爱^)  of  Ts‘in;  and  the  48th  of  Woo 
of  Ts‘oo. 

Par.  1.  See  on  I.  i.  1,  and  Il.i.  1.  There  is 
here  the  same  incompleteness  of  the  text  as  in 
I.  i.  1 ; and  no  doubt  for  the  same  reason, — that 
tlie  usual  ceremonies  at  the  commencement  of 
the  rule  of  a new  marquis  were  not  observed. 
The  young  marquis^  father  had  been  basely 
murdered；  he  took  his  place；  but  with  as  little 
observation  as  possible.  Tso-she  says  that  * the 

phrase 卽位  is  not  used  here  because  Wan 
Keang  [his  mother]  had  left  the  State.*  This 
occasions  some  difficulty,  as  will  be  seen,  with 
the  next  par. 

Par.  2.  Tlie  char.  read  sun,  and  in  the 
3d  tone,  is  = ^ 嗤， ‘to  retire，’  ‘to  withdraw  一 a 
euphemism  for  * fled/  It  is  evident  that 
Wan  Keang  had  returned  from  Ts4e  to  Loo； 
— when  she  did  so,  does  not  appear.  From  Tso- 
she’8  observation  above,  that  the  phrase  皂 [] 
was  omitted  in  the  account  of  Cli  wang's  accession, 
because  his  mother  was  then  in  Ts^,  it  would 
appear  as  if  she  returned  subsequently  to  that 
event.  But  that  explanation  of  the  omission  is 
inadmissible；  and  the  view  of  Maou  and  otliers 
is  much  more  probable,  that  she  hail  returned 
to  Loo  at  the  same  time  that  the  coffin  and 
corpse  of  duke  Hwan  were  brought  to  it.  She 
probably  felt  her  position  there  exceedingly  un- 
pleasant. Guilty  of  incest  with  lier  brotlier. 
and  of  complicity  in  the  murder  of  her  husband, 
she  could  not  be  looked  kindly  on  by  her  son  or 
the  people  of  Loo：  and  now  therefore  she  fled 
to  Ts4e. 

Mysteries  are  found  in  the  omission  of  the  | 
words  . 姜氏，  4 the  lady  Keang/  after 
on  which  we  need  not  touch.  Tso-slie  says  they  ; 
are  left  out,  4 as  a disowning  of  her.  and  not 


acknowledging  her  kinsliip; 一 as  was  proper 
but  even  tliis  is  doubtful. 

Kung  arul  Kuli  give  a very  str.anpre  view  of 
the  par.  They  think  that  Wiln  Keang  had  not 
returned  at  all  to  Loo;  and  that  duke  Chwang, 
just  at  thU  period  of  the  mourning  for  his 
father,  was  led  to  think  sorrowfully  of  her 
absence,  and  ordered  the  entry  in  the  text  to  be 
made  about  her.  This  is  clearly  most  unlikely 

in  itself,  and  contrary  to  the  usage  of  which 
we  shall  meet  witli  in  other  passages. 

Par.  3.  A treaty  of  marriage  had  for  more 
than  a }*ear  lHx*n  going  on  between  Loo,  on 
behalf  of  the  royal  House,  on  the  one  hand,  and 
Ts*e  on  the  other.  When  the  king  wanted  to 
marry  one  of  his  daugliters  to  any  of  the  princes, 
it  was  considered  inconsistent  with  his  dignity 
to  aj>pear  in  the  matter  himself ; and  a prince  of 
the  same  surname  was  employed  as  internuncius 
anil  manager.  This  duty  was  frequently  de- 
volved on  the  princes  of  Loo;  and  Ilwan  had 
undertaken  it  in  tliis  instance.  His  meeting  with 
the  marquis  of  Tsce  at  Luh,  in  the  first  month 
of  last  year,  had  reference  perhaps  to  this  very 
matter.  When  the  marriage  was  fixed,  the  rule 
was  tliat  the  kinj;  should  send  the  lady,  escorted 
by  a liiph  minister,  to  the  court  of  the  managing 
prince;  and  there  she  was  met  or  sent  for  by 
her  future  husband. 

Accordingly,  we  have  in  the  text  the  earl  [a 
royal  minister,  8〇  titled]  of  Shen  [the  name  of 
the  city  assigned  to  him  in  the  royal  domain] 
escorting  the  lady  ( 王姬，  a royal  Ke]  to  Loo. 
On  this  view  of  the  paragraph,  all  is  plain；  but 
instead  of  Kung  and  Kuh,  followed  in  this 
instance  by  the  K4ang-he  editors,  Lave 
4 met.*  This  necessitates  our  understanding  寧 

j 白， as  the  surname  and  designation  of  an  officer 
of  Loo,  specially  commissioned,  somehow,  to 
meet  and  convoy  tlie  king’s  daughter  to  Loo. 
One  can  easily  see  how  and  might  be 
mistaken,  the  one  for  the  other.  There  can  be 
no  doubt,  it  seems  to  me,  that  Tso-she^  reading 
should  be  followed. 

Par.  4.  It  was  autumn,  when  the  king’s 
daughter  arrived  at  the  capital  of  Loo.  The  case 
was  a hard  one,  as  Chwang  was  still  in  mourn- 
ing for  liis  father.  To  be  managing  the  marriage 
of  the  king*s  daughter  to  the  man  who  had 
murdered  his  own  father,  was  a greater  difficulty 
still.  The  case  was  met,  in  part  at  least,  by 
not  receiving  the  lady  in  the  palace  or  the  an- 
cestral temple,  but  building  a hr* , a sort  of  hall 
or  reception-house  for  her,  outside  the  city.  Tso- 
slie  says,  4 This  was  treating  her  as  an  outsider 
夕卜 ）； 一 ''  liich  was  proper.’ 

Par.  6.  is  used  here  as  in  the  Shoo,  V. 

viii.  -t,  meaning  the  s}Tnbols  of  investiture  or 
more  generally  of  royal  favour.  These  were  of 
9 kinds,  all  of  which  could  be  conferred  only 
on  the  holder  of  a fief  of  the  first  class, —— a duke 
or  a marquis.  An  earl  might  have  seven  of 
them ; a viscount  or  a baron,  5.  The  proper  place 
for  conferring  them  was  the  court,  on  the 
noble's  person.il  appearance；  but  they  might  also 


VOL.  V. 


10 


74 


TIIE  CIPUN  TS{EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  HI. 


be  sent ; — as  in  the  Shoo,  V.  xiii.  25.  To  confer 
them,  as  here,  on  a dead  man,  seems  very 
strange;  and  on  a man  who  had  been  stained 
with  crime,  is  stranger  still.  Whatever  the 
gifts  were,  they  would  be  treasured  in  Loo  as 
royal  testimonials  to  the  excellence  of  duke 
Hwan.  Yung  [the  clan-name]  Shull  [the  de- 
signation] was  a great  officer  of  the  court. 
According  to  the  analogy  of  other  passages, 

there  ought  to  be  before  王 It  may  have 
slipped  out  of  the  text,  or  been  unwittingly 
omitted  by  the  historiographers. 

Par.  8.  Ts^e  here  takes  an  important  step 
in  carrying  out  its  cherished  purpose  of  ex- 


tinguishing the  State  of  Ke.  P‘ing  is  referred 
to  somewhere  in  the  pres.  dep.  of  Ts*iug-chow； 

Tsze  [so  m is  read],  to  dis.  of  Ch‘ang-yih  (昌 

邑 )， same  dep.;  and  Woo  to  a place  60  le  to  tiw 

south-west  of  dis.  Gan-k^w  (安丘 
Tse-nan.  These  were  three  towns  or  cities  of 
Ke,  the  inhabitants  of  which  the  marquis  of 
Ts‘e  removed  within  his  own  State,  peopling 
them  also,  we  must  suppose,  with  his  own  sub- 
jects. Kuh-leang  wrongly  supposes  that  the 
three  names  are  those  of  three  small  States, 
absorbed  by  Ts4e  at  this  time  in  addition  to  Ke. 
But  the  end  of  Ke  was  not  yet. 


Second  year. 


乙吁 人冬阵 。秋獅 夏講二 S 
酉 Ji。 姜十 七伐# 陳 【年 k 
宋 氏者 尽私 子莊春 k 
公 畫二 齊 餘慶公 。王 
馮 齊月 k 王丘 。父 二 
IM  k 姬 帥； 月> 

也 。蔡書 。禚 於侯齊 會氏姜 人先冬 ，年二 . 曰傅左 


II.  1 In  the  [duke's]  second  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings  second 
month,  there  was  the  burial  of  duke  Clnvang  of  Ch4in. 

2 In  summer,  duke  [Hwan's]  son  Kling-foo  led  a force,  and 

invaded  Yu-yu-k4e\v. 

3 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  the  king's  daughter, 

[married  to  the  marquis]  of  Ts%  died. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  the  [late  dukes]  wife,  tlie 

lady  Keang,  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts*e  i:i 
Choh. 


5  On  Yih-yew,  P^ng,  duke  of  Sung,  died. 


Par.  2.  K*ing-foo  was  the  name  of  a half- 
brother  of  duke  Chwang,  older  than  he,  but  the 
p〇n  of  a concubine.  Older  tlian  Chwang,  lie  should 
be  designated  Milnj?  as  not  being 

the  son  of  the  rightful  wife,  he  was  only  styled 
Chung  (仲 ),  and  his  descendants  became  the 
Chung. sun  (< 中 clan,  which  subsequently 

was  changed  into  Mftng-sun  ； 一 see  the 

note  in  the  Analects  on  II. v.l.  K ung-yang  is 
wrong  in  saying  he  was  a younger  full  brother 
of  Chwang  ； — how  cmild  a boy  of  10  or  there- 


abouts be  commanding  on  a military  expedition? 
Too  says  tliat  Yu-yu-k*ew  was  the  name  of  ft 
State,  while  Kung,  Kuh,  and  Ying-tah,  all  make 

it  a city  of  Choo  (邾 ).  Too*s  view  is  to  bo 
preferred ; and  from  the  foreign,  barbaroufy  tri- 
syllabic aspect  of  the  name,  we  may  infer  that 
the  State  was  that  of  some  wild  tribe,  not  far 
from  Loo. 

p-3 •■列 國志  says  the  lady  pined 
away,  and  died  broken-hearted,  on  finding  wlmt 
sort  of  a liusl>an(i  she  was  mated  to.  Her  death 
is  entered  here,  contrary  to  tho  rule  in  aucli 
mattcrR,  probably  because  Loo  lmd  suporintend- 


Year  III. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


75 


ed  the  marriage,  and  she  miglit  be  con^iilerecl 
as  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  State.  See  a re- 
ference to  the  death  of  this  lady,  and  duke 
Chwang's  wearing  mourning  for  her  9 monthe, 
in  the  Ia*  Ke,  II.  Pt.  II.  i.  18. 

Par.  4.  The  critics  are  unanimous  in  suppos- 
ing that  thi9  par.  implies  that  Wiln  Keanp：  hail 
again  returnwi  to  Loo,  after  her  withdrawment 


to  Ts^e  in  the  3d  month  of  last  year.  Choh 
[Kung-yang  has  was  in  T84e,  on  its  west- 
ern border.  Tso-she  says  plainly  that  the 
object  of  the  meeting  was  a repetition  of  tha 
former  crime. 

Par.  5.  See  the  Clmen  appended  to  I.  iii.  5, 
and  the  note  on  ll.ii.  3. 


Third  year. 


冬 ，八秋 _五_ 荘 夏纟伐 見三 * 
公 f 祀月  >公 。四衞 cJ 弱年 k 
次齊 。季葬  月， 會备 

于 以栺  葬 齊王 
滑。 _ 王 。宋  師正 


過再 一以也 k 伯席 。冬 ，始紀 鄯秋顏 夏,疾 齊年咗 
信宿宿 難鹰謀 將公判 。於 人紀王 。五 之師春 4傅 
爲爲 爲凡伯 紀會次 是於季 緩月池 。伐 溺曰. 
次 。信 .舍 ，師 ，辭 故鄭於 乎齊 。以也 。葬 衞 。會三 

III.  1 In  the  [duke's]  third  year,  in  sprint,  in  the  king's  first 
month,  Neih  joined  an  army  of  Ts4e  in  invading  Wei. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  there  was  the  burial  of 

duke  Chwang  of  Sung. 

3 In  the  fifth  month,  there  Avas  the  burial  of  king  Hwan. 

4 In  autumn,  the  third  brother  of  [the  marquis  of]  Ke  en- 

tered with  [the  city  of]  Hwuy  under  [the  protection  of] 
Tsce. 

5 In  winter  the  duke  halted  in  HAvah. 


Par.  1.  Compare  I.  iv.  5.  We  have  here  the 
name  Neih,  just  as  in  that  par.  we  have  the 
name  Hwuy.  Tso-she  says  here,  as  there,  that 
the  omission  of  ‘duke’s  son,’  before  the 

name,  indicates  the  sage*s  dislike  of  the  indivi- 
dual and  his  enterprise  ( 疾之也 and 
though  that  omission  has  no  such  significance, 
the  invasion  of  Wei  was  certainly  most  blame- 
worthy. Soh  the  marquis  of  Wei,  stained  with 
atrocious  crimes,  had  fled  to  Ts‘e,  in  the  16th 
year  of  Hwan,  and  K*een-mow,  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  king  [see  VI.  1],  had  been  raised  tx> 
his  place;  yet  here  we  have  Ts4e  moving  to  re- 
store Soh,  and  Loo,  forgetting  its  own  injuries 
received  from  Ts4e,  joining  in  the  attempt. 

Par.  3.  Tso-she  remarks  that  this  burial  was 
late；  and  late  it  was,  as  king  Hwan  liad  died  in 
the  15th  year  of  duke  Hwan.  Some  reason 
there  must  have  been  for  deferring  the  inter- 


ment so  long,  but  we  know  not  what.  Rung  and 
Kuh,  without  any  evidence  in  support  of  their 
view,  suppose  that  this  was  a second  burial, 一 the 
removal  of  the  coffin  from  its  first  resting  place 
to  another. 

Par.  4.  The  marquis  of  Ke  was  of  course  the 
eldest  brother  of  his  family  (j 白 )， and  the  one 
here  mentioned  would  be  his  3d  or  his  4th 
brother.  Hwuy  was  a city  of  Ke, 一 ia  the  pres, 
dis.  of  Lin-tsze  (臨淄 )，  dep.  Ts‘ing-cho、r. 
Ts4e  had  begun  to  carry  into  effect  its  purpose 
of  annexing  the  State  of  Ke  (see  I.  8).  This 
brother  of  the  marquis,  seeing  the  approaching 
fate  of  the  whole  State,  makes  offer  of  the  city 
and  district  under  his  charge,  and  enters  Ts*e 
as  a Foo-yung,  or  attached  State,  in  which  he 
mij<ht  preserve  the  sacrifices  to  his  ancestors. 
Tso-she  says  that  4 Ke  now  began  to  be  divided.* 


76 


THE  CH  UN  TS^EW,  WITH  TI1E  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


Par.  5.  Hwah  (Kung  and  Kuh  have  貝 |J), 
acc.  to  Too,  belonged  to  Ch4ing； — in  Say  Chow 
(雎州 )， dep-  Kwei-tih ; but  Maou  and  many 
other  recent  critics  tliiak  it  was  the  name  of  a 
small  State  near  to  Ch4ing.  Tso-she  says  that 
the  duke  wanted  to  liave  a meeting  with  the 
earl  of  Ch4ng  (Tsze-e),  to  consult  if  any  thing 
could  be  done  for  Ke,  but  that  the  earl  pleaded 


his  own  difficulties  [arising  from  his  brother 
Tuh],  and  declined  a meeting.  In  explanation 
of  the  term  Tso  adds: — 4 In  all  military 
expeditions,  where  a halt  is  made  for  one  night, 
it  is  called  ; where  it  is  for  two  nights,  it  is 
called  ; and  when  for  more  thau  two  niglits, 
it  is  called 


Fourth  year. 


f 俨 肇 f 


及月。 

_ . ■ 義 

齊 

人 

狩 

于 


乙大 
丑 I 去 

齊其 

侯 瘦 

葬 

祀 

伯 


侯 .祀齊 春> 
陳 伯侯王 

像 姫宁二 
鄭卒 。視凡 
伯 > 丘 。兵 

遇 人 

于 姜 


齊季 .紀 讷盟懼 . 道令王 齦而矣 .天 歎人焉 ，月 ,© 
難夏 .侯 而隨行 梁尹遂 王蕩故 之曰激 以楚左 
也 。紀 不還 浪成湛 瀾行 .覺 王臨道 王曼. 伐武傅 
侯能 濟且莫 營祁, 卒於心 武也 .祿曰 j 遣。 王曰, 
大下漢 請敖軍 莫於行 .焉 ，事. 先盡余 將荆四 
去豳 .而爲 以臨敖 檷國若 將君矣 .心 齊 .八年 . 
其以後 會王隨 , 屈木之 師發其 盈蕩。 A 授养. 
國 。與 發於命 隨重之 福徒大 知而鄧 告師王 
違紀喪 。漢人 人除下 。也 。無命 .之蕩 .曼 夫孑三 

IV.  1 In  the  [duke's]  fourth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  second 
month,  [duke  Hwan's]  wife,  the  lady  Kiiang,  feasted 
the  marquis  of  Ts‘e  at  Chuh-k‘Sw. 

2 In  the  third  month,  [duke  Yin^]  eldest  daughter,  [who  had 

been  married  to  the  marquis]  of  Ke,  died. 

3 In  summer,  the  marquis  of  Ts{e,  the  marquis  of  Chcin,  and 
the  earl  ol'  Ch4ng  met  at  Ch*uy. 

The  maivjuis  of  Ke  made  a grand  leaving  of  his  State. 


4 


Ybak  V.  DUKE  CIIWANG.  77 

5 In  the  sixth  niontli,  on  Yih-chlo\v,  tlie  marquis  of  Ts4e 
interred  [duke  Yin's]  eldest  daughter  of  Ke. 

C It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

7 In  winter,  the  duke  and  an  officer  of  Ts4e  hunted  in  CI10I1. 


Par.  1.  Chuh-li'ew, — see  on  II.  v.  5.  It  ap- 
pears from  tliis  that  the  dukc^s  mother  had 
returned  to  Loo,  after  her  meeting  with  her 
brother  in  II.  4.  Her  now  petting  liim  to  come 
to  Loo,  and  openly  feasting  him,  shows  how  they 
were  becoming  more  and  more  shameless. 

Par.  2.  This  is  the  lady  whose  marriage  was 
chronicled  in  I.  ii.  5,  6.  The  death  of  daughters 
of  the  House  of  Loo  who  liad  been  married  to 
other  princes  was  chronicled  by  the  historio- 
graphers ; and  sometimes  their  burial  also. 

[Tso-she  adds  here； — 4 In  the  3d  month  of 
this  year,  king  Woo  of  T34oo,  made  new  arrange- 
ments for  marshalling  the  army,  and  supplied 
the  soldiers  with  the  hooked  spear.  He  was 
then  going  to  invade  Suy;  and,  being  about  to 
fast  before  the  delivery  of  the  new  weapons,  he 
went  into  his  palace,  and  told  his  wife,  Man 
of  T*ang  [see  the  Chuen  after  Il.xiii.  1]  that  his 
heart  felt  all-agitated.  “Your  majesty’s  life 
pit.,  revenues],”  said  she,  sighing,  “is  near  an 
end.  After  fulness  comes  that  dissipation  ； 一 
such  is  the  way  ©f  Heaven.  The  former  rulers 
[in  whose  temple  he  was  going  to  fast]  must 
know  this  ； and  therefore,  at  the  commencement 
of  this  military  undertaking,  when  you  were 
about  to  issue  vour  great  comraands,  tliey  have 
thus  agitated  your  majesty’s  heart.  If  the  ex- 
pedition take  no  damage,  and  your  majesty  die 
on  the  march,  it  will  be  the  happiness  of  the 
State.**  The  king  marched  immediately  after 
this,  and  died  under  a mun  tree.  The  chief 
minister  [see  Ana.  V.  xviii.].  Tow  K4e,  and  the 
Moh-gaou,  K4euh  Ch^ng,  made  a new  path, 
bridged  over  the  Cha,  and  led  their  army  close 
to  Suy,  the  inhabitants  of  which  were  afraid, 
and  asked  for  terms  of  peace.  The  Moh-gaou, 
as  if  by  the  king*s  command,  entered  the  city, 
and  made  a covenant  with  the  marquis  of  Suy, 
asking  him  also  to  come  to  a meeting  on  the 
north  of  the  Han,  after  which  the  army  returned. 
It  was  not  till  it  had  crossed  the  Han  that  the 
king’s  death  was  made  known,  and  the  funeral 
rites  began.’] 

Par.  3.  Ch4uv, — see  I.  viii.  1.  The  meeting 
here  had  reference,  probably,  to  Ke,  which  was 
now  near  its  end  as  an  independent  State.  Hoo 
Gan-kwoh  and  many  other  critics  think  Tuh, 
or  duke  Le,  is  the  earl  of  Ch4ing  here  intended ; 


I but  much  more  likely  is  the  view  that  it  was 
I Tsze-e  [see  the  Chuen  after  p.  5 of  II.  xviii.]. 
The  word  is  used  instead  of  probably 

I because  the  meeting  wanted  some  of  the  usual 
I formalities. 

Par.  4.  Tso-she  says  ： — 4 The  marquis  of  Ko 
was  unable  to  submit  to  Ts4e,  and  gave  over 
the  State  to  his  3d  brother.  In  summer,  he 
took  a grand  leave  of  it,  to  escape  the  oppression 
of  Ts‘e.’  The  poor  marquis  was  unable  to  cope 
with  his  relentless  enemy,  and  rather  than 
sacrifice  the  lives  of  the  people  in  a vain  strug- 
gle, he  gave  the  State  over  to  his  brother,  who 
liad  already  put  himself  under  the  jurisdiction 
of  Ts*e  (III.  4).  Too  says  that  * to  leave  and  not 
return  is  called  a grand  leaving/  The  phrase  is 
here  complimentary.  Kung^ang,  indeed,  argues 
that  the  style  of  the  paragraph,  concealing  the 
fact  that  Ts4e  now  extinguished  tlie  State  of  Ke, 
was  designed  to  gloss  over  tlie  wickedness  of  the 
marquis  of  Ts4e  in  the  act,  because  he  thereby 
revenged  the  wrong  done  in  B.C.893  to  one  of 
his  ancestors,  wlio  was  boiled  to  death  at  the 
court  of  Chow,  having  been  slandered  by  the 
then  lord  of  Ke ! The  marquis  of  Ts;e,  therefore, 
was  now  only  discharging  a duty  of  revenge  in 
destroying  the-House  of  Ke ! Into  such  vagaries 
do  the  critics  fall,  who  will  find  4 praise  or  cen- 
sure* in  the  turn  of  every  sentence  in  thi9 
Classic. 

Par.  5.  The  leaving  his  wife  unburied  shows 
to  what  straits  the  prince  of  Ke  had  been  re- 
duced, when  he  went  away.  The  marquis  of 
Ts*e,  we  may  suppose,  now  performed  the  duty  of 
interment,  with  all  the  honours  due  to  the  lady^ 
rank,  partly  in  compliment  to  Loo,  and  partly 
to  conciliate  the  people. 

Par.  7.  Here,  as  in  II.  4,  Kung-yang  has 
instead  of  Both  Kung  and  Kuli  say 

that  by  is  intended  the  marquis  of  Ts*e 

himself  ； but  Too  simply  says  the  phrase= 

微者，  ‘ a mere  officer，’  adding  that  the  nature 

of  the  whole  transaction， 一 the  duke’s  crossing 
his  o^ti  borders  and  hunting  in  another  State 
with  one  of  inferior  rank, 一 is  sufficiently  ap- 
parent. 


Fifth  year. 

衞 。人人 冬竦獅 氏 II 正苗 
蔡 宋公朝 。铘 迦夫月 。年、 

黎齊人  _ 
伐陳齊 來師 。姜 王 


78 


THE  CII:UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  nr. 


也 。惠衞 。冬 ，命 未朝。 來郎年 ，曰 、左 
公 納伐也 。王名 .來 犁秋 .五傅 

V.  1 It  was  [the  duke's]  fifth  year,  the  spring,  the  kings  first 
month. 

2 In  summer,  [cluke  Hwan's]  wife,  the  lady  Keang  went  to 

the  army  of  Ts4e. 

3 In  autumn,  Le-lae  of  E paid  a visit  to  our  court. 

4 In  winter,  the  duke  joined  an  officer  of  Ts‘e,  an  officer  of 

Sung,  an  officer  of  Ch^in,  and  an  officer  of  Ts^ae,  and 
invaded  Wei. 


Par,  2.  The  army  of  Ts{e  was  probably  in 
Ke  at  this  time.  Wan  Keang  now  joined  her 
brother,  in  the  sight  of  thousands.  Wang  Paou 
says: 一 4 The  month  of  former  meetings,  as  at 
Choh  and  Chuh-k^w,  was  mentioned,  intimat- 
ing that  after  some  days  the  marquis  and  his 
sister  separated.  Here  the  season  is  given, 
intimating  that  they  remained  together  for 
months.’ 

Par.  3.  E (Kung-yang  has  was  a small 
attached  territory  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
Sung, 一 in  pres.  dis.  of  T4ang,  dep.  Yen-chow. 
Its  chief,  as  Tso  says,  had  not  received  from  the 

king  any  symbol  of  dignity  (未 王 and 


therefore  he  is  mentioned  by  his  name, 一 Le  (Tso 
has  ^^)-lae.  The  chiefs  of  attached  territorie* 
are  mentioned  both  by  their  names,  and  desig- 
nations. Hoo  Gan-kwoh  thinks  that  the  name 
indicates  that  the  territory  is  that  of  some  bar- 
barous tribe.  Tung  Chung-shoo  ( ; 

early  in  the  Han  dyn.)  says  that  when  the  ter- 
ritory contained  30  square  /e,  the  chief  was 
mentioned  by  his  designation；  when  it  had  only 
20  square  le,  simply  by  his  name.  All  this  is 
very  doubtful. 

Par.  4.  The  object  of  this  expedition  was  the 
restoration  of  Soh,  or  duke  Hwuy  ； 一 seell.xvi.5. 


Sixth  year.  • 

歸冬 I 螺 i 伐秋 侯夏 Ff 正六 S 
衞齊 衞公 ° 朔六 突凡年 
俘 。人  。至 八月 廣王春 k 

來 自 于衞衞 。人王 

子 血對爲 後亡甥 .吾 © 冬本本 .度 黔職. 爾夏太 
伐食 . 氐 時君 鄧請甥 楚齊枝 不其牟 .乃媿 衞傅 
掷。 而若矣 。噬 國殺也 k 文人 百謀沐 爲卽于 侯曰. 
十君不 鄧甑者 k 楚止 王來世 。知末 > 不位 。秦 ^ ，六 
六焉從 侯其必 子湎 伐歸  本而 度君殺 放年， 
年, 取三曰 .及此 鄧享申 .衞 之後矣 .子左 公春. 
楚餘。 氐人圖 人侯之 。過寶 。不 立夫以 公子王 
復弗抑 將之也 .弗 _ m 文 枝 廣能二 子黔人 
伐從 .社不 乎東許 / 現鄧姜 弗氣 固公洩 .牟救 
雜還 稷食圖 不三聃 .祁請 强 ，不 位子右 于衞。 
ft 年>  實吾之 早甥甥 .侯之 詩知者 ，之 公周. 

之, 楚不餘 。此圖 .曰 .養日 .也 。云 > 其必 立子放 


In  the  [dukes]  sixth  year,  in  s])ring,  in  tlie  kings  first 
month,  Tsze-tuh,  an  officer  of  1 he  king,  [endeavoured  to] 
relieve  [the  capital  of]  Wei. 

In  summer,  in  the  sixth  month,  Sob,  marquis  of  Wei,  en- 
tered [the  capital  of]  Wei. 

In  autumn,  the  duke  arrived  from  the  invasion  of  Wei. 

There  were  the  mm(/-insects. 

In  winter,  an  officer  of  Ts4e  came  to  present  [to  Loo]  the 
spoils  of  Wei. 


Par.  1.  Kunp  and  Kuh  both  read  here 
— instead  of  7F»  The  king  made  an  effort 
to  supi>ort  Wei  against  the  attempt  to  re-instate 
8oh  ； but  his  ministers  all  declined  the  risk  of 
commanding  the  expedition.  Only  Tsze-tuh  in 
the  text,  not  even  a * great  officer/  woukl  hazard 
himself  on  the  enterprize.  Too,  followed  by 
Ying-tah,  and  a host  of  others,  consider  that 
Tsze-tuli  was  the  officer's  designation,  while 
Kunx  and  Kuh  have  many  critics,  and  among 
them  for  once  Maou  Iv^-ling,  affirming  that 
it  was  his  name.  I think  tlie  former  view  is  the 
correct  one. 

Far.  2.  As  Soli  had  been  de  facto  marquis  of 
Wei,  the  ^ here,  as  descriptive  of  his 

restoration,  is  peculiar.  Comp.  II.  xi.  5,  xv.  5 ; 
et  aL  The  phrase  seems  to  be  condemnatory  of 
liim,  entering  as  an  enemy  into  his  capital. 
Tso-«he  says : 一 * In  summer,  the  marquis  of 
Wei  entered;  drove  Kung-tsze  K'een-mow  [see 
the  Chuen  to  II.  xvi.  5]  to  Chow,  and  Ning  Kwei 
toTs  iu；  and  put  to  death  Seeh  and  Chill,  the 
sons  of  duke  Hwan  by  the  two  ladies  on  the 
right  arul  left  of  the  harem.  After  this  he  took 
liis  place  sis  marquis.  Tlie  superior  man  will 
say,  uThe  action  of  the  two  sons  of  duke  Ilwan 
in  raising  K^een-mow  to  the  marquisate  was  ill- 
considered.  He  who  would  be  able  to  make 
sure  the  seat  to  which  he  raises  any  oney  must 
measure  the  loginning  aiul  the  end  o/his  protege, 
and  then  establish  him  as  circumstances  direct. 
If  lie  know  the  individual  to  have  no  root  in 
himself,  lie  dismisses  him  from  his  plans.  If  he 
know  that  his  root  will  not  produce  branches,  it  is 
vain  to  try  to  strengthen  him.  The  Book  of  Poetry 
says,  i4The  root  and  the  branches  increase  for 
a hundred  generations  (She  III.  i.  1. 2) •” 


Par.  4.  See  I.  v.  6. 

Par.  5.  Rung  and  Kuh  both  read  hero 
for  and  Tso-she  also  has  in  his  Chuen, 
so  that  Too  suspects  to  be  an  error 

of  the  text.  It  need  not  be  so,  however,  for 
may  signify  eitlier  prisoners  or  precious 
spoils  generally.  See  an  instance  of  the  latter 
application  of  it  in  tlie  Preface  to  the  Shoo,  p. 
14.  Tso-she  says  that  this  gift  of  the  spoils  of 
Wei  was  made  at  the  request  of  Wftn-kcang. 

[The  Chuen  adds  here: 一 King  Wan  of  Ts4oo 
was  invading  Shin  and  passed  by  K4e, 

marquis  of  T4ang,  said,  4*  He  is  my  sister*s  son  ；M 
and  thereupon  detained  and  feasted  him.  Three 
other  sisters*  sons,  calkd  Chuy.  Tan,  and  Yang 
requested  leave  to  put  the  viscount  [i.e.,  the  so»- 
disant  king]  to  death,  but  the  marquis  refused 
it.  uIt  is  certainly  this  man,**  said  they,  u who 
will  destroy  tlie  State  of  T*ang.  If  we  do  not 
take  this  early  measure,  hereafter  you  will 
have  to  gnaw  your  navel; 一 will  you  then  be 
able  to  take  any  measures?  This  is  the*  time  to 
do  wlmt  should  be  done.”  The  marquis,  how- 
ever, said,  If  I do  this  deed,  no  man  will  hereaf- 
ter eat  from  my  board  * what  I have 

left  ;*  i e.,  what  remains  to  me  for  my  own  use, 
after  aU  the  sacrificial  offerings].’’  They  replied, 
u If  you  do  not  follow  our  advice,  even  tlie 
altars  will  liave  no  victims,  and  where  will  you 
hereafter  e：et  food  to  put  on  your  hoard  V*  Still 
the  marquis  would  not  listen  to  them  ； and  in  the 
year  after  he  returned  />*om  invading  Shin,  the 
viscount  of  Ts^o  attacked  Tk3,ng.  In  the  lGth 
year  of  duke  CUwanyy  he  again  attacked  and  ex- 
tinguished it.] 


Seventh  year. 


會冬 描秋陋 夜夜夏 汗萎七 i 
齊夫 °大 °4V 恒四 防氏年 k 
侯乂 水， 羞星月 > 會_. 
于姜 無 隕不辛 齊夫 
縠 。氏 麥如見 。 虮侯人 


Ykak  VII. 


DUKE  CI1WANG. 


79 


2 


3 4 5 


80 


THE  CIPUN  TS^W,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


嘉苗 。秋 k 也 。與隕 明不夏 ，也 。防 。齊 文七左 
穀不無  雨如也 。見 。恒  齊 侯姜年 ，傅 

也 。害麥  偕雨。 星夜星  志 于會春 ，曰. 

VII.  1 In  the  [clukes]  seventh  year,  in  spring,  [duke  Hwans] 
wife,  the  lady  Keang,  had  a meeting  with  the  mar- 
quis of  Ts{e  at  Fang. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fourth  month,  on  Sin-maou,  at  night, 

the  regular  stars  were  not  visible.  At  midnight, 
there  was  a fall  of  stars  like  rain. 

3 In  autumn,  there  were  great  floods,  so  that  there  was  no 

wheat  nor  other  grain  in  the  blade. 

4 In  winter,  [duke  Hwa.n’s]  wife， the  lady  Keang,  had  a 

meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  in  Kuh. 

sary  to  do  so.  Before  midnight  the  sky  was  very 
bright,  as  if  a flush  of  sunlight  were  still  upon  it, 
so  that  the  stars  were  not  visible  as  usual.  As 
Tso-she  says, 4 The  night  was  bright.*  After  mid- 
night came  a grand  shower  of  meteors.  The 

plrnise 星隕 如雨，  4 the  stars  fell  as  rain/ 

seems  plain  enough.  Tso,  however,  and  Kuh- 
leaug  take  如 = |Yyj  c and.*  The  former  says： 
— ‘ The  stars  fell  along  with  the  rain  the  lat- 
ter， ‘ There  fell  stars，  and  it  rained.’  Kung-yang 
says,  without  giving  any  authority,  that,  before 
Confucius  revised  the  text  of  the  Chcun  Tskew 

of  Loo,  this  entry  was — 雨星 不及地 
^ 复， ‘It  rained  stars  to  witliin  a foot 
of  the  earth,  when  they  reascended  !* 

Par.  3.  ,7^， 一 * see  II.  i.  5 ; 6/  al  At 

tliis  time  the  wheat  was  getting  to  be  ripe, 
wliile  the  rice,  millet,  &c.,  were  only  in  the  blade. 
The  floods  washed  all  away；  yet  Tso-she  says 
* they  did  not  liurt  the  good  grain/  meaning 
there  was  still  time  to  sow  the  paddy  and  millet 
again,  and  reap  a crop  before  the  winter.  The 
K(ang-he  editors  cast  out  of  the  text  thi9  re-- 
mark of  Tso's；  indicating  thereby,  as  on  other 
occasions  of  the  same  suppression,  their  dissent 
from  it. 

Par.  4.  Kuh  belonged  to  Ts^, 一 was  in  the 
pres.  dis.  of  Tung-o [5 可 )， di?p.  Ycm-chow. 


Par.  1.  Fang, — see  1.  ix.  6.  As  Fang  was  in 
Loo,  Tso-she  says  that  this  meeting  was  sought 
by  Ts^.  Of  course,  when  a meeting  between  the 
brother  and  sister  was  in  Ts'e,  he  would  say 
that  Wan  Keang  was  the  mover  to  it. 

Par.  2.  is  read  heent  1 to  appear/  1 to  be 
visible.’  For  the  1st  Kuh-leang  has  ； 
邊 r 隕，  in  this  other  and  passages,  Kung- 
yang  has  K(ung  Ying-tah  says,  ‘ The  term 
“ night  ’’  covers  all  the  space  frora  dusk  to  dawn， 
but  as  we  have  here  u midnight specified,  we 
must  understand  the  previous  unight,*  of  the 
time  before  midnight, — the  time  after  twilight. 
Then  the  stars  were  not  visible  ; — it  is  not  said 
that  they  were  not  visible  during  all  the  night. 
Kuh-leang  reads  for  and  defines  :S- 
as  meaning  the  time  between  sundown  and  the 
appearance  of  the  stars.  But  during  tliis  time 
of  course  the  stars  would  not  be  visible,  and 
why  should  that  regularly  recurring  fact  be 
mentioned  in  the  text  as  a thing  remarkable?* 
By  日 we  are  to  understand  the  stars 
generally, — all  4 constantly,  regularly，’  visible, 
or  that  may  be  expected  to  be  so.  Maou  Se-ho 
would  confine  the  phrase  to  the  stars  in  the  28 
constellations  of  tlie  zodiac,  and  take  the 
below  of  the  other  stars.  But  it  is  not  neces- 


e 


八年 春王 
正凡師 次 
于郞以 俟 
| 陳人滎 人 

加 二铥  I 0 

构& 午治兵 

ll a 

哥 師及齊 
00^0 
降 于齊敝 


Teak  VIII. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


81 


兒 , 君弑無 未>  凡有冬 〖還 。秋， 
諸 其知齊 癸一十 師 

© 奉而凡 S 出. 骶者 爲之公 必齊 秋刀可 .夏 ,左 
初 .公 立殺請 遇隊曰 ，夫 以孫問 侯師降 .我 師傅’ 
公子無 孟先賊 于公人 。作 無不侦 還龙實 及曰. 
孫小知 。陽人 于車, 子爷亂 ，钒至 , 連計 務不 齊八 
無白初 .於 伏門. 傷彭十 連有請 稱子脩 德卿年 
知 出襄牀 j 刼 兄生二 爾寵代 膚是德 .齊 圍春. 
虐 奔公曰 , 而 而喪也 。月、 有于弗 至以以 師亂治 
于瓦立 .非出 ，柬應 .公齊 從倩許 .父 善待何 卿兵 
雍 亂無苕 鬭之反 .怒侯 妹公 .故成 魯時罪 J 系于 
廪 。作 ，常 ，也 .死 費誅曰 .游 在衣謀 葵莊乎 。罪于 廟> 
管鮑 不于曰 .■彭 于公 服作丘 .公。 我齊禮 
夷叔類 、門 我于 生姑宮 ， 亂 。瓜  之師 ,也， 

吾 牙見中 .奚 徒敢黎 .無 秩倩時  由,仲 

召曰 ，公石 御人界 遂寵. 如公而  夏慶 

忽君 之之哉 ，費 .射 田使適 .之往 . 書父 

奉使足 紛袒弗 之于間 褰母曰 . 曰 ，請 

必民于 如而得 .豕 貝公 石弟及  辠伐 

子慢. 戶死示 鞭人丘 •曰 Jill 曰瓜  岡齊 

糾亂下 ，于 乏乏. 立見捷 ，之 ，夷而  邁師， 

來將 遂階背 ，見 而大吾 二仲代 ， 種公 

奔 。作 弒下雇 :血 、啼 .豕 ，以 人年肩  德 、曰、 

矣 。之 遂之走 公從女 因生成 > 德不 


VIII. 


1 In  the  [dukes]  eighth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  first 

month,  [our]  array  halted  at  Lang,  to  wait  for  the 
troops  of  Cli‘in,  and  the  troops  of  Ts‘ae. 

2 On  Keah-woo,  we  exercised  the  soldiers  in  the  use  of  their 

weapons. 

3 In  summer,  [our]  army  and  the  army  of  Ts(e  besieged 

Shing.  Shing  surrendered  to  the  army  of  Ts{e. 

4 In  autumn,  [our]  army  returned. 

5 In  winter,  in  the  eleventh  month,  on  Kwei-we,  Woo-che 

of  Ts4e  murdered  his  ruler,  Choo-urh. 


Par.  1.  Lang, 一 see  I.  ix.  4 ； et  al.  The  duke 

had  probably  made  an  agreement  with  the  princes 
of  Ch*in  and  Ts*ae  to  join  in  the  attack  on  Shing； 
and  as  their  troops  bad  not  arrived  at  the  time 
agreed  on,  tlie  array  of  Loo  was  obliged  to  wait 
for  them  here  at  Lang.  This  is  the  natural 
explanation  of  the  par.  Fan  Ning,  on  Kuh-leang, 
an(l  Ho  Hew,  on  Rung-yang,  suppose  that  tlie 
halting  of  the  troops  at  Lang  was  to  meet  a real 
or  pretended  invasion  of  Loo  by  Ts*ae  and  Clrin. 


Par.  2.  Kung-yang  reads  jjjpj  for  but 
with  the  same  meaning.  Tso-she  says  that  the 
、) 台 Jr.,  whatever  it  was,  took  place  in  the  an- 
cestral temple,  and  was  proper.  But  it  took  place, 
evidently,  at  Lang,  while  the  troops  were  halting 
for  those  of  TVae  and  Cli‘in.  As  to  the  expres- 

sion 治兵  it  is  a technical  phrase,  the  exact 
meaning  of  which  it  is  difficult  to  determine. 


tol  r. 


11 


82 


THE  CirUN  TS  EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


In  the  Chow  Le,  XXTX.25 一 43,  we  have  an 
account  of  the  huntings  at  the  four  seasons  of 
the  year,  and  the  military  exercises  practised  in 
connection  with  tliem,  under  the  direction  of  the 
minister  of  War.  At  mid-spring  the  men  were 

taught  振旅  ； at  mid-summer,  茇舍 ^ 
mid-autumn, 》 台 Sx.  ； and  at  mid- win  ter, 

. Biot  there  translates  仲秋 教治兵 

by  * au  milieu  de  Vautomne  il  enseiyne  llart  de  faire 
la  guerre^  ou  conduire  lessoldats  en  expedition.1  But 
J〇L  was  not  used  anciently  for  Soldiers,*  but 
for  weapons  of  war,  especially  pointed,  offensive 
weapons,  though  buff-coats  and  shields  may  also 
be  admitted  under  the  term.  1 think  that 
治兵  denotes  the  putting  the  weapons,  offen- 
sive and  defensive,  in  order,  and  the  methods 
of  attack.  Some  critics  find  fault  with  Tso’s 
saying  that  the  was  in  order  here, 

when  the  exercise  was  appropriate  to  mid- 
autumn ； but  it  was  so  appropriate  only  in  times 
of  peace.  Now  Loo  was  engaged  in  war,  and  it 
was  then  appropriate,  whenever  it  would  be 
advantageous. 

Par.  3.  Shing  (Kung  has  — see  I.  v.  3. 
As  no  mention  is  made  of  Ts4ae  and  Ch4in,  their 
troops  probably  had  not  come  up  at  all.  And 
we  do  not  know  the  circumstances  sufficiently 
to  understand  why  Shing  surrendered  to  Ts4e 
alone,  and  not  to  the  allied  array  of  Ts*e  and 
Loo.  That  a slight  was  done  to  Loo,  we  under- 
stand from  the  Chuen: 一 * When  Shing  surren- 
dered to  the  army  of  Tsce,  Chung  K*ing-foo 
asked  leave  to  attack  that  army.  The  duke 
said,  4*No.  It  is  I who  am  really  not  virtuous. 
Of  what  crime  is  the  army  of  Ts^  guilty  ? The 
crime  is  all  from  me.  The  Book  of  Ilea  says: — 
• Kaou-yaou  vigorously  sowed  abroad  his  vir- 
tue, and  it  made  tlie  people  submissive  (But 
see  on  the  Shoo,  II.  ii.  10).*  Let  us  meanwhile 
give  ourselves  to  tlie  cultivation  of  our  virtue, 
and  bide  our  time.’”  It  would  appear  from 
this  narrative  that  duke  Chwang  was  himself 
with  the  army,  though  the  style  of  all  the 
paragraphs  makes  us  conclude  that  he  was  not 
himself  commanding. 

Par.  4.  The  return  of  an  army  is  not  usually 
chronicled  in  the  Cl^un  Ts^cw  as  it  is  here. 
Tso-she  observes  that  from  the  mention  of  it 
here  the  superior  man  will  commend  duke 
Chwang.  It  is  not  easy  to  see  the  point  of  the 
remark,  unless  we  take  it  as  referring  to  the 
duke*s  words  in  the  preceding  Chuen. 

Par.  5.  Clioo-urh  was  the  name  of  the  marquis 
of  Ts‘e, — duke  Siiang.  Woo-che  was  a son  of  E 
Chung-neen  ( 夷仲年 x nn  uncle  of  the 
marquis.  Tho  marquis  and  he  thi*rof〇ro  were 


first  cousins.  The  Chuen  on  this  par.  is: — 
1 The  marquis  of  Ts{e  had  sent  Leen  Ch4ing  and 
Kwan  Che-foo  to  keep  guard  at  K^ei-k^w. 
It  was  the  season  of  melons  when  they  left  the 
capital,  and  he  said,  u When  the  melons  are  in 
season  again,  I will  relieve  you.”  They  kept 
guard  for  twelve  months ; and  no  word  coming 
from  the  marquis,  they  requested  to  be  relieved. 
But  tlieir  request  was  refused,  and  in  conse- 
quence they  fell  to  plot  rebellion. 

* E Chung-neen,  own  brother  to  dake  He,  had 
left  a son,  called  Kung-sun  Woo-che,  who  waa 
a favourite  with  He,  and  had  been  placed  by 
liim,  so  far  as  his  robes  and  other  distinctions 
were  concerned,  on  the  same  footing  as  a son  of 
his  own.  Duke  Seang,  however,  had  degraded 
him.  The  two  generals,  therefore,  associated 
themselves  with  him  to  carry  out  their  plans. 
There  was  a first  cousin  also  of  Leen  Ch4ing  ia 
the  duke’s  harem,  who  had  lost  his  favour,  and 
her  they  employed  as  a spy  upon  his  move- 
ments, Woo-che  having  declared  to  her  that,  if 
their  enterprise  were  successful,  he  would  make 
her  his  wife. 

* In  winter,  in  the  11th  month,  the  marquis 
went  to  amuse  himself  at  Koo-fun,  and  was 
hunting  on  Fei-k4cw,  when  a large  boar  made 
his  appearance.  One  of  the  attendants  said, 
“It  is  the  Kung-tsze  P‘ang-sang  [see  the 
Chuen  on  II.  xvii.  3].”  The  marquis  was 
enraged  and  said,  u Does  P*ang-sSng  dare  to 
show  himself.”  With  this  he  shot  at  the 
creature,  which  stood  up  on  its  hind  legs  like 
a man,  and  howled.  The  marquis  was  afraid, 
and  fell  down  in  his  carriage,  injuring  one  of 
his  feet,  and  losing  the  shoe.  Having  returned 
[to  the  palace  w here  he  was  lodging],  he  re- 
quired his  footman  Pe  to  bring  the  shoe,  and 
when  it  could  not  be  found,  scourged  him,  till 
the  blood  flowed.  Pe  ran  out  of  the  room,  and 
met  several  assassins  at  the  gate,  who  seized  and 
bound  him.  u Should  I oppose  you?**  said  Pet 
haring  his  body,  and  showing  them  his  back,  on 
seeing  which  they  believed  him.  He  then  request- 
ed leave  to  go  in  before  them,  when  he  hid  tho 
marquis,  came  out  again,  and  fouglit  with  them 
till  lie  wns  killed  in  the  gate.  Shih-che  Fun-joo 
died  fi^htin^  on  the  stairs,  on  which  the  assas- 
sins entered  the  chamber,  and  killed  Mfin^ 
Yang  [who  had  taken  the  marquis*  place]  in 
the  bed.  “This  is  not  he,”  they  soon  cried. 
“ Jt  is  not  like  him.”  They  then  discovered  the 
(luke^  foot,  [where  he  was  hiding]  behind  tho 
door,  murdered  him,  and  raised  up  Woo-che  ia 
his  place. 

* Before  this,  when  duke  Seang  came  to  the 
marquisate,  l^ou  Shuh-ya,  seeing  his  irregu- 
larities, said,  44  The  prince  is  making  the  people 
despise  him  ； _ thore  will  soon  be  disorder  and 
he  to  Keu  with  He *8  son  Seaou-pih.  When 
the  disorder  broke  out,  Kwan  E-woo  and  Shauu 
Hwuh  fled  to  Loo  with  Kcw,  another  of  He*0 
sons. 

* Before  his  elevation,  Kung-sun  Woo-che  had 
behaved  oppressively  to  Yung  Lin.* 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  narrative  that  Woo- 
che  was  not  the  actual  murderer  of  the  nmrquii 
of  Ts*e,  nor  indeed  tlie  first  mover  to  the  taking 
of  him  ofT.  Still,  as  he  was  the  one  who  was  to 
profit  by  his  death,  the  Ch*un  Ts4ew  chaw* 
the  deed  on  him.  The  mnrqui?  deserved  hi«  fate. 


Ybab  IX. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


83 


Ninth  year. 


浚凡時 k 凡七于 公及年 . 
诛 。齊我 庚凡齊 。伐齊 舂> 
人師申 、丁  齊大齊 

取敗及 酉>  鈉夫 >人 
于績 。齊葬  齓盟殺 

糾\  師齊  齊于無 

殺 戰襄  小葡 。知。 

之。 于公。 S 


可 a 及死焉 。之 來下鼠 師秋 .莒夏 ，君 公钒左 
也 。管堂 之乃管 言道. 秦敢師 先公也 。及 傅 
必夷阜 管殺召 .曰. 是子績 。及 A。 伐 齊 曰> 
從吾 而仲子 警子以 梁公齊 齊、 大 九 
之 。治稅 請糾也 .糾. 皆子 .喪師 納夫年 
於之囚 ，于 請親止 > 以戎戰 子盟春 . 
高歸鮑 生受也 , 输公路 .于 糾 。无雍 
傻而叔 竇> 而請叔 旗傳乾 桓 鞔 .廪 
使 以受召 甘君帥 辟乘時 ，公 齊 殺 
椒 .告之 ，忽心 討師 于而我  自 無 無 

IX.  1 In  the  [duke's]  ninth  year,  in  spring,  the  people  of  Tsfe 
killed  Woo-che. 

2 The  duke  made  a covenant  with  [some]  great  officers  of 

Ts‘e  at.  Ke. 

3 In  summer,  the  duke  invaded  Ts£e,  intending  to  instate 

Kew；  [but]  Seaou-pih  [had  already]  entered  Ts{e. 

4 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  Ting-yew,  there  was 

the  burial  of  duke  Seang  of  Ts*e. 

5 In  the  eighth  month,  on  Ivang-shin,  we  fought  with  the 

army  of  Ts(e  at  Kan-she,  when  our  army  received  a 
severe  defeat. 

6 In  the  ninth  month,  the  people  of  Ts£e  took  Tsze-kew,  and 

put  him  to  death. 

7 In  winter,  we  deepened  the  Shoo. 


84 


THE  CH4UN  TS  EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


Par.  1.  I translate  齊人  here  ‘the 
people  of  Tsce/  after  the  analogy  of  I.  iv.  6,  7,  et 
aL  Tso-she  tells  us,  however,  th«it  the  real  slayer 
of  Woo-che  was  Yung  Lin,  mentioned  at  the  end 
of  the  last  Chuen.  Woo-che  had  taken  his  place 
a9  marquis  of  Ts{e ; but  only  a month  had  elapsed, 
and  his  title  had  not  been  acknowledged  by  the 
other  princes.  He  is.  therefore  mentioned  in 
the  text  simply  by  his  name. 

Par.  2.  Ke  (Rung  and  Kuh  have  was  in 
Loo, — 80  le  to  the  east  of  the  dis.  city  of  Yih 
(pi^),  dep.  Yen-chow.  On  the  death  of  Woo- 
che,  great  officers  were  sent  to  Loo  to  arrange 
about  making  Kew,  who  had  taken  refuge  there 
soon  after  the  murder  of  duke  Seang,  marquis 
in  his  room.  This  was  the  subject  of  the  cove- 
nant at  Ke.  Tso-she  explains  the  fact  of  the 
duke's  covenanting  with  them,  a thing  beneath 
his  dignity,  by  saying  that  there  was  at  this  time 
no  ruler  in  Ts*e. 

Par.  3.  It  does  not  immediately  appear  why 
the  duke  should  invade  Ts4e  to  instate  Kew,  see- 
ing that  Kew*s  elevation  liad  been  matter  of 
covenant  between  him  and  representatives  of 
Ts‘e.  Opposition,  probably,  was  anticipated 
from  Seaou-pih,  and  the  military  force  was  to 
provide  against  it.  But  the  duke’s  movements 
were  not  speedy  enough  to  effect  his  object. 

Tso-she,  both  in  his  text  and  Chuen,  has  子 
糾 instead  of  which  would  indicate  that 
Kew  was  the  older  of  the  two  brothers.  And 
the  evidence  does  preponderate  in  favour  of 
this  view,  though  the  opposite  one  has  many 
advocates  of  note.  The  K4ang4ie  editors  spend 
a whole  page  in  reviewing  the  question.  The 
Chuen  on  VIII.  4 states  that  Seaou-pih  had  fled 
to  Keu;  and  here  it  is  said : — 4 Duke  Hwan  had 
been  beforehand  in  entering  Ts‘e  from  Keu •’ 

Par.  4.  It  was  now  the  ninth  month  since 
the  murder  of  the  marquis.  His  burial  had 
been  deferred  in  consequence  of  the  troubles  of 
the  State. 

Par.  5.  Kan-she  was  in  Ts*e, 一 in  the  north 
of  pres.  dis.  of  Poh-liing  dep.  Ts^ing- 

chow.  Notwithstanding  that  Seaou-pih  had 
anticipated  his  brother,  and  got  possession  of 
T8fe,  the  duke  of  Loo  persevered  in  his  efforts 
in  favour  of  Kew,  and  suffered  this  defeat. 


—see  on  Il.xiii  1.  Tso-9he  says  ： 一 * At 
this  battle  the  duke  lost  his  war-chariot,  but 
grot  into  another,  and  proceeded  homewards. 
Ts*in-tsze  and  Leang-tsze  [who  had  been  in  the 
chariot  with  him]  took  his  flag,  and  separated 
from  him  by  a lower  road  [to  deceive  the  enemy] ； 
and  the  consequence  was  that  they  were  both 
taken/  Thus,  the  duke  himself  commanded  in 
this  expedition, — a fact  which  the  text  is  so 
constructed  as  to  conceal. 

Par.  6.  It  is  here  said  that  4 the  people  of 
Ts‘e  took  Tsze-kew,  and  killed  him,*  but  in 
reality  they  were  Loo  hands  which  put  him  to 
death.  To  require  his  death  was  cruel  on  the 
part  of  Ts‘e.  To  deliver  him  up,  to  kill  him  in 
fact,  was  base  in  the  extreme  on  the  part  of  Loo. 
A foreigner  loses  all  patience  with  Confucius 
and  the  Ch4un  Ts£ew,  when  he  finds  the  events 
of  history  so  misrepresented  in  it.  The  Chuen 
says : — 4 Paou  Shuh  led  an  army  to  Loo,  and 
said  to  the  duke,  “ Tsze-kew  is  our  prince’s  near 
relative;  we  beg  of  you  to  take  him  off.  Kwan 
and  Shaou  are  his  enemies;  we  beg  them  to  be 
delivered  to  us,  and  our  prince  will  feel  satisfied.* * 
On  this  we  killed  Tsze-kew  in  Sang- tow,  when 
Shaou  Hwuli  died  with  him,  while  Kwan 
Chung  asked  to  be  kept  as  a prisoner.  Faou- 
shuh  received  him  from  Loo,  and  set  him  free 
when  they  had  got  to  T'ang-fow.  On  their  re- 
turn to  the  capital^  he  informed  the  marquis  of 
all  the  circumstances,  saying  also,  u Kwan  E- 
woo’s  talents  for  government  are  greater  than 
those  of  Kaou  He  [a  minister  and  noble  of  Ts4e]. 
If  you  employ  liim  as  your  chief  minister  and 
helper， it  will  be  well.”  The  marquis  followed 
the  advice.’ 

Par.  7.  The  Shoo  was  a river  flowing  from 
the  north-east  of  Loo  in  a south-west  direction 
till  it  joined  the  Yuen  (j^),  after  which  their 

united  stream  flowed  on  to  the  Sze  (汹 The 
object  in  deepening  it  was  to  make  it  a better 
defence  against  the  attempts  of  Ts^.  The 
critics  are  all  severe  against  duke  Chwang  for 
wasting  his  people's  strength  in  this  under- 
taking. It  may  have  been  foolish  and  useless, 
but  it  would  be  hard  to  extract  any  condemna- 
tion of  it  from  the  text. 

[The  student  who  is  familiar  with  the  Ana- 
lects and  Mencius  will  now  have  recognized 
two  names  well  known  to  him  ； 一 duke  Hwan  of 
Tsle,  the  first  and  in  some  respects  the  greatest  of 
the  five  pa  or  leaders  of  the  princes,  and  Kwan 
Chung,  or  Kwan  E-woo,  his  chief  minister.] 


Tenth  year. 


节兔 春王 
正凡公 欺 
齊師 于長 

o 

勺 

1 I 

二月公 侵 

o 

宋 

U1  章 vf 

三月。 宋人 

遷私 

sf  I 

夏六 月齊 
M 宋陬次 


Ykah  X. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


85 


j i n ii  r i 


宮骨 i. 亂霞 ■ 


乘鑫 


冬 .齊蔡 止蔡之 ，齊夏 調氣 登人一 福從戰 。者左 
齊侯而 而哀大 必六也 ，也躺 三戰, 也_也 、公 謀傅 
師 之伐見 侯败還 。瓦 懼一而 鼓> 戰公 公曰之 ，曰. 
滅丨 丨丨之 ，之 .娶朱 請齊有 鼓望劏 則曰 .曰. 衣又十 
亂也, 楚弗于 師擊師 伏作之 .曰 .請小 犧食何 年》 
譚 過子賓 。陳 .于之 .宋鼠 氟曰 k 可從 。大牲 所間春 , 
無鼠從 息息乘 公師吾 再可矣  > 之玉安 .焉肩 
禮譚之 。侯侯 氐弗次 視而矣 5 齊與獄 ，帛 > 弗剷師 
也> 不秋 ，閫亦 齊許牙 其衰篇 師之雖 弗敢曰 .伐 
_ 禮 九之娶 師自郞 .轍三 逐敖乘 .不敢 專肉我 > 
子焉 ，凡怒 .焉 .乃 雩公亂 , 而齊績 .戰 能加也 ，食公 
奔及楚 使息還 。門 子望竭 .師。 公于察 必者將 
莒 ,其 M ■媽 竊偃 其彼旣 將長必 必以鄙 嚴. 

出 ，曰. 旗竭克 .馳句 .以以 分未曹 
蒙朱紙 我公之 石情 。信 。人 。能歲 i 
梟 師故盈 .問剷 將對對 對遠請 
讨不逐 故其氐 鼓曰 旧 .曰 .謀 。見, 
而整 之 。克 故未之 忠小 小乃其 
先可 之對可 。劍 之信惠 A 鄕 
犯厳  夫曰 k 下曰 .屬未 未見人 

之也 > 大夫 視未也 ，手 .徧 .問曰 > 
公朱 國 ，戰 k 其可 。可神 民何禹 
從敢， 難勇轍 濟以弗 弗以食 


同入 蔡楚將 
盟也 ，師 支歸. 
故諸 于王過 
也 。侯莘 蔡. 
皆 以伐蔡 
賀 .蔡我 .侯 
譚侯 吾曰, 
又 獻求吾 
不 舞救姨 
鼠歸。 手也。 


X.  1 In  his  tenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king’s  first  month,  the 
duke  defeated  the  army  of  Ts‘e  at  Ch‘ang-choh. 

2 In  the  second  month,  the  duke  made  an  incursion  into  Sung. 

3 In  the  third  month,  the  people  of  Sung  removed  [the  State 

of]  Suh. 

4 In  summer,  in  the  sixth  month,  an  anny  of  Ts^  and  an 

army  of  Sung  halted  at  Lang.  The  duke  defeated  the 
army  of  Sung  at  Shing-kcew. 

5 In  autumn,  in  the  ninth  month,  King  defeated  the  army  of 

Ts'ae  at  Sin,  and  carried  Heen-woo,  marquis  of  Ts{ae, 
back  [to  King]. 

6 In  winter,  in  the  tenth,  month,  an  army  of  Ts(e  extinguished 

T‘an.  The  viscount  of  Pan  fled  to  Keu. 


86 


THE  CH{UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


Par.  1.  Chcang-choh  was  in  Loo,  but  its  posi- 
tion lias  not  been  identified.  Lo  Pe  (羅泌 )， 
says  that  of  the  clans  of  Shang  removed  by 
king  Ch4ing  to  Loo,  one  was  called  the  Cl^ang- 
choh,  as  having  been  located  in  Ch'ang-choh. 
The  Chuen  here  is: — 4 The  army  of  Ts^  in- 
vaded our  State,  and  the  duke  was  about  to 
fight,  when  one  Tscaou  Kwei  requested  to  be 
introduced  to  him.  One  of  Kwei^  fellow- 
villagers  said  him,  uThe  flesh-eaters  [comp. 
Ps.  xxii.  29],  are  planning  for  the  occasion；  what 
have  you  to  do  to  intermeddle  ?J,  He  replied, 
The  flesh-eaters  are  poor  creatures,  and  can- 
not form  any  far-reaching  plans/5  So  he  entered 
and  was  introduced,  when  he  asked  the  duke 
what  encouragement  he  had  to  fight.  The  duke 
said,  u Clothes  and  food  minister  to  ray  repose, 
but  I do  not  dare  to  monopolise  them : — I make 
it  a point  to  share  them  with  others.”  “That,” 
replied  Kwei,  u is  but  small  kindness,  and  does 
not  reach  to  all.  The  people  will  not  follow 
you  for  that •”  The  duke  said,  “ In  the  victims, 
the  gems,  and  the  silks,  used  in  sacrifice^  I do 
not  dare  to  go  beyond  the  appointed  rules： 一 I 
make  it  a point  to  be  sincere.”  “ That  is  but 
small  sincerity；  it  is  not  perfect: — the  Spirits 
will  not  bless  you  for  that.”  The  duke  said 
again,  u In  all  matters  of  legal  process,  whether 
small  or  great,  although  I may  not  be  able  to 
search  them  out  thoroughly^  I make  it  a point  to 
decide  according  to  the  real  circumstances.” 
“That,”  answered  Kwei,  “bespeaks  a leal- 
heartedness : 一 you  may  venture  one  battle  on 
that.  When  you  fight,  I beg  to  be  allowed  to 
attend  you.”  The  duke  took  him  with  him  in 
his  chariot.  The  battle  was  fought  in  Chcang- 
choh.  The  duke  was  about  to  order  the  drums 
to  beat  an  advance,  when  Kwei  said,  uNot  yet;J, 
and  after  the  men  of  Ts‘e  had  advanced  three 
times  with  their  drums  beating,  he  said,  uNow 
is  the  time.”  The  army  of  Ts*e  received  a 
severe  defeat ; but  when  the  duke  was  about 
to  dash  after  th^m,  Kwei  again  said,  uNot 
yet.”  He  then  got  down,  and  examined  the 
tracks  left  by  their  chariot-wheels,  remounted, 
got  on  the  front-bar,  and  looked  after  the 
flying  enemy.  After  this  he  said  “Pursue;” 
which  the  duke  did.  When  the  victory 
had  been  secured,  the  duke  asked  Kwei  the 
reasons  of  what  he  had  done.  “In  fighting,” 
was  the  reply/*  all  depends  on  the  courageous 
spirit.  When  the  drums  first  beat,  that  excites 
the  spirit.  A second  advance  occasions  a dimi- 
nution of  the  spirit;  and  with  a third,  it  is  ex- 
hausted. With  our  spirit  at  the  highest  pitch  we 
fell  on  them  with  their  spirit  exhausted  ； and  so 
we  conquered  them.  But  it  is  difficult  to  fa- 
thom a great  State ; — I was  afraid  there  might 
be  an  ambuscade.  I looked  therefore  at  the 
traces  of  their  wheels,  and  found  them  all-con- 
fused；  I looked  after  their  flags,  and  they  were 
drooping:  一 then  1 gave  the  order  to  pursue  * 

Par.  2.  This  is  the  first  record  in  the  text  of 


the  military  expedition  called  侵 • A8  the 
word  denotes  it  was  a steal- 

thy incursion.  Kung-yang  says:  辆者曰 

者 曰 "f 戈，‘ an  Ul-C)r(】ered 

is  called  ts^in  ； one  in  good  array  is  called  fah* 

TS〇_8he， bettm- 有鐘鼓 曰伐; 無 


4 an  advance  with  bells  and 
drums  is  called  fah ; without  them,  ts^n.*  So  far 
as  the  text  goes,  this  would  appear  to  have  been  a 
wanton  attack  on  Sung.  Maou  supposes  that 
Sung  may  have  been  confederate  with  Ts4e  in 
the  previous  month. 

Par.  3.  Suh, 一 see  on  I.i.  5；  where  it  has 
been  observed  that  Suh  was  a long  way  from 

Sung.  But  the  word  * to  remove/  does  not 

signify  that  Sung  continued  to  hold  possession 
of  the  old  territory ; 一 it  carried  the  people  away 
and  all  the  valuables  of  the  State  into  its  own  ter- 
ritories. The  affair  would  seem  to  be  commemo- 


rated in  the  name  of  Suh-ts^en  adis.of 

Seu-chow  dep.,  in  Keang-soo,  which  was  within 
the  limits  of  Sung.  We  shall  find  hereaf- 
ter as  a neuter  verb,  where  the  signification  is 
different. 


Par.  4.  Lang, 一 see  VIII.  1.  Shing-k*ew  is  re- 
ferred to  the  dis.  of  Tsze-yang  ^r),  dep. 
Yen-chow.  If  this  identification  be  correct,  then 
the  allied  forces  had  moved  from  Lang;  or  per- 
haps they  had  separated,  and  the  army  of  Sung 
gone  north  to  Shing-k'ew.  The  Chuen  says： 一 
4 The  armies  of  Ts4e  and  Sung  were  halting  at 
Lang,  when  Yen,  a son  of  duke  Hwan,  said, 
u The  army  of  Sung  is  ill  drawn  up,  and  may 
be  defeated.  If  Sung  be  defeated,  Ts4e  will  be 
obliged  to  retire.  I beg  leave  to  attack  the 
troops  of  Sung •”  The  duke  refused,  but  he  stole 
out  at  the  Yu  gate,  and  having  covered  his 
horses  with  tigers*  skins,  fell  upon  the  enemy. 
The  duke  followed  to  support  him,  when  they 
inflicted  a great  defeat  on  the  army  of  Sung  at 
Shing-k4ew；  and  the  army  of  Ts‘e  withdrew 
from  hoo: 

Par.  5.  Here  for  the  first  time,  Ts‘oo,  a great 
Power,  appears  on  the  stage  of  the  Ch4un  T^ew, 
though  we  have  met  with  it  already  more  than 
once  in  the  Chuen.  King  was  the  original 
name  of  Ts*oo,  and  in  the  Ch4un  T8*ew  it  is 
thus  named  down  to  the  1st  year  of  duke  He. 
The  chiefs  of  Ts^o  were  at  first  viscounts,  with 
the  surname  Me  ; the  bleating  of  a sheep), 
who  traced  their  lineage  up  to  the  prsehistoric 
times,  pretending  to  be  descended  from  Chuen- 


heuh.  The  representative  of  the  line  in  the 
times  of  WSn  and  Woo  was  Yuli-heung  ( jg 
and  his  great-grandson,  Heung-yih 
糸單 )， was  invested  by  king  Ch‘ing  with  th。 
lands  of  King  Man  or  4 King  of  the 

wild  south/  and  the  title  of  viscount.  His  capital 
was  Tan-yang  I 綠 ), referred  to  a place,  7 

le  south-east  from  the  pres.  dis.  city  of  Kwei- 

chow  (歸州 )， dep.E-ch‘ang (宜昌 )， IIoo* 
pih.  In  B.  C.  886,  Heung-k*eu  usurped 

the  title  of  king,  which  was  afterwards  dropped 


for  a time,  but  permanently  resumed  by  Heung 
T‘u»g  (肯肖  $甬), known  as  king  Woo,  in  B.  C.  703, 
who  also  moved  the  capital  to  Ying  ^ 

north  of  the  pres.  dep.  citj  of  King-chow  (ftj| 


Tear  XI. 


DUKE  C1IWANG. 


87 


病曰 ，公© 冬恤 子也 .罪宋 之粢秋 .師 敢師我 .左 
t 始右 乘齊 民御香 人連災 ，盛, 朱氣績 . 敵公傅 
吾魷丘 侯之說 懼其興 又若大 曰得未 禦曰, 
敬孫 之來心 。之 而亡乎 k 以之水 . 王檇陳 ，之十 
子 .生殺 ，逆 辭名也 禹爲何 公師曰 曰朱一 
也,禮 ，忽 湯君不 使敢克 .敢 師年. 
臧其焉 .罪 憂用用 績覆某 未夏, 
孫 庶且己 、拜 對焉. 于而師 .陳宋 
達乎 。列 其命曰 、曰 .某敗 皆而爲 
曰. 旣國興 之孤天  之, 陳薄桊 
是而 有也辱 .實作  日日之 ，丘 
宜聞凶 ，俘臧 不淫 取戰 .敢之 
爲 之稱焉 .文敬 雨>  某 大諸役 
君旧 JL 桀 仲天害 師 .崩 亂虼 
有公禮 紂曰 .降于 京 曰凡侵 


今 搏公共 
i 之, 以姬。 
魯朱金 
囚人僕 
也 ,請 姑 
吾之 .齡 
弗朱南 
敬公宮 
子靳長 

m 


州 )•  The  viscount  of  Ts(oo  at  this  first  appear- 
ance of  the  House  in  the  text  was  king  Wftn 
(文 王 ), n son  of  Woo,  by  uaaie  Ileung-tsze 

(熊貨)- 

8in  belonged  to  Ts4ae,  and  was  in  tliebordorsof 
pres.  die.  of  Joo-yang  ^f),  dep.  Joo-ning, 
Ho-nan.  Heen-woo  (Kuh  has  武） was  the 
of  II.  xvii.  5.  The  style  of  the  par.  id 
unusual,  the  name  of  the  State 一 King 一 being 
mentioned,  and  no 4 viscount  of  King/  or  ^ofificer.* 
Too  finds  in  this  an  evidence  of  the  still  barbar- 
ous condition  of  King  or  Ts4oo  unacquainted 
with  the  forms  of  the  States  of  4 the  Middle 
country.* 

The  Omen  says: — 4 The  marquis  Gae  of  Ts^ae 
had  married  a daughter  of  the  House  of  Ch  in, 
and  the  marquis  of  Seih  had  married  another. 
When  die  latter  lady  * Kwei  of  Seih.* 

Kwei  was  the  surname  of  ClrinJ  on  one  occasion 
vus  going  back  to  Seili,  she  passed  by  TVae, 
and  the  marquis  said,  4 Slie  is  my  sister- in-law.M 
He  detained  her,  therefore,  and  saw  her,  not 


treating  her  a9  a guest  should  be  treated.  When 
the  marquis  of  Soili  heard  of  it,  he  was  enraged, 
anil  sent  a messenger  to  king  Wftn  of  Ts^o, 
saying,  * Attack  me,  and  I will  ask  assistance 
from  Ts4ae,  when  you  can  attack  The 
viscount  of  Ts^oo  did  so;  and  in  autumn,  in  the 
9th  month,  Ts‘oo  defeated  the  army  of  Ts‘ae  at 
Sin,  and  carried  off  the  marquis,  Ileen-woo/ 
Par.  6.  T4an  was  a small  State,  wh〇3e  Ionia 
were  viscounts,  within  the  circle  of  Ts*e.  Its  chic*f 
town  was  70  le  to  the  south-east  of  the  dis.  city 
of  Leih-shing,  dep.  Tse-nan.  This  is  the  first 
instance  in  the  text  of  the  4 extinction  * of  a State. 
The  term  implies  the  destruction  of  its  rtiling 
House,  the  abolition  of  its  sacrifices,  and  the  ab- 
sorption of  the  people  and  territory  by  the  pre- 
vailing Power.  The  Chuen  says  : 一 4 When  the 
marquis  of  Ts*e  [i*.  the  present  marquis]  fled 
from  the  State  [see  tlie  Cliuen  on  VJII.5],  and 
was  passing  by  r*an,  tlie  viscount  sliowed  him 
no  courtesy.  When  he  entered  it  again,  and 
the  other  princes  were  all  congratulating  him, 
the  viscount  did  not  make  liis  rtj)pearance.  In 
winter,  therefore,  an  army  of  Ts4e  extinguished 
T*an,  which  hail  bi-havi*d  so  improperly.  The 
viscount  fled  to  Ki*u.  having  formerly  made  a 
covenant  witli  the  lord  〇/  it.* 


Eleventh  year. 


i k 

十 有一年 

#, 王正凡 

二？  w# 

夏 五月戊 
寅公 敗宋 

師于訊 

si  0 

秋宋 大水 

四？ 

+ 王娅歸 
于氮 


It  was  the  [dukes]  eleventh,  year,  the  spring,  the  kings 
first  month. 

In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  Mow-yin,  the  duke  de- 
feated an  army  of  Sung  at  Tsze. 

In  autuinn,  there  were  great  floods  in  Sung. 

In  winter,  a daughter  of  the  king  went  to  her  home  in  Ts^e. 


Par.  2.  Tsze  was  in  Loo, 一 in  dep.  of  Yen- 
chow  ； difft.  from  the  Tsze  in  I.  8.  The  Chuen 
says : 一 1 Because  of  the  action  at  Sliing-k'ew, 
Sung  now  made  an  incursion  into  our  State. 
The  duke  withstood  the  enemy；  and  pressing 
on  them  before  they  were  formed  in  order  of 
battle,  he  defeated  tliem  at  Tsze.*  Then  follows 
an  explanation  of  various  military  terms: 一 ‘In 
all  military  expeditions,  when  an  action  is  Jcrced 
before  the  eneniy^  army  is  drawn  up,  the  text 
says， defeated  such  and  such  an  army.” 
When  both  sides  are  drawn  up,  it  is  said,... 
“ fought，”  “ a battle  was  fought.”  When  there 
has  been  a great  overthrow,  the  style  is, ../dis- 
gracefully defeated/*  When  any  one  of  extra- 
ordinary valour  is  taken , it  is  said, . . . u vanquished 
so  and  so.iy  When  the  defeat  is  utter,  it  is 
said,  “ took  such  ami  such  an  army.”  When 
the  army  of  the  capital  is  defeated,  it  is  said, 
44  The  king's  army  was  disgracefully  defeated  in 
such  and  such  a place.’" 

Par.  3.  Comp.  II.  1 . 5.  The  Chuen  says : — 
4 In  autumn,  there  were  great  floods  in  Sung,  and 
the  duke  sent  a messenger  with  his  condolences, 
saying,  u Heaven  has  sent  down  excessive  rains, 
to  the  injury  of  the  millet  for  sacrifice.  I feel 
tliat  I must  condole  with  you.>,  The  answer 
was,  UI  am  as  an  orphan,  and  must  confess  my 
want  of  reverence,  for  m inch  Heaven  has  sent 
down  this  plague.  And  moreover  I have  caused 
you  sorrow,  and  beg  to  acknowledge  the  conde- 
scension of  your  message.”  Tsang  Wan-chung 
said,  u Sung  must  be  going  to  flourish.  Yu  and 


T^ang  took  the  blame  on  themselves,  and  they 
prospered  grandly.  Keeh  and  Chow  threw  the 
blame  on  others,  and  their  ruin  came  swiftly. 
Moreover  when  a State  meets  with  calamity,  it 
is  the  rule  for  the  prince  to  call  himself  an  or- 
phan. With  language  showing  anxious  fear, 
and  using  the  ri^ht  name,  Sung  cannot  be  far 
from  prosperity.”  Afterwards  it  was  known  that 
the  answer  was  in  the  words  of  duke  Chwang's 
son  Yu-yueh,  and  then  Tsang  Sun-tali  said, 
44  This  man  deserves  to  be  ruler.  He  has  a heart 
of  pity  for  the  people.’” 

Par.  4.  See  on  1. 3,4,7.  Like  his  predecessor, 
duke  Hwan  of  Ts4e  had  sought  a royal  bride； 
and  the  arrangements  for  the  marriage  had,  as 
before,  been  put  under  the  management  of  the 
marquis  of  Loo.  Tso-she  snys  that  1 the  marquia 
of  Ts4e  came  to  meet  his  bride,  Rung  Ke,*  where 
Kung(it=^j^；)  is  the  honorary  title  by  which 
the  lady  was  known  after  her  death. 

[The  Chuen  adds  here:  — 4 In  the  action  at 
Shing-k4ew,  [in  the  10th  year]  the  duke  with  his 

arrow  called  Kin  Puh-koo  [ 金僕姑 might 
be  translated  u Steel  Servant-lady, n but  the  last 
two  characters  are  often  written  difftly.]  shot 
Nan-kung  Cliang-wan,  after  which  the  spearman 
on  the  riglit,  Chuen-sun,  took  him  prisoner.  He 
was  subsequently  released  at  the  request  of  the 
people  of  Sung,  but  the  duke  of  Sung  ridiculed 
him,  saying,  u Formerly,  I respected  you；  but 
since  you  have  been  the  prisoner  of  Loo,  I respect 
you  no  more.**  This  aun〇)  ed  Ch*ang-wan/] 


Twelfth  year, 


i mil  fiiiy 


陳 。月 
宋 
萬 


弑 
大其甲 
夫君午 k 


月> 
亂祀年 


亂叔冬 .師牛 ，奔必 公立两 .于週 枇仇于 萬二左 
武 , 大十 圍猛 氤子子 子又果 大而牧 蒙 弒年洲 
•亘 .心, 凡營 。簿 ，南 御奔游 廣宮宰 殺于澤 .閔秋 .曰 • 
齓及肅 帥宮説 齓羣之 之督么 pi 遇 公宋十 


THE  CH4UN  TS'EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN.  BOOK  III. 


12  3 4 

I» 

X 


Ykar  XII. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


89 


醢宋 > 而陳請 非失保 也.曰 .衞至 t 乘奔 游殺莊 
之 。手以 人南謀 一之惡 不人朱 車衞, 于南之 
足屌 侦宮也 。國. 何于可 ，欲人 輦南米 ，宮族 , 
皆 革婦萬 衞與補 ,宋>  天勿 請其宮 立牛以 
見 裹人于 人惡得 而下與 .猛母 >萬 桓于曹 
米之 飮陳. 歸而一 保之石 S —奔公 。師 ，師 
人比之 以之 。棄 夫于惡 .祁于 日陳, 猛殺伐 
皆及酒 ，賂 .亦好 ，而我 .一子 衞> 而以 獲子之 , 


XII.  1 In  the  [duke's]  twelfth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  king's  first 
month,  duke  [Yin's]  third  daughter,  [who  had  been 
married  to  the  marquis]  of  Ke,  went  [from  Loo]  to 
Hwuy. 

2 It  was  summer,  the  fourth  month. 

3 In  autumn,  in  the  eighth  month,  on  Keah-woo,  Wan  of 

Sung  murdered  his  ruler  Tseeh,  and  his  great  officer 
Iv'ew-muh. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  tenth  month,  Wan  of  Sung  fled  to  Chlin. 


Par.  1.  The  marriage  of  this  lady,  such  as  it 
was,  was  entered  in  I.  vii.  1 ； 一 see  the  note  on 
which  par.  We  have  seen  in  what  circum- 
stances the  marquis  of  Ke  finally  abandoned 
his  State  (IV.  4),  leaving  bis  wife-proper  un- 
buried. It  would  seem  that  the  lady  in  the  text 
had  then  returned  to  Loo;  but  as  the  marquis* 
brother  had  been  admitted  into  Ts'e  with  the 
city  of  Hwuy  (III.  4),  and  there  maintained  the 
sacrifices  to  his  ancestors,  she  considered  that 
as  her  home,  and  now  proceeded  to  it.  Her 
husband  was  probably  by  this  time  among  the 
departed  chiefs,  who  had  tlieir  shrines  in  the 
ancestral  temple.  Her  conduct,  from  a Chinese 
point  of  view,  was  specially  virtuous.  The  force 

of  here=<  went  to  her  home/ 

Par.  3.  The  Chuen  says: 一 4 Wan  of  Sung 
murdered  duke  Min  in  Mung-tsih ; and,  meeting 
Kkew-muh  in  the  gate,  he  killed  him  with  a slap 
of  his  hand.  He  then  met  the  chief  minister, 
Tuh,  [see  II.  ii.  1]  on  the  west  of  the  eastern 
palace,  and  also  killed  him.  He  raised  Tsze-yew 
to  the  dukedom,  while  all  the  sons  of  former 
dukes  fled  to  Seaou,  except  Yu-vueh  [see  the 
Chuen  on  XI.  3],  who  fled  to  Poh,  to  besiege 
which  Nan-kung  New  and  Mang-hwoh  led  a 
force.’ 

The  Wan  here  is,  of  course,  the  Nan-kung 
Chang-wan  of  the  Chuen  at  the  end  of  last 

year,  the  Chang  there  being  probably  his 

designation.  K4ew-niuh  was  the  name  of  the 
oflScer  who  was  killed,  and  some  critics,  thinking 
it  necessary  to  account  for  his  being  mentioned 
merely  by  his  name,  say  there  was  nothing 
good  about  him  worthy  of  commendation.  The 
par.  is  one  in  point  to  show  the  futility  of  look- 
ing for  praise  or  blame  in  such  matters.  The 
murderer  is  here  mentioned  by  his  name,  and  so  ! 
also  is  the  officer  who  died  in  attempting  to 
punish  him  for  his  deed. 

l)ar.  4.  Tlie  Chuen  is: — ‘In  the  10th  month, 
Shuh  Ta-sin  of  Seaou,  and  the  descendants  of  ； 


the  dukes  Tae,  Woo,  Seuen,  Muh,  and  Chwangr, 
with  an  army  of  Ts{aou,  attacked  the  force  that 
was  besieging  Poh.  They  killed  Nan-kung  New 
in  the  fight,  and  afterwards  killed  Tsze-yew  in 
the  capital,  raising  duke  Hwan  [the  Yu-yueh 
mentioned  in  two  jjrevious  Chuen]  in  his  place. 
Mang-hwoh  fled  to  Wei.  and  Nang-kung  Wan  to 
Ch4in.  Wan  took  his  mother  with  him  in  a car- 
riage [a  barrow]  which  he  himself  pushed  along, 
accomplishing  all  the  journey  [more  than  70 
miles]  in  one  day.  The  pe〇])le  of  Sung  requested 
Wei  to  deliver  up  Mang-hAvoh  to  them；  and 
when  there  was  an  unwillingness  to  do  so,  Shih 
K*e-tsze  said,  c Refuse  him  not.  Wickedness  is 
the  same  all  under  heaven.  If  we  protect  the 
man  who  lias  done  wickedly  in  Sung,  of  what 
advantage  will  our  protecting  him  be?  To 
gain  a fellow  and  lose  a State  ； to  favour  wick- 
edness and  cast  away  friendship,  is  not  vise 

counsel.”  On  this  the  people  of  Wei  gave 

Hwoh  up.  Sung  also  requested  Nan-king  Wan 
from  Ch'in,  offering  a bribe  at  the  same  time. 
The  people  of  Ch^n  employed  a woman  to  make 
him  drunk,  and  then  bound  him  up  in  a rhino- 
ceros,  hide.  By  the  time  that  he  reached  Sun<?t 
his  hands  and  feet  appeared  through  the  hide. 
The  people  of  Sung  made  pickle  both  of  him 
and  Mang-hwoh.* 

Thus  Chang-wan  paid  the  penalty  of  his 
guilt  ； but  as  we  learn  this  only  from  the  Chuen, 

and  it  is  not  said  in  the  text  朱人 殺萬. 

the  critics  have  much  to  say  on  the  condemna- 
tion of  the  people  of  Sung,  which  the  silence  of 
the  text  implies!  Then  it  does  not  mention 

the  burial  of  duke  Min  潤必 )，  whom  Wan 
murdered,  and  that  is  understood  to  indicate 
Confucius’  disapproval  of  him!  It  is  surpris- 
ing that  the  K4ang-he  editors  should  not  have 
been  able  to  emancipate  themselves  from  the 
bondage  in  wliich  the  early  interpreters  of  the 
Ch4un  Ts'ew  were  held. 


vol.  y. 


12 


90 


THE  CH‘UN  TS‘EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


In  the  [dukes]  thirteenth  year,  m spring,  the  marquis 
of  Tsce， an  officer  of  Sung,  an  officer  of  Ch^n,  an  of- 
ficer of  Ts^e,  and  an  officer  of  Choo,  had  a meeting  at 
Pih-hang. 

In  summer,  in  the  sixth  month,  an  army  of  Tsce  ex- 
tinguished Su)r. 

It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

In  winter,  the  duke  had  a meeting  with  the  marquis  of 
Tsce,  when  they  made  a covenant  at  Ko. 


Par.  1.  Pih-hang  was  in  Ts^e, 一 m the  pres, 
dis.  of  Tung-o,  dept.  Yen-chow.  The  meeting 
here  was  called  by  the  nmrquis  of  Ts4e,  as  Tso- 
8he  says,  4 to  settle  the  disorder  of  Sung.*  But 
it  has  a greater  historical  interest  as  the  first  of 
the  gatherings  of  princes  of  States  under  the 
presidency  of  one  of  tlieir  number， who  wa， ac- 
knowledged, or  wished  to  be  acknowledgeil，  as  a 
sort  of  viceroy.  H wan  of  Ts‘e  was  the  first  to 
attain  to  this  position,  and  his  leadership  dates, 
according  to  many,  from  this  year,  B.  C.  680r 
though  it  could  hardly  be  said  to  be  generally 
recognized  till  two  years  later.  Whether  lie 
had  the  king^  commission  to  undertake  the 
pacification  of  Sung  does  not  clearly  appear. 

Kuh-liiang  reads  instead  of  7^ 

though  he  believes  that  the  marquis  is  really 
intended,  and  that  the  duke  of  Sunj;  and  the 
lords  of  Ch^in,  Ts^c,  and  Choo  were  tlve  other 

, or  *raen*  present  at  the  meeting,  th<i  call- 
ing them-  ‘men  ’ and  denuding  them  of  their 
titles  beinff  the  device  of  Confucius  to  condemn 
their  whole  proceeding!  The  K4Ang-he  editors, 
nminlaining  the  received  text  of  yet  agree 
with  Kuh  in  interpreting  all  tlie  otlu'r  of  the 
princes.  Of  course,  if  the  rending  -0^  be  re-  i 
tained,  tliere  cun  bi*  no  censure  in  the  K,  a« 
applied  to  the  other  princes,  for  1 1 wan  was  tlte 
grontest  sinner  of  them  nil;  nnelto  interpret  the  : 
word  people/  to  indicate  that  (Tio  prc«i(k*n-  | 
cy  of  tlie  States  was  now  given  bjr  a kind  of  i 


4 general  consent J to  Hwan,  which  is  the  view 
of  Soo  Ch‘eh  (蘇撤 ) and  many  others,  only 
mystifies  the  Whole  subject.  We  must  take 
人 as  in  the  translation  ； 一 see  I.  i.  5,  II.  xi.  19 
et  al.； 一 as  yet  the  other  princes  distrusted  T84e, 
and  only  sent  officers  to  the  conference. 

Par.  2.  Suy  was  a small  State,  within  the 
limits  of  Loo,  and  near  to  Sliing  (_ 
whose  chiefs  had  tho  surname  of  Kwei 
as  being  descendod  from  Shun.  Its  chief  town 
was  30  le  to  the  north-west  of  the  pres.  dis.  city 
of  Ning-yang,  dep.  Yen-chow.  Tso-sbe  says 
that  cno  officer  had  been  sent  from  it  to  the 
meeting  at  Pih-hflng,  and  in  the  summer,  a 
force  from  T&4e  extinguished  it,  and  occupied  it 
witli  a body  of  men  on  guard.*  As  to  the  trans- 
lation of  here  by  4 army/  see  on  I.  ii.  2. 

Par.  3.  See  I.  vi.  3;  «/. 

Par.  4.  Ko  was  in  Ts‘e， 一 in  pres.  dis.  of 
Tung-o,  dept.  Yen-chow.  Tso-?lie  says  that 
4 this  covenant  was  the  first  step  to  peace  be- 
tween Loo  and  Ts'e.*  Kunjj-yang  relates  a 
story  in  connection  with  it,  winch  has  obtained 
general  currency  and  belief : 一 4 When  duko 
Clnvanj;  was  about  to  meet  with  Hwan,  the 
oflicijr  Ts'aou  [the  Ts4aou  Ivvvei  of  the  Chiioa 
on  X.  1]  acWanced  to  him  and  said,  u Wliat  ia 
your  feding， U marquis,  q/ 

Tlie  iluke  snkt,  ^ It  were  bettor  for  me  to  «lio 
tl»an  to  live.”  *4  In  tlint  case,”  snid  ’lVnou， 
you  provt*  yourself  a match  for  the  ruler,  ami  I 
prove  mysolf  a matcli  for  his  minintcr." 


Thirteenth  year. 


Mir 

盟公 七滅六 比邾 陳齊有 

于會月 。逢 。月名 。九 又优 


柯 。齊 


齊 會 蔡宋年 


之膂 ©齊柯 。爷 成滅夏 ，至 。遂 平北春 k 十左 
會。 北宋平 始盟之 。遂齊 人宋在 。會 三傅 
杏人也 。及于 而人 不亂, 以于年 > 曰, 


1 2 3 4 

L 

I 

I 

X 


Ykar  XIV. 


DUKE  CHWANG. 


91 


44 Very  well,**  replied  the  duke;  and  the 
meeting  was  held.  When  the  duke  ascended 
the  altar,  Ts4aou  followwi  liim  with  his  sworil 
in  his  hand.  Kwan  Cliunj?  advanced,  and  said, 
4<What  does  the  marquis  require  ?M  Tskaou  re- 
pliedr  U0ur  cities  are  overthr(»wn,  and  our  bor- 
ders oppressed.  Does  your  ruler  not  consider 
it?**  44  What  then  does  he  require  ?'*  the  other 
repeated,  and  Ts%aou  said,  44  We  wish  to  ask 
the  restitution  of  the  country  on  the  north  of 
the  Wiln.”  Kwan  Chung  looked  at  II  wan,  and 
said,  u Does  your  lordship  grant  the  request  ?** 
The  marquis  said,  “ Yea.”  T8*aou  then  request- 
ed* a covenant,  and  duke  Hwan  descended  from 


the  altar,  and  made  a covenant.  When  tins 
was  done,  Ts'aou  threw  away  his  sword,  and 
took  )iis  leave.  A forced  covenant  like  this 
mi^lit  have  been  disregarded,  but  duke  Hwan 
did  not  break  it.  The  officer  Ts*aou  might 
have  been  regarded  fts  his  enemy,  but  duke 
Hwan  did  not  resent  hie  conduct.  The  good 
faitli  of  duke  Hwan  began  from  this  covenant 
at  Ko  to  be  acknowledged  throughout  the  king- 
dom.* 

[The  Chuen  adds  here: 一 1 The  people  of  Sung 
renounced  the  engaaements  at  the  meeting  of 
Pih-liang.’] 


Fourteenth  year. 


鄭 能冬襟 。秋 ■宋。 II 人齊十 5 
伯>  宋單 七 單伐人 / 有 
于么伯  月 .伯宋 。陳四 
郎 。衞會 荆 會 人 、年、 
侯 m 八 伐 曹春, 


遂蔡 命苷十 國典言 ，之锻 棄民而 而鈉鄭 夏,左 
滅哀矣 。皆四 內司人 上鼠常 .其 厲納钆 厲單傳 
息 . 侯乃 以年之 宗又大 周則氣 公厲與 公伯曰 k 
以爲 鎰官矣 .民, 肺, 不夫 有妖燄 A。 公 。之 自會十 
息 莘而爵 而其社 念之常 興>以 公初盟 櫟之四 
媽虼死 。行 謀誰 稷寡事 、刑 ，故取 聞內而 侵取年 , 
歸 .繩 賂召 不有人 吾旣有 之之蛇 赦鄭 ，成春 . 
生息 勸君 爲屯寡 願伏妖 。妖 問與之 及于諸 
堵撝 氟者 .瓦而 人與其 厲由于 外六大 朱展 
敖以  而 庸臣外 憾伯罪 必人 申蚣月 . 陵而伐 
及諍 可非 無其焉 。夂矣 属糯 _ 甲獲還 。朱 4 
成楚 以 蕺二心 .對圖 鈉遂也 于子 ，傅 齊 
王子 ，濟乎 其曰之 ，我 殺人猶 鄭傅瑕 ，請 
焉 .楚 事. 莊天何 先且而 傅無有 南瑕傅  師 
苤子 君公之 K# 寡無锻 ，釁妖 門殺瑕 于 
竞如 其 之制？ R 桓 人二® 焉,牟 。中 k 鄭曰*  氣 
楚息 .若子 、也 之各 出，、 謂妖 對內子 ，苟 
子以 之猶 子苛命 伯者眉 不曰 他及舍 
問食 何肩 儀主我 夂吾繁 自人死 .其我 k 
之 、人  臣八 在社先 無皆曰 .作 ，之 六二吾 
對享 .聞人 k 位稷 、 人裏許 傅人所 年子屬 


92 


THE  CH'UN  TS;EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


服爷乎 .其 


故會 
也 。于 
鄄。 
朱 

XIV.  1 


猶不火 

可可之 

樸郷燎 

滅齓于 


惡氐楚 伐蔡奚 弗而曰 . 
之商 A 蔡 .侯言 。能 事吾 
易書蔡 。秋. 滅楚死 、二一 
也， 所君 七息 .子 其丸婦 


氮其原 .如 循子凡 遂以又 縱人. 


4 


如 

蔡 

哀 

侯 

In  the  [duke's]  fourteenth  year,  in  spring,  an  army  of 
Ts(e,  an  array  of  Ch(in,  and  an  army  of  Tscaou,  in- 
vaded Sung. 

In  summer,  the  earl  of  Shen  joined  in  the  invasion  of 
Sung. 

In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  King  entered  [the 
capital  of]  Tslae. 

In  winter,  the  earl  of  Shen  had  a meeting  with  the  mar- 
quis of  Ts{e,  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Wei, 
and  the  earl  of  Ch4ing,  at  Keuen. 


Par.  1.  This  invasion  was  in  consequence  of 
the  fact  mentioned  in  the  last  Chuen.  Hoo 
Gan-kwoh  says  that  the  here  indicates  that 
4 the  leaders  were  of  inferior  rank  and  the  forces 
few/  but  the  K4ang-he  editors  demur  to  such  a 
canon  as  applicable  to  all  cases  of  the  use  of 

人 He  adds  that  for  20  years  the  marquis 
of  Ts*e  did  not  send  out  a 4 great  officer , in  com- 
mand of  a military  expedition,  being  occupied 
with  consolidating  the  power  of  the  State  for 
the  great  object  of  his  ambition；  but  this  asser- 
tion they  show  to  be  false.  No  doubt,  the 
here  indicates  that  the  princes  of  the  States 
named  did  not  themselves  command  the  forces. 
I translate  the  terra  by  4 array.* 

Par.  2.  The  earl  of  Slien, 一 see  on  1.3.  Tso- 
ehe  eimply  says  ： — * In  summer,  the  earl  of  Shen 
joined  them  [the  armies  in  the  above  par.], 
received  the  submission  of  Sung,  and  returned.’ 
The  marquis  of  Ts(e,  as  Too  says,  had  requested 
the  aid  of  the  king  to  coerce  Sung  to  the  ac- 
knowledgement of  its  engagements ; and  the 
result  was  this  mission  of  the  earl  of  Shen.  It 
was  an  important  move  of  the  marquis  to  obtain 
the  royal  sanction  to  his  claim  to  be  the  leader 
of  the  princes. 

[The  Chuen  gives  here  a long  narrative  about 
the  affairs  of  Ch4ing： 一 4 Duke  Le  [see  II.  xv.  9] 
of  Ch4ng  stole  into  the  country  from  Lcili;  and 
at  Ta-ling,  he  captured  Foo  Hea,  who  said,  u If 
you  let  me  go,  I will  undertake  to  effect  your 
restoration.”  The  duke,  accordingly,  made  a 
covenant  with  him,  and  forgave  him.  In  the 
sixth  month,  on  Keah-tsze,  Iliia  killed  the  actual 
earl  [the  text  simply  is  4<a  son  of 

Ch(ing>,]  and  his  two  sons,  and  restored  duke 
Le. 

4 Before  this,  two  serpents,  one  inside  and  one 
outside,  had  fought  together  in  tlie  southern 
gate  of  the  capital,  till  the  inside  one  was  killed. 
It  was  six  years  after  this  when  duke  Le  entered. 
The  duke  [of  Loo]  heard  of  the  circumstance, 
and  asked  Shin  Seu,  sajing, il  lias  Tuh's  restora- 
tion come  from  that  supernatural  appearance  ?,f 


The  answer  was,  u When  men  are  full  of  fear, 
their  breath,  as  it  were,  blazes  up,  and  brings  such 
things.  Monsters  and  monstrous  events  take 
their  rise  from  men.  If  men  afford  no  cause  for 
them,  they  do  not  arise  of  themselves.  When 
men  abandon  the  constant  course  of  virtue,  then 
monstrosities  appear.  Therefore  it  is  that  there 
are  monsters  and  monstrous  events.** 

4 When  duke  Le  had  entered  Ch4ing,  he  put 
Foo  Hea  to  death,  and  sent  a message  to  Yuen 
Fan  [see  the  Chuen,  after  I.  v.  2.  Fan  had  taken 
a principal  part  in  the  establishing  of  Tsze-e], 
saying,  u Foo  Hea  was  divided  in  his  allegiance 
to  me,  and  for  such  a case  Chow  has  its  regu- 
lar penalty  ； 一 he  has  suffered  for  his  crime.  To 
all  who  restored  me  and  had  no  wavering  in 
their  allegiance,  I promised  that  they  should  be 
great  officers  of  the  first  class；  and  now  I wish 
to  consider  the  matter  with  you,  uncle.  When 
I fled  from  the  State,  you  had  no  words  to  speak 
for  me  in  it;  now  that  I have  re-entered,  you 
again  have  no  thought  about  me : 一 I feel  displeas- 
ed  at  this.”  Yuen  Fan  replied,  “Your  ancestor， 
duke  II wan,  gave  command  to  my  ancestor  to 
take  charge  of  the  stone-shrines  in  the  ancestral 
temple.  While  the  altars  of  the  land  and  grain 
had  their  lord  [in  the  ruling  earl],  what  greater 
treachery  could  there  have  been  than  to  turn 
one^  thoughts  to  another  out  of  the  State?  So 
long  as  he  presided  over  those  altars,  among  all 
the  people  of  the  State,  who  was  there  that  was 
not  his  subject?  That  a subject  should  not 
have  a double  heart  is  the  law  of  Heaven. 
Tsze-e  held  the  earldom  for  fourteen  years ; 一 
did  not  those  wlio  took  measures  to  call  in 
your  lordsliip  sliow  a divided  allegiance?  Of 
the  children  of  duke  Chwang,  vour  father^  there 
are  still  8 men  ； if  they  were  all  to  proffer  offices, 
dignities,  and  otlicr  bribes,  so  as  thereby  to 
accomplish  tlieir  object,  what  would  become  of 
your  lordship?  But  I have  heard  your  com- 
marids.’’  And  forthwith  he  strangled  hiraself.'] 
Par.  3.  King, 一 see  X.  5.  The  Chuen  says: 一 
*The  marquis  Gae  [Heen-woo  of  X.  6]  of  Ts*fte, 
in  revenge  for  the  defeat  at  Sin,  talked  with  the 
viscount  of  1'8*〇〇  admiringly  about  the  lady  Kwei, 
wije  of  the  marquis  of  Scih.  The  viscount  went  to 


Ybab  XV. 


DUKE  CHWANG. 


93 


Seih,  and  entered  the  city  with  the  appliances 
of  a feast  to  entertain  the  marquis,  and  took 
the  opportunity  to  extinguish  the  State.  lie 
also  took  the  marquis's  wife  back  with  him  to 
Ts.oo’whereslieboretohimToo-gaouamlan- 
oMer  son,  it，as  q/《erirflr</A*  king  Ch‘ing;  but 
all  this  time  she  never  spake  a word.  The  viscount 
asking  the  reason  of  her  silence,  she  replied, 
44  It  has  been  my  lot  to  serve  two  husbands. 
Thougli  I have  not  been  able  to  die,  how  sliould 
I venture  to  speak  ?M  The  viscount,  considering 
that  the  marquis  of  Ts4ae  had  been  the  occasion 
of  his  extinguishing  Seih,  proceeded  to  invade 
Ts*ae  [to  please  the  lady]  ； and  in  autumn,  in 
the  8th  month,  Ts4oo  entered  the  capital  q/'Tsiae. 
The  superior  man  may  say  that  in  the  case  of  the 
niarquis  Gae  of  Ts4ae  we  have  an  illustration  of 
what  is  said  in  the  Books  of  Sliang  [Shoo,  IV. 
vii.  Pt.  i.  12]  about  the  easy  progress  of  wicked- 


ncs9,  that  it  is  ulike  a fire  blazing  out  in  a plain, 
which  cannot  be  approached,  and  still  less  can 
be  beaten  out.’” 

Par.  4.  Keuen  was  in  Wei, — in  the  pres, 
dep.  of  Tung-ch4ang  昌 ), Shan-tung,  20 

le  to  the  east  of  the  city  of  Puli  Chow  (濮州 )• 
1 so-she  says  that  this  meeting  was  held  4 because 
of  the  submission  of  Sung/  From  this  time, 
the  position  of  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  may  be  said 
to  have  been  fully  acknowledged  by  all  the 
States  of  what  was  the  then  4 China  proper.* 
The  presence  of  the  earl  of  Shen,  the  king*s  re- 
presentative, gave  the  royal  sanction  to  his 
claim  to  be  the  leader  of  the  other  princes,  and 
the  lords  of  Sung,  Wei,  and  Ch*ing,  who  had 
formerly  resented  his  ambition  and  stood  aloof 
from  him,  now  gave  in  their  adhesion. 


Fifteenth  year. 


冬權隊 秋 p 如夏 纟會侯 > 齊十 ^ 
十人人 、宋齊 。 夫于 衞侯肩 
月 。侵 i 伐人 ， 人亂侯 > 宋五 
宋 。鄉 。齊 姜 鄭么年 > 

人氏 伯麗春 > 


朱 。而 間鄭观 朱侯秋 > 霸 齊會春 . 五曰 ，左 
侵之人 伐 爲諸也 。始焉 。復年 .十傅 

XV.  1 In  the  [duke's]  fifteenth  year,  in  spring,  the  marquis  of 
Ts{e,  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  marquis  of  Ch^n,  the 
marquis  of  Wei,  and  the  earl  of  Ch^ing,  had  a meet- 
ing at  Keuen. 

2 In  summer,  [duke  Hwan's]  wife,  the  lady  Keang,  went  to 

Ts‘e. 

3 In  autumn,  a body  of  men  from  Sang,  one  from  Ts4e,  and 

one  from  Choo,  invaded  E. 

4 A body  of  men  from  Ch{ing  made  an  inroad  into  Sung. 

5 It  was  winter,  the  tenth  month. 


Par.  1.  We  have  the  same  princes  here,  as 
in  the  meeting  at  the  same  place  a month  or 
two  before,  with  the  addition  of  the  marquis  of 
Ch4in.  Tso-slie  says  that  that  now  4 for  the  first 
time  Ts^e  was  pa,  or  leader  of  the  States,*  which 
is  true  in  so  far  as  the  representative  of  the 
king  had  returned  to  Chow,  and  without  his 
presence,  the  other  princes  acknowledged  the 
authority  of  Hwan.  The  earl  of  Ch4ing  here, 
and  at  the  previous  meeting,  was,  of  course, 
Tub,  or  duke  Le. 


Par.  2.  Here  again  the  restless  and  unprin- 
cipled Wan  Keang  appears.  What  now  took 
her  to  Tsce  we  do  not  know,  but  her  going  thero 
was  contrary  to  rule.  The  daughter  of  one 
State,  married  into  another,  might  at  certain 
times  revisit  her  parents ; but,  after  their  death, 
she  could  only  send  a minister  to  ask  after  the 
welfare  of  her  brothers  and  other  relatives. 

Par.  3.  For  here  Kung-yang  has 

It  is  the  same  as  ia  V.3,  and  was  afterwardi 


94 


THE  CH^UN  TS^W,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


known  as  ‘little  Choo  (小朱 W Tso-slie 
eays  that  1 the  princes  invaded  E in  the  interest 
of  Sung.’  Sung  is  entered  before  Ts4e,  as  being 
the  principal  party  in  the  expedition,  which 
moreover  was  a small  one.  There  is  nothing  in 
this  circumstance  inconsistent,  as  some  think, 
with  the  presidency  of  the  marquis  of  Ts4e. 

Par.  4.  While  Sung  was  engaged  with  the 
expedition  against  E,  Ch-ing  took  advantage  of 
the  opportunity  to  make  a raid  upon  it  (Tso-she 


says,  間之 而侵宋 > Tuh  Ch  in* 

owed  his  first  elevation  to  the  earldom  to  Sung, 
and  subsequently  the  position  which  he  main- 
tained in  Leili  ； but  he  had  never  been  really  on 
good  terms  with  duke  Chwang;  and  now  tliat 
he  was  dead,  and  the  ruling  duke  had  his  hands 
full,  he  took  the  opportunity  to  make  the  inroad 
in  the  text.  His  doing  so  was  contrary  to  the 
obligations  under  which  both  Sung  and  Ch4ing 
stood  to  Ts^e. 


Sixteenth  year. 


邾吁躑 依冬啾 f 伐夏 M。 十 ^ 
于同伯 A 十荆鄭 。宋 有 
克盟許 么有伐  ^ 

鄭。 


卒 

°幽 。滑侯 
滕侯腐 

出以謂 請 © 晉 ©冬 盈狻衞 .殺 © 鄭 忌也左 


A, 

齊 

年 

A, 

# 

AJbL- 

m 

王 

k、 

正 

奔晉 晉而初 ，侯。 王同藪 于三公 鄭及鄭 


疏師 人免晉 
惠伐曰 ，之 武 
王氟 與旣公 
立殺 我而伐 
而夷 伐弗夷 》 


使盟焉 。鄭 。年 子伯櫟 。伯 
虢于君 使而亂 治爲自 
公幽 。子 以復別 與不櫟 
命鄭 謂十之 >强 于禮人 
曲成 强月曰 雍故緩 


傅 

十 

六 

諸 


之 .諸 > 而故夷 

伯‘ 

不曰 ，可 殳之 

于 

侯 

周 取子詭 

以 

能良 使定亂 

楚。 

伐 

公其國 諸> 

i/ 舒月 共叔者 》 

秋> 

鄭. 

M 地 。作蔫 

軍 

其也. 叔出九 

楚 

朱 

X 遂亂國 

爲 

足 。就 無奔月 > 

伐 

故 

XVI.  1 It  was  the  [duke's]  sixteenth  year,  the  spring,  the  king's 

first  month. 

In  summer,  a body  of  men  from  Sung,  one  from  Ts'e, 
and  one  from  Wei,  invaded  Chcing. 

In  autumn,  King  invaded  Ch'ing. 

In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  [the  duke]  had  a meeting 
with  the  inarquis  of  Ts4e,  the  duke  of  Sung,  the  mar- 


Ykar  XVI. 


DUKE  CI1WANG. 


95 


quis  of  Ch^n,  the  marquis  of  Wei,  the  earl  of  Ch'ing, 
the  baron  of  Heu,  the  earl  of  Hwah,  and  the  viscount 
of  T4rmg,  when  they  made  a covenant  together  in  Yew. 
5 K4ih,  viscount  of  Choo,  died. 


Par.  2 This  expedition  was  4 on  account  of 

Sung,，一 to  punish  Cliking  for  its  inroad  on  Sung 
in  the  previous  autumn.  Sung,  as  in  the  attack 
on  E,  commanded  in  the  expedition,  and  its 
men  are  therefore  mentioned  before  those  of  Ts4e. 

Par.  3.  Ts4oo  or  King  here  takes  another 
step  in  advance,  and  conies  more  threateningly 
near  to  the  States  of  the  4 Middle  kingdom •’ 

Ch4in,  Ts4ae,  lieu,  and  Ch'ing  had  all  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  its  ambitious  inroads ; and  from 
this  time  Ching  especially  became  the  field  of 
contention  between  it  and  Ts*e  with  the  other 
Powers  dominating  in  the  north.  The  reason 
for  its  present  invasion  of  Ch*ing  is  given  by 
Tso-she:— 4 When  the  earl  of  Ch*ing  entered  the 
State  from  Leili  [see  the  Chuen  after  XIV.  2], 
he  was  dilatory  in  announcing  the  thing  to  Ts4oo, 
in  consequence  of  which  Ts4oo  this  autumn  in- 
vaded Ch4ing,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Leih : — 
because  of  the  earl's  want  of  the  proper  courte- 
sy.* 

[The  Chuen  adds:— * The  earl  of  Ch'ing  set 
himself  to  deal  with  those  who  had  taken  part 
in  the  disturbances  connected  with  the  death  of 
Yung  Kcw  [see  the  Cliuen  on  II.  xv.  4],  In  the 
9tli  month  he  put  to  death  the  Kung-tsze  Oh 
[tliere  must  be  a mistake  here  either  of  the  name 

闕，。 rof 在子 fOT 公孫 ；]  and  cut  off  the 

feet  of  K^ang-ts'oo  [these  men  had  been  par- 
tizans  of  Chae  Chans：].  Ivung-foo  Ting-shuh 

[公父  is  the  clan-name  ； the  designation ; 

the  lion,  title]  fled  to  Wei,  but  after  3 years 
the  earl  restored  him,  saying,  u Kung-shuh  [bro- 
ther of  duke  Chwang,  the  Kung-shuh  Twan  of 
the  Cliuen,  I.  i.  3.  He  was  grandfather  to  this 
Kung-foo  Ting-shuh]  must  not  be  left  wkliout 
posterity  in  Ch*ing.,>  He  made  him  enter  the 
city  in  the  10th  month,  saying  that  it  was  u a 
good  month, with  reference  to  ten  as  the  com- 
pletion of  the  numerals.  The  superior  man 
may  say  that  Kkeang-tsloo  was  not  able  to  de- 
fend his  feet  [a  poor  joke  on  his  punishment； 
meaning  that  he  should  have  fled  from  the 
State]. 

Par.  4.  This  was  no  doubt  an  important 
gathering,  and  might  be  called  the  inauguration 
of  tlie  marquis  of  Ts‘e’s  presidency.  We  haye 

hero  the  phrase  同盟  *they  covenanted  to- 
gether^ wliich  has  not  occurred  before；  and  the 
critics  make  great  efforts  to  determine  its  mean- 
ing. Rung  makes  it  = [gj  * covenanted 
with  a common  desire;*  to  which  Kuh-leang 
adds  that  the  common  object  was  4 to  honour 
Chow/  Tso-she  says  that  the  meeting  was 
held  with  reference  to  the  settlement  of  tfie 


affairs  of  Ch'ing  and  its  submission 

which  makes  Too  define  the  phrase  as=  服異 
4 the  submission  of  all  who  had  had  a different 


literal  rendering.  The  contracting  parties  were 
numerous；  they  united  in  acknowledging  the 
presidency  of  the  marqui9  of  Ts4e,  and  under- 
took with  him  to  support  the  House  of  Chow. 
Yew,  where  the  meeting  was  held,  was  in  Sung, 一 
inthepres.dis.ofK‘aou-shing(：^"^^),dep. 
Kwei-tih.  Kung-yangreads  before  and 


certainly  we  must  understand  tliat  it  was  duke 
Chwang  himself  who  was  present  on  the  part  of 
Loo.  Too,  indeed,  supposes  that  the  absence  of 


any  subject  before  會 indicates  that  the  re- 


presentative of  Loo  was  some  ofl&cer  of  inferior 
rank  (j 鼓 while  Hoo  Gan-kwoli  and 
others,  believing  that  the  duke  was  present, 
think  that  the  was  purposely  left  out  to 
conceal  the  fact. 


Up  to  this  par.,  Wei  has  always  taken  pre- 
cedence of  Clrin,  where  their  marquises  wero 
mentioned  together,  but  here  and  subsequently 
Chin  is  enumerated  first.  It  is  supposed  that 
the  marquis  of  Ts4e  made  this  arrangement  in 
honour  of  Shun,  whose  descendants  held  Ch4n, 
and  to  mark  his  sense  of  the  importance  of  the 
State  as  a bulwark,  though  small  in  itself, 
against  the  encroachments  of  TVoo.  H wah 
here  is  difft.  from  the  small  State  of  the  same 
name  in  III.  5.  This  was  an  earldom,  whose  de- 
scendants had  the  Chow  surnaaie  of  Ke  (姬 ). 
Its  chief  town  was  Fei  20  le  south  of  the 

pres.  dis.  city  of  Yen-sze,  dep.  Ho-nan.  Be- 
tween 許男 and 滑伯 Rung  and  Kuh 
both  have  曹伯- 

Par.  5.  This  K*ih  was  the  name  of  E-foo, 
lord  of  Choo,  who  appears  in  I.i.  2.  At  that  time 
Clioo  was  only  a State  attached  to  Loo.  Here 
its  chief  appears  as  a viscount.  The  only  rea- 
sonable account  of  this  is  that  given  by  Too  Yu, 
that  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  had  obtained  from  the 
king  a patent  of  nobility  for  Choo.  Kuh-leang 
seems  to  think,  absurdly  enough,  that  the  en- 
nobling was  from  the  pencil  of  Confucius ! 

[The  Chuen  liere  calls  our  attention  to  the  af- 
fairs of  Tsin : — ;The  king  sent  the  duke  of 
Kwoh  to  confer  on  the  earl  of  K4euh-yuh  the 
title  of  marquis  of  Tsin,— to  ruaintam  only 
one  army.’ 

^Before  this,  duke  Woo  of  Tsin  had*  attacked 
E,  and  captured  Kwei-choo  [E  was  in  Chow  ； 
and  the  city  held  by  Kwei-choo-,  a great  officer 
of  the  court],  whom,  however,  he  let  go  on  tlie 
petition  of  Wei  Kwoh.  But  for  this  service, 
Kwoh  got  no  acknowledgment,  and  he  therefore 
raised  an  insurrection,  and  said  to  the  people  of 
Tsin,  4i  Attack  E with  me.  and  take  its  territory/ 
Acfordingly  he  attacked  it  witli  an  army  of 
Tsin,  and  killed  Kwei-clioo.  Iie-foo.  duke  of 


mind,*  i.e.,  had  been  unwilling  to  acknowledge  Cliow,  tied  to  the  State  o/Kwoli,  and  it  was  not  till 
the  autlimity  of  Ts‘e.  Where  the  meaning  is  after  tlie  accession  of  king  Hwu=y  that  he  was- 
thus  undetermined,  the  safe  plan  is  to  keep  to  a restored.*] 


96 


THE  CH  UN  TS^EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


Eighteenth  year. 

秋 ，西 。戎夏 P 有三年 >十5 

看手公 昼見春 ，有 

鹽。 濟追之 。日 王八 


X V II.  1 In  the  [dukes  seventeenth  year,  in  spring,  the  people 
of  Ts‘e  made  Chen  of  Ch‘ing  prisoner. 

2 In  summer,  the  men  of  Ts4e  in  Suy  were  all  slaughtered. 

3 In  autumn,  Chen  of  Ch4ing  made  his  escape  from  Ts4e 

[to  Loo]. 

4 In  winter  there  were  many  deer. 


Pnr.  1.  Tliis  Chen  (Rung  has  was  chief 
minister  to  Tsze-e  earl  of  Ch'ing,  wlien  Tuh 
succeeded  in  regaining  the  State； 一 see  the  Cliuen 
after  XIV.  2.  He  had  consented  to  the  murder 
of  Tsze-e  by  Foo  Hea,  and  duke  Le  had 
retained  him  in  his  office.  It  is  not  clear  why 
Ts*e  seized  him  at  this  time.  Tso-she  says  it 
was  because  Ch4ing  had  not  been  to  the  court 
of  Ts‘e.  Kung-yang  thinks  it  was  because  he 
was  a worthless,  artful  man.  The  齊人 
seems  to  indicate  that  for  whatever  reason  he 
MTas  seized,  the  act  met  with  general  approval. 

Par.  2.  The  extinction  of  Suy  by  Ts4e  was 
related  in  XIII.  2,  where  the  Chuen  adds  that 
Ts4e  stationed  men  in  guard  over  the  territory. 
A sufficient  number  of  the  people,  it  appears, 
had  been  left  to  deal  with  tlie  guards  of  Ts{e 
in  the  way  here  described.  The  Chuen  says : 
— uThe  Suy  chans  of  Yin,  Ling,  Kung-low, 
and  Seu-suy  feasted  the  guards  of  made 

them  drunk,  and  killed  them ; 一 the  men  of 
Ts‘e  were  nil  slaughtered.”  For  ^ Kung- 


yang  h«^s  with  the  same  meaning.  Too  Yu 
takes  it  in  the  sense  of 一 4 made  a complete  end  of 
themselves,*  attributing  their  slaughter  to  their 
own  carelessness.  The  translation  inverts  the 
order  of  the  text,  in  order  to  bring  out  the  his- 
torical meaning. 

Par.  3.  The  來 implies,  of  course,  that  it 
was  to  Loo  that  Chen  came  ； and  this  brought  on 
Loo  the  anger  of  Ts*e. 

Par.  4.  The  me  was  a species  of  deer  ； — seo 
Mencius  I.  Pt.  I.  ii.  1.  It  is  described  as  a spe- 
cies of  the  luh  (J^)>  by  which  latter  term  is 
meant  the  axis  deer.  But  the  me  is  larger  and 
of  a dark  greenish  colour；  it  is  fond  of  nmrsljy 
places,  and  is  said  to  shed  it9  horns  about  the 
time  of  the  winter  solstice.  I think  it  must  be 
our  red  deer,  or  a variety  of  it.  These  creature* 
appeared  in  such  numbers,  as  to  be  a plague. 
So  tlunk9  Too；  others  think  it  is  only  the  unusu- 
al ness  of  their  appearing  that  is  recorded. 


Seventeenth  year. 


四？  o 

冬十月 


一章 


十有七  左傅 ni 

I5 J 

o A 執奠 執鄭氮 

鄭不朝 

夏齊 A 鼠 遂因 

殲于遂 T 翼： 

-一 ：章 工婁氏 

秋 ir J 須雙 • 

自 齊逃饗 齊戍 

一 ^o 醉而殺 

Kc 之齊 人 

冬夕 夕麋殲 I 


Year  XVIII. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


97 


9 


人 而那伐 IH] 以© 秋之夏 ，后 。王 ©位 朝© 
因巡 ,處, 申 ，敖氟 机有也 ，公  后虢不 馬王 .左 
之 楚取而 尹圍 楚蹙。 逍 


以子之 .驚之 •而 武焉 戎 
伐殺 遂其及 殺王災 于 
楚 .之 .門版 文之 .克也 。濟 
其于巴 王遷權 . 西。 

族楚 A 卽權使  不 

爲間叛 位牙鬪  W 

亂 .敖楚 . 與那婿  其 

冬 ，游 而巴處 尹 來, 

巴涌伐 人使之  諱 


于先同 . 三王傅 
陳 .晉禮 嚮 EK 
陳侯. 亦非醴 .十 
媽鄭異 禮命八 

綸抬 .:政 也 。乏年 》 
于埤不 王私春 k 
M 原 W 命會號 
師 .莊禮 諸賜么 
實必 假侯 ，玉晉 
惠逆人 。名 五侯 


XVIII.  1 


In  the  [dukes]  eighteenth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings 
tliird  montli,  the  suu  was  eclipsed. 

In  summer,  tlie  duke  pursued  the  Jung  to  the  west  of 
the  Tse. 

In  autumn  there  were  yili. 

It  was  winter,  the  tenth  month. 


Par.  1.  The  eclipse  which  is  here  intended 
took  place  on  April  6th,  B.  C.  (375,  on  the  day 
Jin-tsze  (-^»  the  1st  of  the  oth  month. 

There  is  in  the  text  therefore  an  error  of  one 
month,  even  if  we  suppose  another  intercalary. 
It  will  be  observed  that  the  record  is  imperfect, 
tlie  day  of  the  eclipse  not  being  given. 

[The  Chuen  relates  here： 一 4 This  spring,  the 
duke  of  Kwoh  and  the  marquis  of  Tsin  appear- 
ed at  the  king^s  court.  The  king  feasted  them, 
supplying  them  with  new,  sweet,  spirits,  and 
conferring  gifts  on  them  to  encourage  tlieir 
festivity.  fJ'o  each  of  them  he  gave  five  pairs 
of  jade  ornaments  and  three  liorses； — which  was 
contrary  to  propriety.  When  the  king  bestows 
his  favours  on  the  princes,  as  their  titles  and 
rank  are  different,  so  also  should  his  offerings 
be.  He  does  not  take  the  offerings  of  one,  and, 
as  it  were,  lend  them  to  another.* 

4 The  duke  of  Kwoh  the  marquis  of  Tsin,  and 
the  earl  of  Citing,  sent  duke  Chwang  of  Yuen 
to  meet  the  king^s  bride  in  Ch4in,  who  came  ac- 
cordingly to  the  cajntal.  She  became  queen 
Hwuy.*] 

Par.  2.  Tso  says  that  the  coming：  from  the 
pursuit  of  the  Jung  is  not  mentioned  and  is  in 
fact  concealed  ； but  surely  it  is  implied  in  that 
pursuit  of  them.  The  Jung, — see  I.  ii.  1.  The 
Tse, 一 see  the  Slioo,  III.  Bk.  I.  Pt.  i.  20. 

Par.  3.  I cannot  tell  what  the  yih  was  or 
is; — see  the  She,  II.  v.  V.  8.  The  Shwoh-'van 

defines  it  as  短狐  l2L  short  fox/  but  that  is 
merely  another  name  for  the  creature.  Too  Yu 
gives  the  same  name,  and  adds: — 4 It  spurts  out 
sand  on  men  from  its  niouth.*  The  Pun-ts*aou 
calls  it  cthe  archer.J  The  K4ang-he  diet,  quotes 
another  account  of  it， that  it  is  like  a turtle,  lias 
three  feet,  is  produced  in  the  southern  Yueh, 
and  is  also  calkxl  1 the  shadow-shooter, 5 because, 
being  in  the  water  and  a man  being  on  the  shore. 


it  can  kill  him  by  darting  at  his  shadow.  Tho 
same  account  adds  tliat,  acc.  to  some,  it  spurts 
sand  on  people,  which  penetrates  their  skin,  and 
produces  sucli  an  irritation,  that  it  becomes  quite 
a plague.  These  statements  lead  us  to  think  of 
some  kind  of  fly,  produced  from  the  water, 
and  inflicting  a painful  bite.  It  was  peculiar  to 
the  country  south  of  Loo,  and  its  appearing 
there  in  great  numbers  this  autumn  made  the 
thing  be  recorded. 

This  perhaps  is  the  proper  explanation  of  the 
par.；  but  many  critics  consider  that  some  kind 

of  locust  is  intended,  and  that  instead  of  m 

we  sliould  read 一 some  say  m ， some  say  螌 
This  view  is  ingeniously  supported  by  Wang 
Taou.  A third  view,  that  Chen  of  Ch'ing,  who 
had  taken  refuge  in  Loo  from  Ts4e,  (XVII.  3), 
is  intended,  as  a cheat  and  deceiver,  being 
intended  to  suggest  «^]， must  be  at  once  re- 
jected. 

[To  the  last  par.  the  Chuen  appends : 一 4 Before 
this,  king  Woo  of  Ts4oo  had  conquered  K4euen, 
and  entrusted  the  government  of  it  to  Tow  Min, 
who  held  it  and  rebelled.  The  king  besieged 
Iv4euen,  look  it,  and  put  Min  to  deatli,  removing 
a/so  the  people  to  Na-ch4oo,  where  he  put  them 
under  tlie  charge  of  Yen  Gaou.  When  king 
W5n  succeeded  to  Woo,  he  invaded  Shin  along 
with  the  people  of  Pa,  when  he  so  frightened 
the  army  of  Pa.  tliat  the  people  revolted  from 
Ts^oo.  attacked  Na-clroo,  took  it,  and  advanced 
to  attack  the  gate  of  the  capital.  Yen  Gaou 
made  his  escape  from  them  by  swimming  .across 
the  Yung,  but  the  viscount  of  Tscoo  put  him  to 
j death.  His  kindred  in  consequence  raised  au 
j insurrection；  and  tliis  winter,  tlie  people  of  Pa 
! took  advantage  of  their  movement  to  invade 
! IVoo.，] 


VOL  V. 


13 


98 


THE  CII'UN  TS  EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


冬 .温 总因故 奪以蔫 © 于之也 。鬻諫 夕齓津 .© 
立蘇秋 . 蘇篾子 爲國初 .刑 .君 楚举楚 室/及 還名 
子 子五氏 。國 .禽」 有丨。 爲王刑 子人曰 亦湫 .驚傅 
親奉大 邊祝 邊之 姚猶曰 ，以吾 楚自有 举曰. 
子夫 伯 .跪 伯齓嬖 不鬻爲 M 子殺疾 、弗十 
頹奉 石與 之及于 忘寧大 君弗也 .夏 ，納 ，九 
以子 速> 詹宮 ，惠 莊納 可亂 以從 .而六 遂年, 
奔頹  詹父 近王王 .君謅 謁兵. 臨葬月 .伐春 . 
衞,以 父 .田. 于卽生 于愛之 P 之 于庚黄 ，楚 
衞伐 子而 王位. 子善。 君大莫 以絰申 .取子 
師王 .禽 ，收 宮^ 頹 .矣 ,伯 ，大兵 .皇淬 。黃禦 
燕不 視膳 王綠子 
師克 .婉 .夫 取國頹 
伐出  作之之 。之冇 
周 ，奔 亂 .秩 .王 _ 寵. 


諫侦焉 L 師之 
h 其 傘而證 續手大 
Q 後 Q 從举 葬错敗 
納 掌則之 强諸陵 .于 


XIX.  1 It  Avas  the  [duke^]  nineteenth  year,  the  spring,  tlic  kings 
first  month. 

2 It  was  summer,  the  fourth  month. 

3 In  autumn,  Kceli,  a son  of  duke  [I  I wan],  was  escorting  to 

Kcuen  a dauglifer  to  .accompany  to  the  harem  the  wile 
of  an  officcM*  of  Chlin,  when  lie  took  occasion  to  niakea 
coveriaiitwilh  thcMnanjuis  of  and  the  dukeof  Sung. 

4 [Duke  HwiiiTs]  wife,  tlie  l^nly  Ki;an*j：  went  to  Keu. 

5 In  winter,  a body  of  men  from  Is^e,  a body  from  Sung, 

and  one  from  Ch'in,  invaded  our  western  borders. 


lJarr.  1,  2.  Sco  I.  vi.  7 ; vt  til.  [Af(c»r  par.  1, 
tlic  last  Cliucn  is  conlimied  ； _ k In  spring,  tlic* 
viscount  of  Tk‘oo  im.t  tlu.m， and  sustiiiiu'd  a 
<lrf(，nt  Ht  Tsi"  ; au<l  on  his  rc*lm  n to  tin 
rit//,  Yiili-klein*n  ( tin*  porliT  of  I lie  rrfusiMl 
to  admit  him.  ()n  tins  ho  urocccdtil  to  nttm.k 
Ihvnng,  and  rlcfeMted  ils  arniv  al  I sroh  ling  As 


lie  was  returning,  lie  fell  ill  at.  Tsi;aou,  .and 
in  summer,  on  Kfin^-shin,  in  Ihc*  fitli  inonllt. 
Vuli-kvucMt  hurii'd  him  in  iScih-sliili  after  which 
Ik*  killed  himself,  ami  >vas  buried  in  T*i.vli- 
h wjin^. 

' Hoforo  this,  Vuh-k'oucn  1t;ul  ntMrosscdn  vohe- 
im  nl  lTmonstranri*  to  tliv  viscount,  and  v lien 


Nineteenth  year. 


和 有九年 春王 

正月。 

二 f o 

夏四月 

11  一章  k 

秋拳 結媵陳 

人之 婦于齓 遂。 
及齊 侯宋公 1 

四 e o 

夫人姜 氏如宫 

k 4 

冬齊人 宋人陳 

人伐 我西亂 


Ybar  XX. 


DUKE  CIIWANG. 


99 


the  viscount  would  not  follow  it,  he  proceeded 
to  threaten  liim  witli  a weapon,  for  lear  of 
>vhich  the  other  adopted  liis  advice.  Yuh- 
kVuen  said,  UI  have  frightened  my  ruler  with  a 
weapon  ； no  crime  could  be  greater.**  He  then 
cut  off  his  own  feet.  The  people  of  Tsoo  made 
him  their  grand  porter,  and  styli'd  him  T4at*-j)ih, 
making  the  office  also  hereditary  to  his  descend- 
ants. The  superior  man  will  say  tlmt  Yuh- 
k4ouen  loved  his  prince,  lie  remonstrated  witli 
him  till  he  led  himself  to  a severe  punishment; 
and  after  that  punishment,  he  still  did  not  forgrt 
to  urge  on  liis  prince  to  what  was  good.*] 

Par.  3.  勝 者送女 之稱， 心 

name  used  for  escorting  a young  1 here 

is  much  difference  of  opinion  aboul  the  par. 
Who  the  lady  was,  and  who  *the  nmn  of  Clrin,* 
was,  are  questions  preatly  agitated.  My  own 
view  in  the  translation  is  that  defended  by  the 
K*ang-he  editors,  and  I will  pve  their  note  on 
the  passage  ： 一 ( Kong  and  Kuh  both  tbink  that 
the  young  lady  was  a daughter  of  tlie  House  of 
Loo,  who  was  beinj;  escorted  to  the  lmrom  of 
the  wife  of  the  marquis  of  Ch4in.  Hoo  is  of 
opinion  that  uthe  man  of  Ch^n  was  not  the 
marquis,  but  some  one  of  inferior  rank.  Ch4inf： 
E,  however,  thinks  that  some  ^reat  H(»usc  of 
Kouen  was  marrying  a daughter  to  an  ofiicer  of 
Ch(in,  and  that  Keeh  is  here  escorting  a daughter 
of  his  own  by  a concubine  to  go  and  accompany 
her  to  her  harem.  Now,  according  to  K*ung 
Ying-tah,  ladies  intendeil  for  such  a duty  were 
escorted  to  the  State  from  which  tlie  wife  pro- 
per was  to  be  nuirried,  that  tliey  might  follow 
her  from  tlience;  and  the  words  of  the  text, 
“to  Keuen”  seem  to  determine  in 
favour  of  Chang's  interpretation.  Yinsr-tah,  in- 
deed, to  meet  the  view  of  Ivung  and  Kuh,  says 
that  Keuen  belonged  to  Wei;  that  Cli4in  was 
marrying  a lady  of  the  House  of  Wei;  that 
Keeh  was  escorting  his  charge  to  Wei;  and 
that  when  he  got  to  Keuen,  he  halted  with  her, 
and  made  a covenant,  as  related.  But  if  tlie 

case  had  been  thus,  we  should  have  read  至 


^[5,  *wben  he  came  to  Keuen,*  nnd  not  于 

虫 |衫. Tliat  phrase  shows  tliat  all  the  escorting 
was  to  Ki  uen.' 

With  regard  to  tlie  action  of  ICeeh's  leaving  or 
drla^  inu  tlio  object  of  Jiis  journey,  and  making 
a rovenant  witli  Ts*e  ami  Sunjf,  of  course  he  liad 
no  autliority  for  it  from  duke  Great 

officers,  h«wevt*r,  liad  a discretionary  power  in 
such  nmt tors.  If  tlujy  could  do  good  service  to 
tlu»ir  State  by  taking  occasion  from  tlie  circum- 
stances in  which  t hey  fouml  tbemselveB  to 
uiuk*rtake  a political  oilice,  the}  might  do  so: — 
but  at  tlieir  own  risk. 

Par.  4.  Wfin  Keanp：  was  a Messalina.  The 
stories  in  the  44  History  of  the  States **  of 
this  and  a subsequent  visit  to  Kcu  are  very 
filthy. 

[1  lie  Clnion  lias  bore  n narrative  about  trou- 
bles at  court : 一 4 Before  tlus,  a lady  Yaou  hail 
boon  a favourite  with  kin^  Cliwan*^,  and  boro 
liim  a son,  called  "l'sze-t^iy,  who  also  was  a 
favourite,  and  hail  for  liis  tutor  Wei  Kwoh. 
When  kinp  IIwuv  ^uccewknl  to  the  tlirone,  lie 
took  the  garden  ol  Wei  Kwoli  to  make  a park  for 
liinisi'lf.  As  tlie  m.nnsion  of  Pei*n  Pih  was  near 
to  the  royal  palace,  lie  also  api»r〇priatcd  it;  and 
he  took  their  fields  as  u'tU  from  Tsze-k4inf 
Chub  Kwei,  «*ind  Chen-foo,  keeping  back  more- 
over the  allowances  of  liis  cook.*  Because  of 
I these  tilings.  \Vt*i  Kwoli,  Pc^en  Pill,  Shili  Suh  [the 
cook],  Chen-foo,  Tsze-k*in,  and  Chuh  Kwei 
raised  an  insurrection,  and  allied  themselves 
with  the  Soo  clan.* 

4 In  autumn,  tlie  five  prroat  officers  raised  the 
standard  of  Tsze-t‘uy  to  supersede  the  king； 
but  they  were  unsuccossfu),  and  fled  to  Wun, 
while  the  chief  of  the  Soo  clan  fled  to  Wei  with 
Tsze-t4uy.  Then  an  army  of  Wei  and  one  of 
Yen  attacked  Chow,  and  in  winter  placed  Tsze- 
t‘uy  on  tlie  throne.’] 

Par.  5.  TJie  reasons  for  this  confederation 
against  Loo  were,  probably,  its  reception  of 
Chen  of  Tslin«r,  when  he  fled  from  Tsce,  (XVII. 
3),  and  something  connected  with  the  proceed- 
ings of  Keeh,  in  the  autumn  of  tliis  year. 


Twentieth  year. 


伐冬湫 淡 。夏 消。 姜凡舂 
戎 。齊七 齊 氏 夫王十 
人月 。大 如人二 年> 


虢憂 禍敢戮 .倦 .至 , 氐 見樂 爷成及 王燕鄭 © 
必必執 樂君樂 今哀虢 及王周 .鄭歸 .仲 伯左 
曰 ，及大 禍爲禍 王樂叔 徧子取 伯王父 。和傅 
寡之焉 .乎 .之也 k 子失曰 .舞 .頹其 a m 夏 ，王曰 . 
人盍 臨奸不 夫頹時 ，寡鄭 享寶于 于鄭室 ，二 
之納 禍王舉 ，司 歌硤人 伯五器 櫟。 伯不十 
願王 忘之而 寇舞咎 聞聞大 而遂秋 .遂克 片. 
也乎 。憂 .位 .况 行不必 之 之 .夫 .鼠 A 王以孰 氛 


In  the  [dukes]  twentieth  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings 
second  month,  [duke  Hwan's]  wife,  the  lady  Keang, 
went  to  Keu. 

In  summer,  there  was  a great  disaster  from  fire  in  Ts{e. 
It  was  autumn,  the  seventh  month. 

In  winter,  a body  of  men  from  Ts4e  smote  the  Jung. 


Par.  1.  See  on  tlie  4th  par.  of  last  year. 

[The  Cliuen  here  resumes  the  narrative  in- 
troduced after  par.  4 of  last  year: 一 4 This  spring, 
the  earl  of  Ch4ing  attempted  to  harmonize  the 
royal  House,  but  without  success;  but  he  seized 
Chung-foo  of  Yen.  In  summer,  he  brought  the 
king  back  with  him,  who  took  up  liis  residence 
in  Leih.  In  autumn,  the  king  and  the  earl 
entered  into  Woo,  from  which  they  surprised 
Ch;ing-chow,  brought  away  the  valuable  articles 
from  it,  and  returned  to  Leih.  In  winter,  king 
Cliwang's  son  T;uy  feasted  the  five  great  officers, 
when  all  the  royal  music  and  pantomimic  dances 
were  performed.  The  earl  of  Ch'ing  heard  of  it, 
and  said  to  Shull  ofKwob,  aThisIhaveheard,tliat 
when  sorrow  or  joy  is  unseasonable,  calamity  is 
sure  to  come.  Now  king  Chicanes  son  T;uy  is 
singing  and  dancing  as  if  he  were  never  tired  ； 
一 it  is  being  joyous  over  calamity.  When  the 
minister  of  Crime  executes  the  penalty  of  death, 
the  ruler  does  not  have  bis  table  fully  spread  ； — 
how  much  less  would  he  dare  to  be  joyous  over 
calamity ! What  calamity  could  be  greater 


than  to  take  violent  possession  of  tlie  king's 
throne  ? When  one,  in  a time  of  calamity, 
forgets  to  be  sorrowful,  sorrow  is  sure  to  come 
to  him.  Why  should  we  not  restore  the  king?M 
The  duke  of  Kwoli  said,  u It  is  wliat  I desire 
to  do.^~\ 

Par.  2.  See  II.  xiv.  4：.  Kung-yang,  indeed, 
says  that  大 ‘great  emaciation  ;• 

i.  e.,  there  ^vas  a great  plague  affecting  peopled 
health  in  Ts‘e.  But  this  meaning  of  can- 
not be  applied  to  the  other  passages  in  the  Clas- 
sic where  the  terra  occurs. 

Par.  4.  Kuh-leang  has  instead  of 
The  two  cliaracters  might  easily  be  confounded  ； 
but  the  received  reading  is  to  be  followed.  Loo 
had  been  troubled  with  these  Jung  two  years 
before ; 一 the  attack  on  them  now  by  Ts4e  was 
probably  intended  to  conciliate  Loo.  The  mar- 
quis of  Ts4e  liad  certainly  been  rather  remiss 
in  his  position  of  pa.  He  ought  not  to  have 
allowed  Ch'ing  to  take  the  lead  in  supporting 
king  Hwuy  against  the  rebels  in  Chow. 


Twenty-first  year. 


100  THE  CH4UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN.  BOOK  III. 


12  3 4 

X- 

X 


二十 有一年 
樣 王正瓦 

二章  I ^ 

夏五 月辛酉 
鄭 伯突表 

三章 4 I I 

秋七月 戊戌 

夫人 姜氏藍 

四章 i i 

冬十 有二月 


左傅 曰二十 一年舂 
胥 命于軋 見 同伐王 
脱鄭 伯將王 自圉門 
几虢叔 'I 北門人 殺 
王子 覜及 五大夫 、鄭 
伯享 王于闕 西辟‘ 樂 
氪 王與之 武公 之钱 
自 虎牢以 東 。原伯 曰‘ 
躑 伯龙尤 其亦靡 冇 
說 五瓦鄭 厲公襄 王 
巡漱％ 虢公爲 王‘宮 
于昧王 與之酒 氣劇 
伯之 享王也 王以后 
之 轚鑑子 之虢在 請 
器王芊 之亂鄭 伯由 
是 i 惡于 io 爷王歸 
自敗 


Yeak  XXII. 


DUKE  CHWANG. 


101 


XXI.  1 It  was  the  [duke's]  tAventy-first  year,  tlie  spring,  the 
king’s  first  month. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  Sin-yew,  Tub,  earl  of 

Ch4ing,  died. 

3 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  Mow-seul),  [duke 

Hwans]  wife,  the  lad)T  Keang,  died. 

4 In  winter,  in  the  twelfth  month,  tliere  was  the  burial  of 

duke  Le  of  Chling. 


Par.  2.  Continuing  the  Chucn  after  the  1st 
par.  of  last  year,  Tso-she  says: 一 uIn  tlie  duke's 
21st  year,  accordingly^  in  spring,  they  [the  earl 
of  Ch4ing  and  Sliuh  of  Kwoh]  pledged  each 
other  at  Me ; and  in  summer,  they  together  at- 
tacked the  royal  city.  The  earl  entered,  along 
with  the  king,  at  the  south  gate,  and  Shuh  of 
Kwoh  entered  at  the  northern,  when  they  killed 
Tsze-t‘uy  and  the  five  great  officers.  The  earl 
of  Ch4ing  feasted  the  king  in  the  apartment  on 
the  west  of  the  gateway  with  the  representa- 
tions of  the  penal  code.  There  was  a complete 
service  of  music,  and  the  king  gave  him  wliat 
had  formerly  been  granted  to  duke  Woo, — all 
the  territory  eastward  from  Hoo-laou.  The 
earl  of  Yuen  said,  44  The  earl  of  Ch4ing  is  fol- 
lowing the  bad  example  which  he  condemned  in 
Tsze-t^uy.  He  also  will  meet  with  calamity.** 
In  the  5th  month,  duke  Le  of  Ch‘ing  died.’ 

On  Tuh  who  here  passes  off  the  stage,  Chang 
Heah  ； a writer  of  the  13th  cent.)  says 

一 4 Tuh  was  only  the  son  of  duke  Chwang  by 
a concubine,  yet  after  his  father’s  death  he 
snatched  the  earldom  from  Hwuh ; and  tho’ 
driven  out  for  a time  by  Chae  Chung,  he  enter- 
ed again  into  Leih,  and  in  the  end  made  him- 
self master  of  the  State.  Thus  it  is  that  we 
have  no  statement  of  Hwuh,  We,  and  hold- 


ing the  earldom,  because  they  could  not  keep 
it,  and  the  different  style  about  Tuh  is  under- 
stood to  indicate  that,  first  and  last,  he  was  able 
to  maintain  himself.  Here  then  wa9  a man,  a 
usurper  and  a fratricide,  and  the  Ch£un  Ts^w 
calls  liim  ruler  from  hia  beginning  to  his  end, 
and  records  moreover,  however,  how  he  died  in 
his  dignity  : 一 it  is  in  this  way  that  it  shows  how 
mean  men  are  permitted  to  get  their  wills,  re- 
bellious villains  come  to  a good  end,  tlie  royal 
laws  have  no  course,  and  the  world  is  thrown 
all  into  confusion ! * 

Par.  3.  The  reader  is  not  sorry  to  have  done 
with  Wftn-kcang. 

[The  last  Chuen  is  here  completed: 一 4 The 
king  made  a progress  of  survey  of  the  fief  of 
Kwoli,  when  the  duke  made  a palace  for  him  in 
Pung.  The  king  granted  to  Kwoh  tlie  territory 
of  Ts^ew-ts^euen.  When  the  earl  of  Ch4iug 
feasted  the  king,  the  king  had  given  him  a 
queen^  large  girdle  with  the  mirror  in  it.  Tho 
duke  of  Kwoh  now  begged  for  something,  and 
the  king  gave  him  a drinking  cup.  This  was 
the  first  occasion  of  the  hatred  which  the  earl 
of  Ch4ing  [duke  Wan,  son  of  Tuh]  cherished 
against  the  king.  In  winter,  the  king  returned 
from  Kwoh.] 

Par.  4.  Something  had  occurred  to  make 
the  burial  be  delayed  beyond  the  regular  time. 


Twenty-second  year. 


102 


THE  CirUN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


于 嶽而帛 .光 .坤. 國陳也 j 免初 .夜 .友高 赦孫左 
齊. 則著天 于士乎 ，侯故 將懿不 服位. 其自傳 
其酣于 地是也 .不 使蔡 育氏敢 。使以 不齊曰 . 
狻天 k 七之乎 巽> 在筮 人于卜 君爲速 閑來二 
亡 物故美 t 居風此 .之 .殺姜 . 妻子工 官于奔 。十 
也 ，莫日 具土也 . 其遇五 五敬曰 .政 誘篇齊 ::: 二 
成 能其焉 ，上满 ，在觀 父世仲 / 酒 飮請訓 .侯年 , 
子雨在 故故天 異之而 其其以 桓以而 使泰. 
得大 .異 曰曰也 .國 .象立 昌屬 歲公死 莬敬命 
政 。陳 國利觀 風非曰 ，之 竝占禮 / 酒 ，告。 于仲人 
衰序 .用 國爲此 是生于 之不樂 .詩 罪爲殺 
此若賓 之天其 謂敬正 EK 繼公云 ，戾 .卿 .其 
其在于 光汙身 k 觀仲 吉 .以曰 .翹 弛辭大 
昌異王 ，利土 在國其 八是淫 .以 翹于曰 ，子 
乎 。國 k 猶用上 .其 之少丨 M: 謂 義火車 員覊御 
及必有 賓山子 光,也 .之鳳 也, 繼乘 .檐 t 旅寇。 
陳姜 觀于也 ，孫. 利周後 .皇 以之招 君之隗 
之姓焉 ，王 > 有光 用史莫 于君辭 我之臣 .公 
初也 /故庭 山遠賓 有之飛 ，成曰 .以 惠幸子 
亡姜 .曰實 之而于 以與和 禮, 臣弓 .也, 若芫. 
也 、犬'  其旅材 ，自王 ，周京 。鳴 弗卜豈 所獲與 
陳 嶽在百 .而他 此易陳 鏘納其 不獲清 .顓 
桓 之後奉 照有其 見厲爆 于晝 .欲 多及孫 
子後乎 2 之糴代 陳公有 淫> 未往 .矣 .于奔 
始也 .風以 以者陳 侯蔡姆 仁卜畏 敢寬齊 , 
大山行 玉天也 。有者 . 出之也 。其 我辱政 激 


XXII. 


1 In  his  twenty-second  year,  in  spring,  in  the  kings  first 

month,  [the  duke]  pardoned  [all]  inadvertent  offcMices 
however  great. 

2 On  Kwei-ch4o\v  we  buried  our  duchess,  Wan  Keang. 

3 The  people  of  Ch4in  put  to  death  Yu-k4ow,  son  of  their 

marquis. 

4 It  was  summer,  the  fifth  month. 

5 In  autumn,  in  the  seventh  month,  on  Ping-sliin,  the 

duke  made  a covenant  with  Kaou  He  of  Ts4e  in  Fang. 

6 In  winter,  the  duke  went  to  Ts4e,  and  presented  the 

marriage-offerings  of  silk. 


Par.  1.  In  the  Shoo,  II.  i.  11,  we  read  that  it 
was  a rule  with  Shun,  1 that 

inadvertent  offences,  and  those  caused  by  mis- 
fortune, were  to  be  pardoned/  anil  how  far  he 
carried  it,  wc  learn  from  ii.  12,  宥過 無大， 

• You  pardon  inadvertent  offences,  however 
great/  Clnvang,  tlierefore,  appears  here  to  have 


done  nothing  more  than  was  sanctioned  by  tho 
example  of  Shun.  I do  not  know  why  the 
critics  should  find  such  fault  with  him  i\s  lb<*y 
do.  Kuli-leang  followed  by  Kea  Kwei,  thinks 
the  grace  was  done  at  this  time,  as  some  atone- 
ment for  tlie  wickedness  of  WAn  Keang：,  the 
duke’s  mother,  who  wtis  about  to  be  buritnl ! 
For  Kung  has  4^. 


Ylak  XXII 


DUKE  CHWANCt. 


103 


Par.  2.  ^ y ""  8ec  ^na,  X VI*  xiv* 

According  to  the  rule  laid  down  there 

was  the  style  for  the  wife  of  the  prince  of 

a State  used  by  the  people  in  speaking  of  her 

to  the  people  of  other  States.  takes  tlie 

place  of  as  the  entry  here  is  in  the  annals 
of  Loo  itself.  The  marquis  being  styled  duke 
after  death,  I have  styled  his  wife  duchess. 
Kcang,  wc  know,  was  her  surname,  as  being  of 
the  House  of  Ts'e;  Wftn  was  the  honorary  title 
given  to  lier  on  account  of  her  beaut}F  and  ac- 
complishments, no  account  being  taken  of  her 
extraordinary  wickedness. 

Par.  3.  For  Kung  and  Kuh  read 
The  real  killer  of  Yu-kcow  was  his  fatlier, 一 
4 duke  Seuen,*  the  reason  for  the  deed  being 
unknown.  It  is  supposed  tliat  the  statement  in 
tlie  text  is  according  to  the  form  in  wliich  the 
announcement  was  made  to  Loo, — to  conceal 
the  nature  of  the  affair. 

The  Chuen  says : 一 4 In  spring,  the  people  of 
Ch'in  killed  the  marquis's  eldest  son,  Yu-k^w, 
on  which  the  Kung-tsze  Hwan  and  Chuen-sun 
fled  to  Ts4e,  and  the  latter  thence  to  Loo.  The 
marquis  of  Ts‘e  wanted  to  make  King-chung 
[the  designation  of  the  Kung-tsze  Hwan]  one 
of  his  liigli  ministers,  l)ut  he  dedinecl,  saying, 
*Your  subject  is  here  an  exile.  I am  fortunate 
if  1 obtain  your  forgiveness,  and  enjoy  the 
advantage  of  your  indulgent  government.  That 
you  pardon  my  want  of  practice  in  the  lessons 
of  instruction,  and  hold  me  guiltless  of  crime, 
and  reinove  me  from  a life  of  toil : — this  is  your 
lordsliip's  kindness.  AVhat  I obtain  is  much, 一 
should  I dare  to  disgrace  a high  position,  and  so 
accelerate  tlie  slanders  of  other  officers?  Let 
me  tlie  if  I do  not  decline  the  honour  you  propose. 
The  ode  says  [this  ode  is  not  in  the  She], 

4 From  tlmt  distant  cliariot. 

Tliey  call  me  with  the  bow  ? 

Do  I not  wisli  to  go? 

But  I am  afraid  of  my  friends/ 

The  marquis  then  made  him  superintendent 
of  all  the  departments  of  labour.  One  day  he 
was  entertaining  the  marquis  at  his  liouse,  who 
bocanit1  joyous  over  the  spirits,  and  said,  uLet 
us  continue  it  with  lights.”  But  he  refused, 
saying,  divined  about  the  clay;  but  I have 
not  divined  about  the  niglit ; 一 I dare  not  do  it.” 

4The  superior  mau  will  say,  uln  drinking 
tliere  should  be  the  complete  observance  of  the 
rules；  but  not  to  carry  it  on  to  excess  was 
righteousness.  Completely  to  observe  the  rules 
wiili  his  prince,  and  tlien  not  to  allow  him  to  go 
to  excess,  was  truly  virtuous.” 

4 At  an  earlier  time,  the  great  officer  E consult- 
ed the  tortoise-sliell  about  giving  his  daughter 
in  marriage  to  King-chung.  His  wife  sought 
tlie  meaniiig  of  the  indication,  and  said.  “It  is 
fortunate.  The  oracle  is 

lThe  male  and  female  phoenix  fly 
together, 

Singing  harmoniously  witli  gem-like 
sounds.” 

The  posterity  of  this  scion  of  tlie  Kwei  [sur- 
name of  tlie  House  of  Chin]  will  be  nourished 
among  ihe  Keang  [surname  of  the  House  of 


Ts*e].  In  fivo  generations  they  will  be  prosper- 
ous, and  the  highest  ministers  in  in  eight, 

there  will  be  none  to  compare  with  them  for 
greatness.” 

1 Duke  Le  of  Ch4in  was  the  son  of  a daughter 
of  the  House  of  Tsl«ie.  In  consequence,  tho 
people  of  1's^e  put  to  death  Woo-foo  [the  same 
who  is  called  T4o  of  Ch4n.  See  II.  vi.  4,  and 
note],  anil  raised  liim  to  the  marquisate.  He 
be^at  King-chunj?,  during  whose  boyhood  there 
came  one  of  the  historiographers  of  Chow  to  see 
the  marquis  of  Clrin,  having  with  him  tlie  Cliow 
Yih.  The  marquis  made  him  consult  it  by  the 
milfoil  on  the  future  of  the  boy^  when  he  found 
the  diagram  Kwan  [==],  an(l  then  by  tlie 
change  of  manipulation,  the  diagram  P*ei  [=^]. 
“Ilere，”  he  said， “ is  the  deliverance;’’ 一 4 We  be- 
hold the  light  of  the  State.  This  is  auspicious 
for  one  to  be  the  king's  guest.  [See  the  Yih  on 
the  4th  line,  counting  from  the  bottom,  of  tho 
(liaj^ram  Kwan].*  Shall  this  boy  in  his  genera- 
tion possess  the  State  of  Chin  ? or  if  he  do  not 
possess  this  State,  does  it  mean  that  he  shall 
possess  another?  Or  is  the  thing  foretold  not 
of  his  own  person,  but  of  his  descendants?  The 
light  is  far  otf,  and  its  brightness  appears  reflect- 

eil  from  something  else.  K ‘win  [二 二] represents 
the  earth；  Sun  [ _ the  top  part  of  the  diagram 

Kwau],  wind  ； K;een 「 1,  heaven  ； Sun  becom- 

ing K^en  over  earth  [as  in  tlie  diagram  P46i], 
represents  mountains,  Thus  the  boy  has  all  the 
treasures  of  mountains,  and  is  shone  on  by  tlie 
light  of  heaven  ： 一 he  will  dwell  above  the  earth. 
Hence  it  is  said,  u We  behold  the  light  of  the 
State.  This  is  auspicious  for  him  to  be  the 
king’s  guest.”  A king’s  guest  fills  the  royal 
courtyard  with  the  display  of  all  the  productions 
of  his  Slale^  and  the  offerings  of  gems  and  silks, 
— all  excellent  tilings  of  lieaven  and  earth；  hence 
it  is  said — 'It  is  auspicious  for  him  to  be  the 
king’s  guest.’ 

4 u But  there  is  still  that  word — 1 behold/  and 
tlierefore  I say  the  thing  perhaps  is  to  be  here- 
after. And  tlie  wind  moves  and  appears  upon 
tlie  earth  ; — therefore  I say  it  is  to  be  perhaps 
in  another  State.  If  it  be  in  another  State,  it 
must  be  in  that  of  the  Keang ; 一 for  the  Keang 
are  the  descendants  of  the  Grand-mountain 
[Yaou’s  chief  minister].  But  the  mountains 
stand  up  as  it  were  the  mates  of  heaven.  There 
cannot  be  two  thin 铉 s equally  great;  as  Ch‘iu  de- 
cays， this  bo)，  will  flourish.” 

4 When  Cli'in  received  its  first  great  blow 
[B  C.  533],  C h4in  Hwan  [the  representative  of 
the  Kung-tsze  Hwan  in  tlie  5th  generation]  had 
begun  to  be  great  in  Ts;e.  When  it  finally 
pcrishecl  [B.  C.  477],  the  officer  Chcing  was 
directing  the  government  of  tliat  State/ 

[The  descendants  of  the  Kung-tsze  Hwan 

became  the  T‘eeu  family  (田氏 )， which 
gradually  encroached  on  the  authority  of  the 
House  of  Keang,  and  ended  by  superseding  it  in 
the  possession  of  tlie  State  of  Ts'e.  The  farrago 
of  the  Chuen  is  intended  to  show  how  all  this 
was  prognosticated  beforehand.  I call  it  a 
farraf/o,  for  it  is  no  plainer  in  tlie  original  nor  in 
tlie  Manclui  version,  than  it  is  in  my  translation.] 

Par.  4.  In  an  entry  like  this,  giving  merely 
the  season  and  a month  of  it.  the  month  ought 


104 


TIIE  CIPUN  TS;EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  HI. 


to  be  the  first  of  the  season.  Such  is  the  rule 
observed  throughout  tlie  Chcun  Ts^ew,  excepting 
in  this  passage.  Many  of  the  critics  hold  that 
有 is  a mistake  for  Um  ; but  I prefer  to  think, 
with  Sun  Full  and  others,  that  the  par.  is  imper- 
fect, there  remaining  only  the  commencement  of 
it,  and  that  characters  containing  the  account 
of  some  event  have  been  lost.  It  is  difficult  to 
believe  that  some  have  held  that  Confucins 
purposely  made  the  summer  commence  with 
the  5th  month,  to  indicate  his  indignation  at 
tlie  marriage,  wliich  began  to  be  gone  about 
this  year,  of  duke  Chwang  to  the  daughter  of 
the  man  who  murdered  his  father!  Yet  this  is 
the  view  propounded  by  Ho  Hew.  And  the 
K4ang-he  editors  tliink  it  worthy  of  being  pre- 
served, and  call  special  attention  to  it! 

Par.  5.  Fang, — see  I.  ix.  6.  There  were  rea- 
sons for  this  covenant  on  both  sides;  and  though 
Ts4e  had  attacked  Loo  in  the  end  of  the  dukeJs 
19th  year,  it  had  since  then  smitten  the  Jung 
to  propitiate  Loo.  Kung-yang  thinks  that  tlie 
4 covenanter } on  the  part  of  Loo  was  4 an  inferior 
person  but  we  must  understand 

before  Cliaou  K‘wang  (走度 匡^  lays 
down  a correct  rule: •一  凡盟不 目內， 


皆指 公也， ‘In  all  accounts  of  covenants, 
where  the  agent  of  Loo  is  not  specified,  the 
duke  is  meant.* 

Par.  6.  The  presenting  of  silks  was  the  fourth 
step  in  treaties  of  marriage,  on  the  part  of  the 
intending  husband; — it  was  called  納徵细 
when  the  prince  of  a State  Avas  a party  concern- 
ed, these  gifts  were  to  be  sent  by  a great  officer. 
For  the  marquis  bimself  to  go  to  Ts4e  with  them 
was  ‘contrary  to  rule/  which  he  violated  in 
another  respect, 一 arranging  for  his  marriage  so 
soon  after  his  mother's  death.  There  must 
have  been  reasons  for  his  urgency  wliich  we  do 
not  know.  The  common  belief  is  that  this 
marriage  had  been  arranged  for  by  Wftn  Kcang 
immediately  after  the  young  lady^  birth,  about 
20  years  before  this,  and  tliat  before  her  death 
she  had  insisted  on  Chwang^  fulfilling  the 
engagement  immediately,  without  reference  to 
that  event,  he  having  already  delayed  so  long, 
unwilling  to  marry  the  daiigliter  of  his  father's 
murderer.  But  he  bad  not  continued  single  all 
that  time, — as  we  learn  from  the  events  of  his 
32d  year.  The  marriage  lie  now  proceeded  to 
enter  into  was  an  evil  one  for  him.  Tlie  lady 
was  hardly  better  than  her  aunt,  his  mother, 
had  been. 


vt  I 


二孽 


一 十有三 年春公 至自齊  \ 
菸叔 來聘。 

二 i 章 k 〇 

昏公如 齊觀社 

四章  〇 

，■公 至自齊 

饥 章 o 

I 荆 人來聘 

认 六章  〇 

公 及齊侯 遇于穀 

七 意 I o 

蕭 叔朝公 

章 > o 

秋丹着 楹 

九 章 k - 0 

冬十 有一月 曹伯射 姑卒 

+ 章 ‘4  h o 

十有 二月 甲寅公 會齊侯 盤于扈 


膽 


Ykar  XXIII. 


DUKK  CIIWAXG. 


105 


XXIII.  1 

2 

3 


In  his  twenty-third  year,  in  spring,  the  duke  arrived 
from  Ts‘e. 

Sliuh  of  Clme  came  to  Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

In  surnnier,  the  duke  went  to  rs*e  to  see  [the  service 
at]  the  altar  to  the  Spirits  of  the  land. 

The  duke  arrived  from  Ts*e. 

An  officer  of  King  came  to  Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

Tlie  duke  and  the  marquis  of  Ts4e  met  at  Kuh. 

Shuli  of  Siiaou  paid  a court  visit  to  the  duke. 

In  autumn,  the  duke  painted  red  the  pillars  of  [duke] 
Hwan's  temple. 

In  winter， in  the  eleventh  month,  Yih-koo,  earl  of 
Ts^ou  died. 

In  the  twelfth  month,  on  Keali-yin,  the  duke  had  a 
meeting  with  the  marquis  of  Ts4e,  Avhen  they  made 
a covenant  at  Hoo. 


Par.  1,4.  Seell.  ii.  9.  Chang  Heah  observes 
here,  that  the  practice,  intimated  in  the  of 

announcing  the  return  to  the  capital  in  the  an- 
cestral temple  was  after  tlie  example  of  the  ear- 
liest sovereigns  of  the  Shoo,  and  refers  to  II.i.10 
of  that  Book,  where  it  is  related  that  Shun,  on 
returniug  after  the  close  of  his  tours  of  inspec- 
tion, 4wenjt  to  the  temple  of  the  Cultivated 
ancestor,  and  offered  a sacrifice.’ 

Par.  2.  By  Chae  Shuh  we  are  to  understand 
either  the  earl  of  Chae,  or  one  of  his  brothers. 
中， or  liis  father,  is  called  ‘(luke  of  Chae.’  in  II. 
viii.  6,  as  being  one  of  the  king’s  tliree  principal 
ministers.  If  the  earl  himself  be  here  intended, 
as  is  most  likely,  the  7^  is  his  designation. 
From  the  form  of  the  par.,  difft.  from  II.  viii.  2, 
and  others,  we  conclude  that  this  visit  was 
unauthorized,  and  undertaken  for  some  private 
end， 一 was,  as  the  phrase  is,  Contrary  to  rule/ 
Par.  3.  This  act  of  the  duke  was  of  the  same 
kind  as  that  of  Yin  in  going  to  see  the  fishermen 
at  Tang； — I. v.  1.  There  was  something  re- 
markable about  the  sacrifice  in  Ts4e  which 
attracted  visitors.  Woo  Ch*ing  says : — 4 The  S/i〇f/ 
(社)  was  an  ordinary  thing, — the  sacrifice 
offered  by  princes  to  the  Spirits  of  the  land 
within  their  States;  other  princes  did  not  go  to 
witness  it.  But  it  was  a custom  in  Ts4e  to  take 


the  opportunity  of  this  sacrifice  to  assemble  its 
armies,  ami  make  a boast tul  display  of  their 
majesty  and  numbers,  assembling  others  to  wit- 
ness it.  It  was  tli is  which  afforded  a pretext 
to  the  duke  for  going  at  this  time  to  Ts4e.  The 
Chuen  has : 一 4 When  the  duke  was  taking  thi9 
step,  which  was  contrary  to  rule,  Ts4aou  Kwei 
remonstrated  with  him,  saying,  “】 )〇  not  go. 
The  rules  of  ceremony  are  all  designed  for  tlie 
right  adjustment  of  the  people.  Hence  there 
are  meetings  of  the  princes  [at  the  royal  court],  to 
inculcate  the  duties  severally  incumbent  on  the 
high  and  low,  and  to  lay  down  the  amount  of 
contributions  which  are  to  be  severally  made. 
There  are  court  visits,  to  rectify  the  true  position 
of  the  different  ranks  of  nobility,  and  to  ar- 
range the  order  of  the  young  and  the  old. 
There  are  punitive  expeditions,  to  punish  tlie 
disobedient.  The  princes  have  their  services  on 
tlie  king’s  behalf， and  the  king  has  liis  tours  of 
inspection  among  the  princes ; 一 when  those  meet- 
ings and  visits  are  observed  on  a grand  scale. 
Excepting  on  such  occasions,  a prince  does  not 
move  from  his  own  State,  The  ruler^  move- 
ments must  be  written  down.  If  there  be  written 
ccncerning  you  what  was  not  according  to  the 
laws,  how  will  your  descendants  look  at  it?7'  * 
[The  Chuen  «^dds  here  the  following,  about 
the  affairs  of  Tsin： 一 'In  Tsin,  tlie  circle  of 
families  descended  from  Hwan  and  Chwang 
「Hwan  is  the  Hvvan-shuh， or  “ Grand  Success,” 


Kli  IS® 。鉍 SI  I KIM 


桓譖其 子士桓 
宮富事 。可 i； 莊 
之子 士謀日 .之 
插 。而籙 也去族 
去與 a 富倡, 
之。 羣公子 ，獻 
公曰 .則公 


書是 •王 垆之 財故不 觀曰, 
而君有 “ 義 ，南会 兔社 。二 
不不 巡其帥 之以 夫非十 
法>舉 守 >不 長氚訓 禮禮三 
後 筅以然 .幼朝 上所也 。年 k 
嗣群 大諸之 以下以 曹夏. 
何舉 習侯序 .正之 整 _ 公 


4 5 G 7 8 


9 


o 

1J 


VOL.  V. 


14 


106 


THE  CH^UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


of  the  Chuen  appended  to  the  2d  year  of  Hwan, 
where  earl  Chwang  is  also  mentioned]  began  to 
pre99  on  duke  Heen,  [the  marquis  at  this  time], 
who  was  distressed  by  them.  Sze  Wei  said  to 
him,  “Let  us  do  away  with  the  officer  Foo, 
[Some  take  法*  富*  as  meaning 一 “Let  us 
do  away  with  the  wealthy  among  them ,}]  and 
then  all  the  other  descendants  of  the  two  princes 
may  be  dealt  with.,v  The  duke  asked  him  to 
attempt  the  thing,  when  Wei  consulted  with  all 
tbe  others,  calumniated  Foo  to  them,  and  then 
took  him  off.’] 

Par.  5.  With  this  commenced  Ts^o^  inter- 
courses of  courtesy  with  Loo,  and  indeed  with 
any  part  of  China  proper. 

Par.  6.  Kuh, — see  VII.  4.  This  was  but  a 
hurried  meeting；  but  it  serves  to  show  liow 
anxious  duke  Chwang  was  to  get  his  marriage 
treaty  carried  through. 

Par.  7.  Shuh  of  Seaou  is  the  same  as  Shuh 
Ta-sin  of  Seaou,  mentioned  in  the  Chuen  on 
XII.  4.  Up  to  that  time  he  had  merely  been  a 


great  officer  of  Sung,  holding  the  city  of  Seaou； 
but  because  of  the  services  he  then  rendered  in 
tlie  troubles  of  the  State,  duke  Hwan  erected 
Seaou  into  a Foo-yung  or  attached  territory,  of 
which  this  Shuh  acd  his  descendants  were  the 
lords.  Here  we  find  him  paying  a visit  to  the 
duke  of  Loo.  The  par.  is  not  in  the  usual  form, 
蕭叔 來朝，  because  the  visit  was  paid  at 
Kuli,  and  not  at  tbe  court  of  Loo.  The  city  of 
Seaou  was  in  tlie  pres.  dept,  of  Seu-chow 

(f 余州 ）丨  1 (He  north  from  the  di3.  city  of  SSaou. 

Par.  8.  According  to  rule,  the  pillars  were 
required  to  be  of  a very  dark  colour,  nearly 
black.  The  painting  them  red,  it  is  understood, 
was  to  dazzle  the  young  wife  who  would  soon  be 
appearing  in  the  temple,  and  to  propitiate  tho 
spirit  of  Hwan,  when  the  daughter  of  his  mur- 
derer should  be  presented  as  the  wife  of  his  son! 

Par.  10.  Hoo  was  in  Ch4ing, 一 in  the  north- 
west of  tlie  pres,  district  of  Yuen-w〇〇(j^^f)t 
dep.  Hwae-k4ing.  It  is  supposed  the  meeting 
had  reference  to  the  impending  marriage. 


~i 十有 四年春 王三凡 刻桓 宮槪 

I o 

葬 曹莊公 

11! 章 ♦ o 

晏 公如齊 逆女 

四章 i 0 

I 秋公 至自齊 

认 五章  i k o 

I A 月丁 丑夫人 萎氏八 

办 * ® I n 1 o 

| 戊寅大 夫宗婦 覿用幣 

七 章 o 

以 水 

勒戎侵 览 曹覊 出奔 I 赤歸于 wa 
郭公 


Year  XXIV. 


DUKE  CinVANG. 


107 


二蓊謀 .© 夫之女 栗以费 .用秋 .不德 .侈旧 k 其左 
年> 告使 晉人則 .同壌 章大幣 。哀 可而 惡臣桷 。傅 
苕 晉殺士 亂國贄 .脩 .物者 非姜乎 质之聞 皆曰. 


必侯游 蒽之之 是以也 k 玉禮至 > 
無& ，戌 X 無大無 告女帛 k ili。 公 
患 。可之 與乃節 別虔贄 小御使 
矣 ，二 羣不也 ，也 池 .不者 .孫宗 
不 子及可 而男今 過龠曰 .婦 
過 士子乎 。由女 男擦鳥 .男齓 


納大之 t 非二 
諸也 .儉 .禮十 
大 先德也 。四 
惡君之 御年. 
無有共 孫春. 
乃共也 > 諫刻 


XXIV.  1 In  the  duke’s  t'venty-fourth  year,  in  spring,  in  the 
king's  third  month,  lie  carved  the  rafters  of  [duke] 
H 'van’s  temple. 

2 There  was  the  burial  of  duke  Chwang  of  Ts^iou. 

3 In  summer,  the  duke  'vent  to  Ts‘e  to  meet  liis  bride. 

4 In  autumn,  the  duke  arrived  from  TsJe. 

5 In  the  eighth  month,  his  wife,  the  lady  Keang,  entered 

[the  capital]. 

6 On  Mow-yin,  the  great  officers  belonging  to  the  dncal 

House,  and  their  wives,  had  an  interview  with  her, 
and  presented  offerings  of  silks. 

7 There  were  great  floods. 

8 In  -winter,  the  Jung  made  an  inroad  into  Ts{aou,  when 

Ke  of  Tscaou  fled  to  Ch4in,  and  Chcih  returned  to 
Ts‘aou. 

9 The  duke  of  Kwoh — 


Par.  1.  This  act  was  of  the  same  nature  as 
the  painting  the  pillars  in  par.  8 of  last  year. 
Tso-she  says: 一 4 This  was  another  act  contrary 
to  rule.  Yu-sun  [the  designation  of  K*ing  (^§), 
a great  officer,  the  master  of  the  Workmen,  ^ee 

&國語 ，魯 語上  , 3d  art.]  remonstrated, 

saying,  u Your  subject  has  heard  that  economical 
moderation  is  the  reverence  of  virtue,  and  that 
extravagance  is  one  of  the  greatest  of  wicked- 
nesses. Our  former  ruler  possessed  that  reverent 
virtue,  and  you  are  as  it  were  carrying  him  on 
to  that  great  wickedness; 一 is  not  tliis  what 
should  not  be  ?,5  * Kiih-leang  tells  us  that  the 
rule  for  the  rafters  of  the  temple  of  a son  of 
Heaven  was  that  they  should  be  hewn,  and 
rubbed  smooth,  and  then  polished  bright  with  a 
fine  stone,  while  in  that  of  the  prince  of  a State 
the  rafters  were  only  hewn,  and  rubbed  smootli, 
and  in  that  of  a great  officer  they  were  simply 
hewn. 

Parr.  3,  4.  The  duke  went  himself,  acc.  to 
the  ancient  custom,  to  meet  his  bride,  and  then 
on  his  return,  announced  his  arrival  in  the  ances- 
tral temple,  which  was  also  according  to  rule. 

Par.  5.  On  this  par.  Maou  Kee  ling  says  ： 一 
* As  the  duke  met  the  lady  Keang  in  person,  he 
ought  to  have  entered  with  her  on  the  same 
<^ay.  As  to  the  reason  of  their  entering  on  dif- 
ferent days,  Kung-yang  (as  expounded  by  Too 


Yu)  thinks  that  as  Mang  Jin  [the  duke's  earlier 
mistress  of  the  harem],  was  in  the  palace,  Keang 
was  unwilling  to  enter,  and  must  have  made 
the  duke  agree  to  remove  M^lng  Jin,  while  she 
lierself  came  leisurely  on.  And  so  also  it  was 
that,. when  she  entered  the  capital  on  the  day 
Tin<j-clrow,  she  did  not  immediately  present  her- 
self in  the  ancestral  temple；  but  it.  was  the  next 
day,  Mow-yin,  when  she  repaired  thither,  and 
the  ceremony  of  giving  audience  to  the  wives  of 
the  great  officers  who  were  related  to  the  duke 
by  consanguinity,  was  gone  through/  Here 
surely  is  an  example  where  the  rule  about  the 

meaning  of  mentioned  on  I.ii.  2,  cannot  be 
applied.  Where  was  the  hostility  here  on  the 
part  of  the  ‘enterer,’  or  the  ‘unwillingness  to 
receive  ’ on  the  part  of  the  ‘ entered  ?’  Yet  Kuh- 
leang  would  make  it  out  that  the  terra  indicates 
a kind  of  horror  in  the  temple  at  the  entrance  of 
the  daughter  of  tlie  man  who  had  murdered 
duke  H wan! 

Par.  6 •宗婦 = 同 姓 大夫之 

々雷， ‘the  wives  of  great  officers  of  the  same 
surname  as  the  duke.’  Many  of  them  would 
have  received  other  clan-names,  but  they  were 

all  Kes  ( 姬 〕 •初見 用贄曰 覿. 

4 The  first  interview,  when  introductory  presents 
were  used,  was  called  覿 The  幣， USedpr。- 


108 


THE  CH4UN  TS4EW,  WITH  THE  TSO  CHUEN. 


BOOK  III. 


perly  of  gifts  of  silks,  may  also  comprehend  other 
offerings, — such  as  gems.  The  interview  spoken 
of  took  place  in  the  ancestral  temple,  on  the  new 
wife's  first  appearance  there,  nearly  equivalent 
to  our  celebration  of  a marriage  in  a church. 
The  great  officers  were  there  officially,  and  at 
such  a time  their  wives  accompanied  them.  In 
the  compendious  style  of  the  narrative  of  the 
paragraph,  the  student  raay  think  that  only  the 

wives  are  spoken  of,  but  we  must  take  大夫 

as  in  apposition  with  女甫， and  not  under 
its  regimen.  This  appears  clearly  from  the 
Chuen : — 4 In  autumn,  when  Gae  Keang  arrived, 
the  duke  made  the  wives  of  the  great  officers, 
at  their  first  interview,  offer  silks  and  gems  ； —— 
which  was  contrary  to  rule.  Yu-sun  said,  The 
offerings  of  males  are,  the  greatest  of  them,  gems 
and  silks,  and  the  lesser,  birds  and  animals 
[that  sometimes， see  the  |gj 
the  different  things  illus- 
trating their  rank.  But  the  offerings  of  women, 
are  only  nuts,  dates,  and  pieces  of  dried  flesh, — 
to  show  their  respect.  Now  males  and  females 
use  the  same  offerings  ; — there  is  no  distinction 
between  them.  But  the  distinction  between 
males  and  females  is  a grand  law  of  the  State, 
and  that  it  should  be  confounded  by  the  duchess 
surely  is  what  should  not  be.^  * 

[The  Chuen  continues  here  the  narrative  after 
par.  3 of  last  year  about  the  affairs  of  Tsin : 一 
i Sze  Wei  of  Tsin  again  took  counsel  with  all  the 
other  scions  of  the  ruling  House,  and  got  them  to 
put  to  death  the  two  sons  of  the  Yew  family, 
He  announced  the  fact  to  the  marquis,  Baying 
Things  are  in  progress.  It  will  not  take  more 
than  two  years  to  relieve  you  of  all  trouble.”  ’] 
Par.  7.  See  on  II.  1,  5. 

Par.  8.  Ke  here  is  said  by  Too  Yu  to  have 
been  曾 4 the  heir-son  of  Ts^ou.* 


He  must  therefore  have  succeeded  to  his  father 
in  the  end  of  the  last  year  (see  XXIII.  9),  and 
he  is  here  mentioned  without  any  title  because 
of  his  weakness  and  incompetency  to  4 hold  his 
own.*  Too  also  says  that  Ch*ih  was  duke  He, 
who  follows,  in  the  list  of  lords  of  T8*aou,  after 
duke  Chwang.  But  the  Historical  Records  say 
that  He’s  name  was  E ( ^^),  and  make  no  men- 
tion of  any  Ch4ih.  We  have  not  the  information 
necessary  fully  to  elucidate  the  paragraph. 

Kung-yadg  reads — 赤 歸于曹 郭公， 

joining  on  the  two  characters  of  the  next  par., 
and  understaiuling  the  whole  thus：  — There  was 
a duke  of  Kwoh  whose  name  was  Ch^h.  He 
had  lost  his  own  territory,  and  now  finding 
Ts{aou  without  a lord,  he  entered  and  took  pos- 
session of  it! 

Par.  9.  This  paragraph  is  plainly  incomplete, 
unless  we  suppose  tliat  should  be  and 
then  the  meaning  would  be  4 Kwoh  perished/ 
Compare  , in  V.  xLx.  7. 

The  latter  way  of  dealing  with  the  par.  is 
adopted  by  many,  and  in  su]>port  of  it  a passage 
is  quoted  by  Maou  from  the  writings  of  the 
pliilosoplier  Kwan,  the  marquis  of  Ts4e*s  prime  • I 
minister  [This  is  a mistake.  The  passage  is  iu 
Lew  Heang's  ] : 一 * Duke  Hwau 

of  Ts4e  went  to  Kwoh,  and  asked  an  old  man  how 
the  State  had  come  to  ruin.  The  reply  was. 
u It  was  because  our  lord  loved  the  good  and 
hated  the  evil/*  u According  to  your  words, M 
said  the  duke  uhe  was  a worthy  prince.  How 
could  he  come  to  ruin  ?if  The  old  man  answered, 
uIIe  loved  the  good,  but  he  was  unable  to 
employ  them.  He  hated  the  bad,  but  he  was 
unable  to  put  them  away.  Therefore  it  was  the 
State  perished.” 

Possibly,  we  ought  to  read  郭亡; 
then,  it  is  not  known  where  tliis  Kwoh  was. 


二 十有五 年春陳 
侯使 女 叔來聘 。 

二 $ k I I 

夏 五月癸 丑衞侯 

凡辛來 亂日有 
| 食之 鼓用 牲于社 。 

rt 四章 o 

伯娅 歸于杞 

五章>  V 

秋 大水鼓 川牲于 
社‘于既 

o 

冬公 于友 勿陳 


Year  XXV. 


DUKE  C1IWANG. 


109 


盡而辨 

羣之 •氏 

子 。晉族 . 
侯乃 
圍城 
聚 .聚 


晉之災 ，于秋 .朝 .乎未 常食夏 , 好陳左 
士 眚有門 。大  用作 .也。 之六也 。女傅 
糕不幣 亦水. 幣日 唯鼓月 k 嘉叔曰 . 
饨鼓。 無非鼓 于有正 用辛之 ，來二 
羣 牲 ，常用 社 ，食 月牲未 故聘斤 
公 非也 .牲 伐之 ，之于 朔. 不始五 
子 日凡于 鼓于朔 .社 > R 名3 結年, 
盡 > 天社. 于 ft 慝知肴 晚秦 


XXV.  1 In  the  [duke's]  twenty-fifth  year,  in  spring,  the  marquis 
of  Ch'in  sent  Joo  Shuh  to  Loo  with  friendly  inquiries. 

2 In  summer,  in  the  fifth  month,  on  Kwei-ch^w,  Soh, 

marquis  of  Wei,  died. 

3 In  the  sixth  month,  on  Sin-vve,  the  first  day  of  the  moon, 

the  sun  was  eclipsed,  wlien  we  beat  drums,  and  offer- 
ed victims  at  the  altar  of  the  land. 

4 The  duke's  eldest  daughter  went  to  her  home  in  Ke. 

5 In  autumn,  there  were  great  floods,  when  we  beat  drums, 

and  offered  victims  at  the  altar  of  the  land,  and  at 
the  [city]  gates. 

In  winter,  duke  [Hwan's]  son  Yew  went  to  Ch^in. 


6 


Par.  1.  ^risreadas^J",  Joo,  the  clan- name  of 
a family  of  Ch4in,  connected  with  the  ruling  house. 
叔 is  the  individual's  designation.  Tso-she 
says  that  now  * first  was  a contract  of  friendship 
made  with  Ch^in；*  meaning  first  since  the  in- 
vasion of  the  western  borders  of  Loo  by  Ch4n  in 
the  duke*s  19th  year.  He  adds  that  the  designa- 
tion of  the  messenger  is  used  and  not  the  name, 
to  express  commendation  of  his  mission;  but 
such  a canon  for  the  use  of  names,  &c.,  is  with- 
out foundation.  And  so  is  the  rule  insisted  on 
by  Kuh-leang,  that  the  designation  shows  that 
Joo^  official  appointment  in  Ch4in  had  been 
confirmed  by  the  king. 

Par.  2.  Soh; 一 see  II.  xvi.  5 ; III.  vi.  2. 

Par.  3.  This  eclipse  took  place  in  the  morn- 
ing of  the  18tli  May,  B.  C.  668.  With  regard 
to  the  ceremonies  which  are  mentioned,  the 
Chuen  says  they  were  4 extraordinary,*  adding： 
一 ‘Only  on  the  first  day  of  the  moon  in  the  1st 
month  [i.e.,  of  summer],  when  no  encroachment 
of  the  Yin  influence  [on  the  months  of  the 
year]  had  yet  begun, on  occasion  of  an  eclipse  of  the 
sun,  did  they  present  offerings  of  silk  at  the  altars 
of  tiie  land， and  beat  drums  in  the  court.’  The 
Chuen,  on  the  17th  year  of  duke  Ch4aou 
par.  2,  says  that  *the  king  did  not  have  his  table 
spread  so  liberally  as  usual,  and  made  drums  be 
beaten  at